Snorri and the Jews

Richard  Cole

This essay considers the mythological writing of Snorri Sturluson (d. 1241) in its most temporally proximal comparative context: the intellectual culture of thirteenth century Christian Europe, specifically one particular area of the High Medieval imagination: Christian narratives about Jews. Particular attention is paid to Snorri’s use of anti-Jewish typology in his depiction of Loki and the Muspellssynir “The Sons of Muspell” (the agents of the apocalypse who break loose at the end of the world). The essay argues that Snorri's configuration of Loki's status amongst the Æsir might well have been drawn from contemporary thinking about the status of the Jew amongst Christians: both were considered outsiders, whose presence was tolerated because they were thought to have special abilities, even while they were widely held to be untrustworthy and deleterious to society. Loki’s apocalyptic comrades, the Muspellssynir, obviously originate in the eddic poem Vǫluspá, but I argue that Snorri’s account of them is strongly coloured by the medieval motif of the “Red Jews”, menacing Jewish warriors who would break out of their subterranean tomb during the Last Days and ride forth into Christendom with warlike intent.

Publications of the Milman Parry Collection of Oral Literature No. 3 OLd NOrse MythOLOgy — COMParative PersPeCtives OLd NOrse MythOLOgy— COMParative PersPeCtives edited by Pernille hermann, stephen a. Mitchell, and Jens Peter schjødt with amber J. rose Published by THE MILMAN PARRY COLLECTION OF ORAL LITERATURE Harvard University Distributed by HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, Massachusetts & London, England 2017 Old Norse Mythology—Comparative Perspectives Published by The Milman Parry Collection of Oral Literature, Harvard University Distributed by Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts & London, England Copyright © 2017 The Milman Parry Collection of Oral Literature All rights reserved The Ilex Foundation (ilexfoundation.org) and the Center for Hellenic Studies (chs.harvard.edu) provided generous inancial and production support for the publication of this book. Editorial Team of the Milman Parry Collection Managing Editors: Stephen Mitchell and Gregory Nagy Executive Editors: Casey Dué and David Elmer Production Team of the Center for Hellenic Studies Production Manager for Publications: Jill Curry Robbins Web Producer: Noel Spencer Cover Design: Joni Godlove Production: Kristin Murphy Romano Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Hermann, Pernille, editor. Title: Old Norse mythology--comparative perspectives / edited by Pernille Hermann, Stephen A. Mitchell, Jens Peter Schjødt, with Amber J. Rose. Description: Cambridge, MA : Milman Parry Collection of Oral Literature, 2017. | Series: Publications of the Milman Parry collection of oral literature ; no. 3 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identiiers: LCCN 2017030125 | ISBN 9780674975699 (alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Mythology, Norse. | Scandinavia--Religion--History. Classiication: LCC BL860 .O55 2017 | DDC 293/.13--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017030125 Table of Contents Series Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii by David Elmer, Casey Dué, Gregory Nagy, and Stephen Mitchell Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix by Joseph Harris Preface: Situating Old Norse Mythology in Comparative Contexts . . . . . . . . . xiii by Pernille Hermann, Stephen Mitchell, and Jens Peter Schjødt Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xix Part One. THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL COMPARISONS JENS PETER SCHJØDT Pre-Christian Religions of the North and the Need for Comparativism: Relections on Why, How, and with What We Can Compare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 PERNILLE HERMANN Methodological Challenges to the Study of Old Norse Myths: The Orality and Literacy Debate Reframed . . . 29 KATE HESLOP Framing the Hero: Medium and Metalepsis in Old Norse Heroic Narrative. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 JONAS WELLENDORF The Æsir and Their Idols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 Part Two. LOCAL AND NEIGHBORING TRADITIONS TERRY GUNNELL Blótgyðjur, Goðar, Mimi, Incest, and Wagons: Oral Memories of the Religion(s) of the Vanir . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 TORUN ZACHRISSON Volund Was Here: A Myth Archaeologically Anchored in Viking Age Scania . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 OLOF SUNDQVIST The Temple, the Tree, and the Well: A Topos or Cosmic Symbolism at Cultic Sites in Pre-Christian Northern Europe? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 THOMAS A. DUBOIS The Mythic Sun: An Areal Perspective . . . . . . . 191 JOHN LINDOW Comparing Balto-Finnic and Nordic Mythologies . . 223 Table of Contents Part Three. GLOBAL TRADITIONS RICHARD COLE Snorri and the Jews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243 MATHIAS NORDVIG Creation from Fire in Snorri’s Edda: The Tenets of a Vernacular Theory of Geothermal Activity in Old Norse Myth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269 STEPHEN A. MITCHELL Óðinn, Charms, and Necromancy: Hávamál 157 in Its Nordic and European Contexts . . . . . . . . . . . 289 JOSEPH FALAKY NAGY Vermin Gone Bad in Medieval Scandinavian, Persian, and Irish Traditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323 EMILY LYLE Baldr and Iraj: Murdered and Avenged . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341 MICHAEL WITZEL Ymir in India, China—and Beyond . . . . . . . . . . . . . 363 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 381 vi snorri and the Jews richard Cole University of notre dame Abstract: This essay considers the mythological writing of Snorri Sturluson (d. 1241) in its most temporally proximal comparative context: the intellectual culture of thirteenth centur Christian Europe speciically one particular area of the High Medieval imagination: Christian narratives about Jews. Particular attention is paid to Snorri’s use of anti-Jewish typology in his depiction of Loki and the Muspellssynir “The Sons of Muspell” (the agents of the apocalypse who break loose at the end of the orld). The essa argues that Snorri s coniguration of Loki s status amongst the Æsir might well have been drawn from contemporary thinking about the status of the Jew amongst Christians: both were considered outsiders, whose presence was tolerated because they were thought to have special abilities, even while they were widely held to be untrustworthy and deleterious to society. Loki’s apocalyptic comrades, the Muspellssynir, obviously originate in the eddic poem lusp , but I argue that Snorri’s account of them is strongly colored by the medieval motif of the “Red Jews”, menacing Jewish warriors who would break out of their subterranean tomb during the Last Days and ride forth into Christendom with warlike intent. For medieval Scandinavians, it was a religion that belonged to the past. Perhaps it had once o ered spiritual truths but that as before the co ing of Christianit a belief system which had swept it aside and utterly superseded the old ways. People had believed in it only because Christ had not yet come to them. That, in itself, was blameless, but once the Good News had been spread, only the most stubborn and malevolent mind would refuse to convert to the one true faith. Nonetheless, it had left behind a precious trove of worthy narratives, tales of heroic deeds, and beautiful poetry. A good medieval Christian could certainly appreciate that, but he ought to feel nothing but disdain for any remaining Richard Cole adherents of this backwards creed. In the literature of the thirteenth century, its followers were frequently depicted as witches, troublemakers, and ne’erdo-wells; relics of a bygone age, waiting either for conversion or the righteous violence of the pious. These are perceptions reasonably attached to paganism, as it would have been understood by thirteenth-century intellectuals such as Snorri Sturluson. In this study, however, we will consider the valence of such attitudes to Judaism, the “superseded” religion upon whose abjection the foundations of medieval Christian identity were built.1 Hostility towards Jews was an unpleasant and recurrent feature of thirteenth-century European life.2 The continent’s Jewish population, numbering perhaps some 450,000 (Baron 2007: 389), were subjected to rhetorical attacks by Christian preachers, repressive laws, and occasional outbreaks of violence. To frame this chronology of persecution within the life and times of Snorri Sturluson, we might begin by noting that Snorra Edda was written just a few years after the ruling of the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215. This edict included the infamous proclamation that Jews and Muslims “utriusque sexus in omni christianorum provincia et omni tempore qualitate habitus publice ab aliis populis distinguantur” (Decreta p. 266) (of both sexes in all Christian provinces and at all ti es shall be di erentiated fro other peoples in the public s e es b the manner of their dress). The ruling ultimately led to the enforced wearing of yellow badges or hats in many countries. As I have pointed out previously (Cole 2014: 239), Snorri’s lifetime saw blood libel accusations and massacres against the Jews in Bristol, Bury St. Edmonds, Fulda, London, Oxford, Winchester and York. By the time Snorri died in 1241, England had been driven into disorder by anti-Jewish pogroms following the coronation of Richard the Lionheart in 1189; crusading mobs had slain over 2,500 Jews in northern France; and Pope regor I had put the Tal ud on trial in Paris (Mentgen 2005: 155 uval 1998: 113–16). My aim in this paper, then, is to situate Snorri in what is arguably his most proximal comparative context: that of intellectual culture in the thirteenth 1 2 Indeed, in a sense there is more Old Norse writing concerning these “worthy narratives” from the Bible than there are reproductions of pagan narratives. Stjórn, Gyðinga saga, and the Old Testament exempla from Konungs Skuggs , for example, dwarf Snorra Edda and the Eddic poems. For an argument connecting all three of the former to one author, Brandr Jónsson, see Ian Kirby (1986: 169–81), although cf. Wolf (1990). Studies of Snorri’s attitudes towards paganism are numerous, but the reader a proitabl be directed to anner (2008: esp. 140 61) and aulkes (1983). The initial description of medieval Europe as a “persecuting society” was provided by R. I. Moore. He pays particular attention to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in the second edition of his book, The Formation of a Persecuting Society (2006: 144–71). 244 Snorri and the Jews century.3 Speciicall I ill focus on the editations on udais and often antiJudaism and anti-Semitism, which pervaded that culture. During this period serious thinkers could hardly avoid engagement with the questions prompted by the ongoing interaction between Christianity and Judaism. Even if they only treated the topic tangentially, the place of the Jews as characters in the Gospels, popular accusations of e ish perid the pervasive t pological associations of “the Jew” in Christian exegesis, and awareness of Christianity’s historical beginnings as a Jewish sect meant that most of the important writers of the thirteenth century made use of the Jewish topos. We might cite any number of e a ples here: lbertus Magnus ( . 1245) illia of uvergne ( . 1228) and obert rosseteste ( . 1220s) are all de onstrative of this trend (Liebeschut 2007a: 591, 2007b: 64; on Grosseteste, his anti-Judaism and his problematic Hebraism, see McEvoy 2000: 120–32; Friedman 1934; cf. Roth 1951: 121, 126–27). Snorra Edda obviously does not feature any Jewish characters proper, but, to e plo a distinction coined b e re ero e Cohen in his stud of Marger e pe (Cohen 2006 2003: 185) there are several igures ho are e -ish . That is to say, they are not intended to be direct comments upon the Jews or their religion, but they do freely make use of the potent typological armory of anti-Judaism.4 I use the word “typology” here in a sense that encompasses both its literary and exegetical meanings. The most obvious typological project in Christian narrative is the foreshadowing of Christ projected back into the Old Testament, an endeavour that began with the authors of the New Testament and which was enthusiastically continued by the church. Romans 5: 14 is an early example, and the one that gives us the word “type”: “Nevertheless death reigned from Adam to Moses, even over them that had not sinned after the si ilitude of da s transgression ho is the igure of hi that as to co e ( oin : ulgate: forma futuri). Importantly, the business of igurative interpretation as also applied to non-Biblical te ts and concepts. As Eric Auerbach put it concerning the case of Dante Alighieri’s (d. 1321) Divina Commedia: Not only the world of the Christian religion, but also the ancient world is included in Dante s igural s ste the o an e pire of ugustus is for Dante a igure of od s eternal e pire and the pro inent part irgil pla s in Dante s ork is based on this assu ption. Dante is not the irst 3 4 Of course, this is not a novel proposal. See, for example, Fidjestøl (1997: 343–50) or Faulkes (1993: 59–76). I have deployed Cohen’s category of “Jew-ishness” before, although I would now reconsider the previous suggestions of Hebraist in uence in the case of M kkurk li o ered there: Cole 2014: 257–58. 245 Richard Cole to sub ect all the aterial of hu an histor to the igural conception [i.e. typological reading]; biblical history, Jewish and Christian, came to be seen as universal human history, and all pagan historical material had to be inserted and adapted to this framework. (Auerbach 1952: 6) Typology in this sense becomes the pursuit of what St. Augustine called obscura uaeda igura reru (the obscured igure of the thing) (Enarrationes col. 1788). For the typologically-minded reader, all narrative elements can be aligned with a predictive type, drawn from the rich dramatis personae of Christian tradition. The identity of this type will then serve as a predictor for the qualities and behaviors of the character to whom it has been appended. For instance, the Roman Empire is aligned with the Kingdom of Heaven, and therefore becomes a state charged with safeguarding spiritual perfection. Rahab becomes aligned with Ecclesia (Auerbach 1952: 3–4), and thus the scarlet rope she hangs from her indo beco es a s bol of Christ s blood: the sacriice that saves Ecclesia just as the rope saves the harlot of Jericho. For the purposes of this study, we will focus on the manipulation of one type, namely the Jew(s) as perceived b thirteenth-centur Christendo and its potential in uence upon Snorri Sturluson’s Edda, a literary product of that age. Snorri borrows from a given tradition where its imagery inspires or the typological allusion is particularly striking, but it should be stressed that I do not believe he was dealing in allegory per se. This is especially true in the case of Snorri’s use of the anti-Jewish tradition. Snorri did not intend to enter into anti-Jewish polemic, much as the more astute in his audience might have drawn that inference. Rather, amongst a riad of other ore innocent in uences he as inspired b conte porar ideas about Jews and Judaism, and he then deployed those ideas, liberated from their original frame of reference, in the fantasy world of his Edda. Praise for the Jews in the Codex Wormianus While there are no Jewish personalities in the Edda, the Jews as a collective do make an explicit appearance in one particular recension, namely the Codex Wormianus from the middle of the fourteenth century. There, in the prologue, e ind the follo ing elaboration on the device of euhe eris : Enn se nofn n i lgu u . a t ndi e ui sanleikrinn. Ok af f rstu uillu a blota i huerr a r epterko and sinn for eistara d r e a fugla loptin ok hi intungl n ok isliga dau lega lut ar til er essi uilla gekk u allan he ok sua uandlegha t ndu eir sannleiknu at ingi uissi skapara sinn. utan eir nir enn se tolu u ebreska tungu a se gekk iri st pul s ina ( or ianus p. 3) 246 Snorri and the Jews (And as the names [for God] multiplied, the true one was lost. And from the initial heresy every man and his descendants worshipped as their master animals or birds, the sky and the heavenly bodies and various inanimate objects until this heresy went all around the world, and so they habitually lost the truth, so that no-one knew his Creator, except for those men who had spoken the Hebrew language preceding the construction of the tower [of Babel]) Coming from an interpolation found solely in the Codex Wormianus, this episode is surely “Eddic” even if it probably is not “Snorric”. Nonetheless, it is enlightening for our understanding of (one particular) Edda’s connections to the Christian conception of the Jews. There is a reminder here of the antiquity of Judaism, and implicit therein is a nod to St. Augustine’s paradigm of “Jew as Witness” (Cohen 1999: 23–65). That is to say, this apparently casual remark stresses to the reader that the Jews had been the guardians of God’s law even while Scandinavians and the other gentile nations had been distracted into worshipping “inanimate objects” (dauðligar hlutir). There is almost a tone of esteem for Jews in the narrative voice, versus a mocking admonishment towards pagans. It is signiicant that the e s are not referred to b an of their usual names in Old Norse, e.g. gyðingr or júði. The somewhat oblique appellation of “men who had spoken the Hebrew language” seems to anticipate any negative connotations which might have accompanied the word “Jew”. The separation of the Jews from their language was a common psychological mechanism in medieval Christianity which accommodated anti-Judaism with reverence for one of the languages of scripture. Christian Hebraists who revered the Hebrew language were still capable of anti-Jewish moments, e.g., St. Jerome, who attacked e ish ritual clothing (Signer 2004: esp. 26 It ko it 2007: 563 72). e can observe this “doublethink” elsewhere in Old Norse literature. For example, in the Messuskýringar (co entaries on the s bolis of liturg ) e ind the state ent: v er inu vinstra horni alltaris i hlutr essu sunginn at n standa a rar ir undir tr . Enn eir eru n k tan brautar g ingarnir (pp. 47 48 standardi ation) (This is h the Mass is sung on the left side of the altar, so that other nations might submit to faith. But those Jews are now strayed far from the path). This is in no way at odds with the commentator’s previous o ous assertion that: ina tu tungu er ebreska (pp. 45 46) (the highest language is Hebrew). That being said, there is no reason to suppose that the author was attempting such anti-Jewish intellectual gymnastics in the prologue of the Codex Wormianus. It might be an aside, but his intent is clear. To su ari e it collo uiall : ou a not like the e s but the ere a great deal closer to od than e ere back hen e ere orshipping inn rocks 247 Richard Cole puddles or who-knows-what-other-dauðligar-hlutir”. The Codex Wormianus thus attests an Edda tempered with a degree of warmth towards Jews. loki the Jew? Snorri himself, as opposed to the Wormianus scribe, tends to borrow from the more dramatic, hostile perception of Jews. The example of Snorri’s putative anti-Judiasm that has probably received the most attention concerns the role of Christian typology in Snorri’s account of Baldr’s death and abortive resurrection. It is worth noting as an aside that elsewhere scholars have also investigated parallels and perhaps even borrowings from medieval Jewish literature in Snorra Edda (see Bugge 1881–1898: 45; Turville–Petre 1964: 119; O’Donoghue 2005: 90–91; Cole 2014), although space does not allow for further discussion of this trend here. Baldr’s Christ-like credentials are well known, which begs the question: which character in Snorri’s narrative then represents the people whom medieval Christians widely saw as Christ’s killers, the Jews? Noting the long-standing characteri ation of S nagoga as blind rthur Mosher proposed that H r ust have been intended to refer to the e s ith Loki as the orchestrating power, acting as a cipher for Satan (Mosher 1983: 313–14). Mosher’s overtly Christological interpretation of this episode has not been universally accepted (e.g. Liber an 2004: 24 25). His h pothesis can perhaps be odiied and enhanced with some concomitant examples of the tropes he discusses. To kno ledge e s are described as blind ive ti es in the surviving Old Norse corpus, including one reference in the Old Icelandic Homily Book (Maríu saga pp. 890–93, 963–65; HMS 1 pp. 302–08, 308–11; Homiliubók pp. 57–58). In addition to these textual attestations, one pictorial depiction of the blind Synagoga survives from the Old Norse-speaking period on an altar panel from Kinsarvik, Norway (see Figure 1). Moreover, the Gospel motif of the Jews as unwitting instruments for Satan’s plan to kill Christ also features in Niðrstigningar saga, the Old Norse translation of the apocryphal Gospel of Nichodemus, which Christopher Abram (2006: 13, 2011: 220) has argued may have inspired Snorri elsewhere in the Edda, speciicall his account of Her r s Helreið (ride to Hel). In Niðrstigningar saga it is ritten that the Devil ggiat g ing a l iandscapar vi hann (HMS 2 p. 16; cf. pp. 3–4, 19) (incited the Jewish nation to enmity against Him). I therefore agree that it is not unreasonable to adduce that Snorri would have been familiar with the trope. But Mosher’s argument is open to criticism on two fronts. Firstly, it implies that Snorra Edda is a sort of roman à clef, where each character is a façade for one discrete referent. As I have elsewhere argued concerning the similarity between Surtr, the D kk lfar, and bl menn (Cole 2015b), such narrow literalism is not how Snorri’s mind worked. Behind 248 Snorri and the Jews a single character a lie a genealog including an nu ber of in uences authenticall pagan or other ise and a single in uence a anifest itself in an di erent characters si ultaneousl . Secondl Mosher does not dra on the most tangible and credible source of typology for Snorri’s writing, namely the kind of preaching aterial no best e e pliied b the Old Icelandic Homily Book. Abram, who also argues for the presence of incognito Jews in Snorri’s work, says this on the matter: Figure 1. blind synagoga with st. Paul, antependium from Kinsarvik Church, norway, c. 1200. image courtesy of norsk Folkemuseum. interestingly, many of the published images of this altar frontal are cropped in such a way as to remove her. 249 Richard Cole In [Gregory the Great’s (590–604)] eighth homily on the Gospels, [… ] he speciies that not uite everything acknowledged Christ’s divinity by their sorrow at his death. Gregory enumerates the ways in which the di erent ele ents of creation including the rocks sea and sun perceived Christ as Lord But continues regor the e s who turned away from Christ were harder hearted even than rocks, refusing “to acknowledge him whom […] the elements proclaimed to be God either by their signs or by being broken” […] When combined with the relatively well-known idea that all creation wept at Christ’s death, Gregory’s homily may lead us to suspect that at some point in the transmission of the Baldr myth it has been susceptible to Christian in uence. regor s ho ilies ere kno n in Iceland and translated into Old Norse, and they provided an important source for the types of sermon that Snorri might have heard preached each Sunday in church. (Abram 2011: 219–20) bra s argu ent is fortiied hen e conir that the relevant e cerpt from the Gregorian homily he describes is indeed attested in an Old Icelandic sermon on the Apparition of Christ: En oss er eckianda i llo t cno ei er s nd ero b e at borno dr tne oc de ianda. hve ikil ill ca hever veret i hiorto ne verra g inga er hv rtke ke dosc eir vi gv f r sp r ne f r iarteiner. uiat allar hofo skepnor v tto o komet hafa scapera si . ui ke do himnarner gu . er eir sendio stiornona. Hafet ke de hann. uiat at spratt eige vndan f tom hans a er hann geck yver at. or en kende hann. uiat hon skalf at honom deyianda. S len kende hann. uiat hon ger e eigi sk na. Ste nar ke do hann. þuiat þeir sprungo a tíþ daúþa hans. Helv te kende hann. uiat at var aftr at selia a dau a e es at helt r. En at allar hofo skepnor v tta e hann gu vera. a villdo llvngis eige hiorto tr ra g inga tr a hann gu vera. oc har are steino villdo au eige kli fasc til i ronar. oc vilia eige i ta ei er allar skepnor skilia gu vera. (Homilíubók p. 58, my emphasis) (It is known to us in all wonders, those which were seen both at the Lord’s birth and death, how much evil has been in the hearts of some Jews, who neither acknowledge God for prophecies nor for miracles. Because all the elements a rmed that their creator had come. The heavens acknowledged od for they sent the stars. The sea acknowledged Him because it did not part under his feet when he walked over it. The earth acknowledged Him because it shook upon his death. The sun acknowledged Him because it 250 Snorri and the Jews did not shine. The stones acknowledged Him because they cracked at the time of His death. Hell acknowledged Him, because it came again to deliver back those dead men, whom previously it held. But even though all of the elements attested that He was God, then the hearts of the faithless Jews would by no means believe Him to be God, and harder than stones they would not be cracked for [their] repentance, and would not yield to Him, whom all of creation understands to be God.) Considered alongside Snorri s o n ords the in uence fro the Edda becomes quite transparent: this scene on v n st sendu sir u allan hei rindreka at bi a at Baldr v ri gr tinn r Hel u. En allir ger u at menninir ok kykvendin ok r in ok steinarnir ok tr ok allr m lmr sv sem munt s t hafa at essir hlutir gr ta er þeir koma ór frosti ok í hita. er sendi enn f ru hei ok h f u vel rekit s n e rindi inna eir helli nokkvoru hvar g gr sat. Hon nefndisk kk. eir bi a hana gr ta Baldr r Hel u. Hon segir: kk un gr ta / urru t ru / Baldrs b lfarar. / nautka ek karls sonar: / haldi Hel v er heir . ks n dau s / En ess geta enn at ar hai verit Loki Laufe arson er est heir illt gert e su . (Gylfaginning pp. 47–48, my emphasis) (The next thing that happened, the Æsir sent word around the whole world, asking for Baldr to be wept out of Hel. And everyone did so, humans and animals and the earth and the stones and trees and every kind of metalwork, as you will have seen that these things weep when they are brought out of the cold and into the warm. Then when the messengers came home and had al ost co pleted their task the ind a giantess sitting in a certain cave. She as called kk. The ask her to eep for Baldr to get him out of Hel. She says: kk ill cr / dr tears / at Baldr s funeral. / Living nor dead /I did not delight in the old an s son Baldr / Ma Hel keep hat she has. But most people think this was really Loki, son of Laufey, who committed the most evil against the Æsir.) Besides the allusion to Gregory’s homily, there are other factors in Snorri’s account contributing to Loki’s Jew-ishness. There appears to be a subtle irony in the choice of Loki s alter ego. kk eans thanks or gratefulness . ichard 251 Richard Cole Cleasb and u brandur igfusson assert that this is a coincidence and that kk s na e ust originall have a di erent root (Cleasb and igfusson 1874: 756). But for typological purposes, this double meaning is quite appropriate. After all, from a medieval Christian perspective, it was gratefulness that was sorely lacking when Christ revealed himself to the Jews. As Christians told the history of the early Church, the Jews had been given a great gift, yet they had rejected it. In the end, it was the gentiles who would show appreciation, and so form the Church. As the Old Icelandic Homily Book sa s: iorsala l r oc g ingar geor esc vinstre handar e . at ero recningar f r tr s na. en hann val c epter p sl s a he gre handar e s r af hei no onno r nor re (Homilíubók p. 37) (the people of Jerusalem and the Jews were made left-handen i.e. ene ies that is a sign of their faithlessness and after his crucii ion he chose for the honor of his right-hand-men heathen peoples from the North). Furthermore, there is something very Jew-ish in Loki’s function amongst the sir. Loki in sgar r and the e in estern Christendo are both positions predicated on the notion of “being in service”. From Augustine describing the Jews as book-carrying servants for Christian students, to Emperor Frederick II’s designation of Jews as servi camere nostre “servants of our chamber”, to the possessive servitude exhibited in the Anglo-Norman udei Nostri, the doctrine of the “Jew in Christian Service” permeated medieval thinking about Jews (Rowe 2004: 16 ru el 2011: 28 36 bulaia 2011). But in both cases the servant is held in contempt, perceived as antisocial and disloyal. Like the Jew amongst Christians Loki is an ethnic Other because his father rbauti belongs to the race of the tnar (giants).5 And in both cases, the cunning, magic-wielding outsider is tolerated only because of his unique qualities. If Loki only insulted and tricked the gods, and did not at all assist them when they fell into unfortunate predica ents his presence in sgar r ould surel not be sustained. The parallel also extends perfectly to the way “the Jew” and Loki are treated. Both are righteousl abused for the proit of their asters. obert rosseteste a contemporary of Snorri, succinctly articulated the consensus regarding the status of the Jew within Christendom: 5 The relationship could even be conceived of in postcolonial terms. Miriamne Krummel reads the “Red Jews” motif in The Travels of Sir ohn andeville as an anxiety that the Christian oppression of the Jews will be inverted during the apocalypse (Krummel 2011: 80–87). Ragnarøkr will also see the Æsir fall prey to the giants they have oppressed for so long, led by Loki, a half-giant in their midst. 252 Snorri and the Jews et ust p n in ictio est ut terra laboriose operetur u etsi e operatione illius populi fructiicet non ta en fert illi fructus suos sed principibus sub quibus captivatur. (Epistolae p. 35)6 ( it is the in iction of a ust punish ent that this people labour hard at tilling ground that, although it produces abundantly from their e orts nevertheless bears its fruits not for the but for the princes under whom they are held captive (Letters pp. 67–68)) This is a metaphor which could just as well be applied to Loki under the Æsir. the sons of Muspell and the red Jews: two harbingers of the apocalypse Loki’s Jew-ish credentials are further enhanced when we consider his fate at the end of the world. When the Æsir suspect his role in Baldr’s death, their vengeance is grisly in the extreme. There is a brief allusion to the fact that Loki has been bound in stan a 14 of Baldrs draumr: er lauss Loki l r r b ndo (Poetic Edda p. 279) (when Loki gets free from his bonds). Some details are also given in the prose epilogue to Lokasenna in the Codex Regius, which corresponds quite closely to the description provided by Snorri. Snorra Edda, however, is our chief source for the details of the scene. s H r e plains to angleri: N var Loki tekinn gri alauss ok farit e hann helli nokkvorn. t ku eir r r hellur ok settu egg ok lustu rauf hellunni hverri. v ru teknir s nir Loka li ok Nari e a Nari. Brug u sir la vargs l ki ok reif hann sundr Narfa br ur sinn. t ku sir ar a hans ok bundu Loka e ir r steina - einn undir her u annarr undir lendu ri i undir kn sf tu - ok ur u au b nd at rni. t k Ska i eitror ok festi upp ir hann sv at eitrit sk ldi dr pa r or inu andlit honu . En Sig n kona hans stendr h honu ok heldr undlaugu undir eitrdropa. En er full er undlaugin gengr hon ok sl r 6 The anti-Semitic image of the Jew as a duplicitous servant, making cloying pledges and boasting indispensable special skills even while he undermines his master’s society, is also brilliantly e e pliied b the ords Tho as of Mon outh ( . c. 1149) puts into the outh of an i aginary Jewish lawyer: “Nos iudei tui sumus, tui quotennes tributarii, tuisque crebro necessarii necessitatibus tibi si uide se per ideles regno ue tuo non inutiles (The Life and Miracles of St. William of Norwich p. 100) (We are your Jews, your yearly payers of tribute, and to you we are necessary whenever you are in need, for we are always true to you and not at all useless to your realm (my translation)). That the William of Norwich legend was apparently known in Iceland and Norway, and that Archbishop Eysteinn (d. 1188) would have been in Bury during the alleged martyrdom of Robert of Bury, are the matter for a separate study. 253 Richard Cole t eitrinu en e an dr pr eitrit andlit honu . kippisk hann sv hart vi at r ll skelfr. at kalli r landsk lpta. ar liggr hann b ndu til ragnar krs . (Gylfaginning p. 49) (“Now, without mercy, Loki was taken and brought to a certain cave. Then they took three slabs and turned them on their edges and drilled a hole in each. Then the sons of Loki ere taken li and Nari or Nari. The sir transfor ed li into the shape of a olf and he tore his brother Nari to shreds. Then the sir took his entrails and bound Loki ith the over the three stones one under his shoulders the second under his hips, the third under his knees, and they turned those bonds into iron. Then Ska i took a poisonous serpent and secured it above hi so that the poison would drip out of its mouth onto his face. And Sigyn, his wife, stands by him and holds a cup under the dripping poison. But when the cup is full then she goes and throws the poison away, and in the meantime the poison drips onto his face. Then he thrashes so hard that the whole earth shakes. That’s what you call an earthquake. He lies there in his bonds until Ragnarøkr”.) And when Ragnarøkr7 comes, this is what happens: essu gn klofnar hi inninn ok r a a an Muspells s nir. Surtr r r f rst ok f rir honu ok eptir b i eldr brennanndi. Sver hans er gott k. f v sk nn b artara en af s lu. En er eir r a Bifr st brotnar hon se f rr er sagt. Muspells egir s k a fra ann v ll er gr r heitir. ar ke r ok enris lfr ok Mi gar sor r. ar er ok Loki ko inn ok Hr r ok e honu allir hr ursar en Loka f lg a allir Hel ar sinnar. En Muspells s nir hafa einir s r f lking er s b rt k. (Gylfaginning p. 50) (In this clamor, the sky splits in two and the sons of Muspell ride forth. Surtr rides out irst before and after hi there is burning ire. His sword is very great. The shine from it is brighter than the sun. And as the ride on Bifr st then it breaks as previousl said. The troops of Muspell head forth to the ield hich is called gr r. enris lfr and Mi gar sor r also arrive. Loki has also arrived and Hr r and ith 7 I use the spelling agnar kr throughout as it is speciicall Snorri s version of events as depicted in chapters 50–51 of Gylfaginning, to which I am referring. On this problem, see Haraldur Bernhar sson (2007). I a particularl grateful to one of anon ous peer revie ers for recommending this source. 254 Snorri and the Jews him all the Ice Giants, and all the champions of Hel follow Loki. And the sons of Muspell have a fylking all to themselves. It shines a great deal.)8 Snorri uotes stan a 51 of lusp as his source here: Kjóll ferr austan koma munu Muspells og l g l ir en Loki st rir. ar r f egir e freka allir ei er br ir B leists f r (Gylfaginning p. 51; cf. Poetic Edda p. 12) (A ship journeys from the East [the sons] of Muspell are coming across the waves There are the monstrous brood with all the wolves Those are the brothers of B leist on their a ) But Snorri’s description of the imprisonment and counter-attack of the Muspellssynir also has much in common with another popular medieval narrative. “The Red Jews” is a motif, seeming to emanate most forcefully from German-speaking Europe in the twelfth century (e.g. Gow 1995: esp. 91-95), in which a nation of Jews are imprisoned in a remote area, often in a mountain tomb somewhere around the Caucasus. Upon their release in the build-up to the apocalypse, the Red Jews will attack Christendom, resulting in an apocalyptic bloodshed that will bring on the End of Days. There are many variants to the legend so eti es the ed e s are identiied ith og and Magog so eti es the Lost Ten Tribes of Israel. Sometimes, as in The Travels of ohn andeville (c. 1350s), they will seek out the Jewish Diaspora, and act as a globally coordinated threat. Sometimes they are directly answerable to the Anti-Christ or they ride 8 It may be noted that Snorri’s conclusion of his account of the Muspellssynir on the march with the words er s b rt m k (It shines a great deal) or more closely (It is very bright) is remarkably similar to the description of the Red Jews on the march in Der Göttweiger Trojanerkrieg (1280): Ir helm waren hartte glantz (Their helmets had a frightful gleam) (Der Göttweiger Trojanerkrieg p. 273). However, as the Middle High German account is much later than Snorra Edda there can be no possibilit of direct in uence. The ost e can sa about this rese blance is that it is indicative of the similar mental images both the Muspellssynir and the Red Jews were conjuring during the thirteenth century. 255 Richard Cole with the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse. Elsewhere, they are in league with the forces of Isla ( o 1995). The irst te tual itness to a group of people actually referred to as “Red Jews” is Der ngere Titurel (c. 1272) but the motif is undoubtedly dependent on much earlier material from Alexander romances, going back as far as the tenth century Historia de Preliis Alexandri Magni (Gow 1995: 70–76). Precursor groups to the Red Jews appear in St. Jerome’s Commentariorum in Hiezechielem (c. 380), Lamprecht’s Alexander (c. 1130), and the Historia Scholastica (1160s) amongst other Latin and German sources (see Gow 1995: 300–1, 305–6, 308). The Red Jews proper are not attested in the West Norse corpus, although an antecedent tradition does appear in the Old Norse Elucidarius (c. 1200)9: nti christus an berast i bab lon h nn iclu or k ni dan fra port kono ... Oll tacn hans ero l g n. Hann an endr n a h na fornu iorsala borg. at er herusale . oc lata sic ar gofga se gu . i honu onu g ingar taka fegensa lega. oc ko a til hans or ollu he . En e r monu snuast til tru af kenníngum enocs oc elias. Oc taka mioc sua aller har ar p n ngar f rir gu s nafne. (Elucidarius p. 84) (The Anti-Christ will be born in Greater Babylon to a woman of easy virtue from the tribe of Dan […] All his miracles are false. He will rebuild the ancient rsalaborg, that is to say, Jerusalem, and have himself worshipped there as God. The Jews will receive him eagerly, and they will come to him from all over the world. But they will be converted to the faith by the teachings of Enoch and Elijah. And they will receive very harsh punishments in the name of God.) There is no suggestion here that the Jews have been contained, or that they will embark on a premeditated annihilation of Christendom. Crucially, though, there is the notion that the Jews will unite all over the world, and that they will act in a coordinated fashion in the service of the Anti-Christ until Enoch and Elijah show them the errors of their ways. These “proto-Red Jews” are a noteworthy example of the kind of thinking about Jews that was circulating in the Old Norse world. As shall be seen, it appears that Snorri had access to a more mature version of the Red Jews legend, which he then allowed to color his perception (or depiction) of the Muspellssynir: e.g., both Snorri’s “sons of Muspell” and the Red Jews are held underground until the end of times, both ride on horseback, etc. If we are in search of a strain of the Red Jews tradition 9 I a grateful to rngr ur idal n for pointing out to e that this tradition as still current in the early fourteenth century, as it is repeated in Hauksbók (pp. 170–71). 256 Snorri and the Jews which is more analogous to the apocalyptic agents of Snorra Edda, we must look beyond Icelandic sources. As the continental material concerning the Red Jews is so diverse, any decision over which particular source to quote as exemplary will be more or less arbitrary. Therefore, I have opted to compare Snorri’s Muspellssynir with the tradition as it appears in Old Swedish.10 Doubtless, there can be no suggestion of direct transmission between the two, as the Swedish Konung Alexander (c. 1380) is over a century younger than Snorra Edda. However, the particular Latin text of which it is substantially a translation, the Historia de Preliis Alexandri Magni, dates from the tenth century. The Old Swedish account thus has the advantage of having a strong connection to one of the oldest known ancestors of the Red e s. urther ore o ing to the linguistic a nit bet een Old S edish and Old Norse it can also give us a hint at what a rendering of the Red Jews tale might have looked like in Snorri s o n language not that there necessaril as a written vernacular version. The tale could well have been told by foreign guests or cos opolitan scholars at the Nor egian court of ing H kon H konarson for e a ple. e kno that people in that ver circle ere discussing and evaluating the plausibilit of another Orientalist fantas na el the Letter of Prester ohn. ritten at the court of ing H kon for the king-in- aiting Magn s H konarson Konungs skuggs (c. 1250s) refers to bok er gior var a indi a landi ... ar sie argt vndarliga sagt (Konungs skuggsi p. 13; see also Larrington 2004: 96–97) (that book which was made in India […] in which many wondrous things are said). Indeed, it ought to be noted that some versions of the Letter actually contained references to the Red Jews (Gow 1995: 307, 309–10). Obviously we are in the realm of the deeply speculative here, but it does not seem unthinkable that a discussion similar to the one hinted at in Konungs skuggs might also have taken place concerning the Red Jews. [Old Swedish] han foor th dhan o er sitia ster borter i rlina fra enkte land laa thiit wt mere ther an iste a sighia ere han fan ther folk rre n trull th hafdhe tho r t nniskio hull r dhelikith ok kith oreent the gat ngin opa seet 10 An overview of this tradition in East Norse more broadly is provided by Jonathan Adams (2013: 75–77). On Konung Alexander and the sources of the Historia see Mitchell (1996: 37–38), Zingerlie (1977) and Gow (1995: 77). 257 Richard Cole the hafdho s n s a gr at nghin thordhe se a the th lifdhe alt idh trulla sidh ngin nniskia ik ther fridh th aat folk huld ok krop inbyrdhis hwart annath op ok alla handa creatwr h st ok argh foghil ok di r h ath so f dhis a iordh ller dher th ta the alt sa an dher ….......................................... the pl gha enkte thera iordha the tar the op a thera bordhe h ath an kan h l t lif ande n pna ….......................................... orena gerninga margha handa sa ale ander a the ganga ther lo ika ra skri a th r alt ont th the drif a dhe iudha on th heta s a inder han n h a the il leta tha alexander hafdhe thetta seet badhe h rt ok idha leet at thetta folk dre tholik last han th nkte i sino hoghe rast vtan thetta folk forgaar al rlin pter d e faar ok s ittas i tholik gerning sn dh all rlin haf er th s stora n dh o th skal ganga sin fra gang pter thera sidh tha s ittas ang ok lif a i thera pter d e th are b tra at an the g e Alexander fan et ful got raadh th folkith han sa an drif a badh i en ok badhe n ok inna swa then mera som then minnda s a at enkte ater ble 258 Snorri and the Jews nor i rlina alla the dre s a langan gh r t i nor at thiit ngin fara th r Th ar ale anders idhelik b n til gudh so allo gif er l n at rlin skulle ekke s ittas a tholikt lif erne ekke hittas ….......................................... han badh s a l nge gudh h rdhe han gudh giordhe vnder the ra san ey stort fore alexanders saka vtan nniskio helso til aka han b dh tve bergho the standa n ganga til sa an badhin i s n the aro h gh ok kith lang gingo saman vtan alt bang ….......................................... ther r stort r innan til so et gan t land iak th sighia il ….......................................... b rghin ra alt kringo brant so annar r th r s nt the ra so andre r ggia h ghia ther kan ngin op fore ghia the r dha iudha ra ther inne badhe ere ok s a inne (Konung Alexander 130–33) [English] (He goes from there over Scythia. Away, far to the East of the world. There was no land out there any more that anyone knew of. Many say there he found a people worse than trolls Although they had human skin angry and most unclean No one could bear to look upon them They had such an ugly appearance 259 Richard Cole that no one dared to look upon them they all lived in the manner of trolls. No hu an there could ind an peace. They ate people with skin and body including each other and all kinds of creatures, horses and wolves, birds and beasts, whatever lives on earth or sea, they ate it all in the same way ….......................................... they do not tend to their land. On their tables, they eat up whatever living thing you can name. The committing of many impure deeds [spells?] Alexander saw them do. There, it is written in law that everything they do is evil. They are called “Red Jews” so he seeks them, and wants to see them. When Alexander had seen that, both heard it and clearly observed, that this people behaved in such a way he thinks in his booming voice all the world will be judged unless this people are destroyed and will be smote by such sordid actions. The whole world is in great need. If things were to go their own way according to their custom many would be smitten and live ever after in their power. It would be better if one could hide them away Alexander had a great idea. He had that people rounded up in one group, both men and women, the short and the tall, so that not one was left behind at all. He had them driven north in the world, such a long way north, 260 Snorri and the Jews that no one would dare to go there. It was Alexander’s pious prayer to God who rewards all that the world would not be smitten and never encounter such a way of life ….......................................... he prayed so long that God heard him. God did it, it’s true, not for Alexander’s sake alone but for the good of all humankind. He co anded t o ountains the still stand to come together as one. They were tall and very long. They went together without any noise ….......................................... Inside there is a lot of space like a huge country, I should say ….......................................... the mountains are steep all around like another wall, it’s true. They are like other tall walls. No one can climb it. The Red Jews are in there, both short and tall.) There are several striking a nities bet een the co ing of the Muspellss nir according to Snorri and the Red Jews according to the Alexander romances. Both are imprisoned underground: Loki in a cave, the Red Jews in the mountains. Both engage in cannibalis . The ed e s aat folk huld ok krop / inb rdhis h art annath op (eat people and their esh and blood / the ll even unch each other up). Si ilarl according to Snorri Loki s son li eats his brother Nari. The release of either the ed e s or the Muspellss nir is a precursor to the apocal pse. le ander as a Christiani ed king in the edieval tradition, can pray to the one true God and prevent it from happening. Snorri’s tragicall a ed pagan deities on the other hand ust vainl a ait their doo . Indeed, concerning one important detail, Snorra Edda is closer to the Red Jews motif than it is to lusp . In the eddic poem, the Muspellssynir approach over water with a ship, a kjóll. But in Snorra Edda, despite the citation of the original 261 Richard Cole Figure 2. der antichrist, fol. 14v (1480). image courtesy of die bayerische staatsbibliothek. poem, the accompanying prose clearly states that they ride on horseback to ards sgar r. This suggests that the i age of the Muspellss nir con ured b Snorri’s mind’s eye probably resembled something like the example provided in Figure 2, rather than the nautical setting that would have been drawn from lusp alone. If one did not know the actual context for this image (and did not know how relatively few artistic depictions there are of Old Norse myth from the Middle Ages versus, say, Christian devotional art), one might very well describe these horse-mounted warriors and their malevolent leader as the Sons of Muspell and Loki as depicted b Snorri: r a a an Muspells s nir (the Sons of Muspell ride forth) (Gyfaginning, p. 50). Of course, it is actually a depiction of the Red Jews from Der Antichrist fol. 14v (1480). The ueen of the a ons is also a ongst the horde. A similar image can also be found in Ms. Germ 2mo 129, fol. 15v (c. 1320). Otherwise, the earliest surviving pictorial representation pertaining to the Red e s sho s the ento bed og and Magog eating hu an esh fro the Ebstorf World ap (1235). See Gow 1995: 383–390. 262 Snorri and the Jews Appear at the apocalypse? How will they arrive at the apocalypse? Where are they prior to the apocalypse? uspellssynir in lusp Yes uspellsynir in Snorra Edda Yes Yes Sea, by boat (kjóll) By land, on horseback (at ríða), and on foot Underground, inside a cave By land, on horseback, and on foot Underground, inside a ountain Yes. They march in a fylking, a edieval defensive formation. They are also referred to as the Muspells megir, ‘men of Muspell perhaps intended here in the sense of ‘troops of Muspell’ (but cf. f megir). Frequently, as in e.g. the Gottweiger Trojanerkrieg late 1200s): “Dar ringe gant / Ir ringe gant / Ir helm waren hartte glant ( o 1995: 193) [There under [their armor] they wore huge steel rings / their helmets had a fearful gleam] Muspell, ore speciic whereabouts unknown Depicted as Uncertain, a military force? described as f egir ‘monstrous men’, perhaps intended here as ‘monstrous brood’ rather than onstrous troops . However, the point seems obscure. The Red ews As is so often the case with Snorri’s work, the sons of Muspell are not drawn exclusively from any one tradition. lusp clearly provided the basic structure upon which Snorri could build his own narrative of Ragnarøkr. But Snorri does seem to be permitting his ancient, pagan materials to draw color from the potent images of the high medieval cultural canon in which he was immersed. Snorri was not insulated from the intellectual climate to which he was contributing, and thus could no ore avoid being in uenced b the po erful t pologies of anti-Judaism than he could avoid any other aspect of the medieval Christian Weltanschauung. Indeed, the emphasis on the “sons of Muspell” as a descent group based on lineage makes them feel more like a contemporary ethnic group than a venerable cos ological i ture.11 As if to highlight the originality of the 11 On the notion of descent and race in the Middle Ages, see Robert Bartlett (2001). On the importance of lineage for understanding Jewishness in Old Norse literature, see Richard Cole (2015a: 239–68). 263 Richard Cole thirteenth-century eddic hybrid he has created, it is only Snorri (and the singular e a ple of stan a 48 in Lokasenna) who employs the name “Muspellssynir” to refer to these agents of the apocalypse. In lusp , they are elliptically named Muspells, lit. “Of Muspell”. One might rather optimistically attribute the uniqueness of Snorri’s appellation by proposing that he is the only surviving witness of a naming tradition which was already at least two centuries old by the time he wrote it down, having apparently survived in oral record from some time around Iceland s o cial conversion in the ear 1000 until the 1220s. More soberly, we might consider Snorri’s own era and consider if there were any group in the thought of that period whose presence was associated with the apocalypse and who were known as synir, (sons of). Readers will note the similarity between the phrases Muspells synir and Isræls synir, the term frequently used in thirteenth centur orks such as Stjórn to refer to the e s. Both are based on the formula of geographical location + synir. They are also phonologicall si ilar. In Snorri s da s the /els s ni:r/ of Muspells synir would have made a half rh e ith the / :ls s ni:r/ of Isr ls synir. Admittedly, the proposition that there are resonances of anti-Jewish imagery in Snorra Edda may be unpalatable, but it is a crucial to considering Snorri in his comparative context. Much as scholars may employ Snorra Edda to recover details of the pagan past, it is also necessary to acknowledge Snorri’s Christian present. Thinking about the Jews was an inalienable aspect of that experience. Works Cited Primary sources Decreta Conciliorum ecumenicorum Decreta. Ed. J. Alberigo et al. Bologna: 1973. Der Antichrist Der Antichrist und Die f nf ehn eichen vor dem ngsten ericht. 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Cole, Richard. 2014. “The French Connection, or Þórr versus the Golem.” Medieval Encounters 20(3): 238–60. ———. 2015a. “Kyn / Fólk / Þjóð / Ætt: Proto-Racial Thinking and its Application to Jews in Old Norse Literature.” In Fear and Loathing in the North: ews and Muslims in Medieval Scandinavia and the Baltic Region. Ed. Cordelia Heß and Jonathan Adams. Berlin. Pp. 239–68. ———. 2015b. “Racial Thinking in Old Norse Literature: The Case of the Bl ma r.” Saga-Book 39: 21–40. Faulkes, Anthony. 1983. “Pagan Sympathy: Attitudes to Heathendom in the Prologue to Snorra Edda.” In Edda: A Collection of Essays. Ed. R. J. Glendinning and Haraldur Bessason. Winnipeg. ———. 1993. The Sources of Sk ldskapar l: Snorri s Intellectual Background. In Snorri Sturluson: Kollo uium anlasslich der : Wiederkehr seines Todestages. Ed. Alois Wolf. Tübingen. Pp. 59–76. id est l B arne. 1997. Snorri Sturluson European Hu anist and hetorician. In Selected Papers. Ed. Odd Einar Haugen and Else Mundal. Transl. Peter Foote. Odense. Pp. 343–50. Friedman, Lee M. 1934. Robert rosseteste and the ews. Cambridge, MA. Gow, Andrew Colin. 1995. The Red ews: Antisemitism in an Apocalyptic Age . Leiden. Haraldur Bernhar sson. 2007. Old Icelandic ragnarök and ragnarøkkr.” In Verba docenti: Studies in historical and Indo European linguistics presented to ay H. asano . Ed. Alan J. Nussbaum. Ann Arbor. Pp. 25–38. Holm-Olsen, Ludvig, and Kjell Heggelund. 1974. Fra Runene til Norske Selskab. ol. 1 of Norges Litteratur Historie. Oslo. It ko it oel B. 2007. e s Indians Ph lacteries: ero e on Matthe 23.5. ournal of Early Christian Studies 15(4): 563–72. Kirby, Ian. 1986. Bible Translation in Old Norse. Geneva. Krummel, Miriamne Ara. 2011. Crafting ewishness in edieval England. Legally Absent irtually Present. New York. Larrington Carol ne. 2004. ndru usk se f rir var : onder nland and Medieval Travel Narratives.” Mediaeval Scandinavia 14: 91–114. Liberman, Anatoly. 2004. “Some Controversial Aspects of the Myth of Baldr.” Alv ssm l 11: 17–54. ———. 2006. “Was Margery Kempe Jewish?” In the 267 Richard Cole Liebeschut Hans. 2007a. lbertus Magnus. In Berenbau and Skolnik 2007 1: 591. ———. 2007b. “William of Auvergne.” In Berenbaum and Skolnik 2007 21: 64. McEvoy, James. 2000. Robert rosseteste. Oxford. Mentgen, Gerd. 2005. “Crusades.” In vol. 1 of Antisemitism: A Historical Encyclopedia of Prejudice and Persecution. Ed. Richard S. Levy. Oxford. Pp. 152–55. Mitchell, Stephen A. 1996. “The Middle Ages.” In A History of Swedish Literature. Ed. Lars G. Warme. Lincoln, NE. Pp. 1–57. Moore, R.I. 2006. The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Authority and Deviance in Western Europe . New York. Mosher, Arthur D. 1983. “The Story of Baldr’s Death: the Inadequacy of Myth in the Light of Christian Faith.” Scandinavian Studies 55 (4): 305–15. O’Donoghue, Heather. 2005. “What has Baldr to do with Lamech? The Lethal Shot of a Blind Man in Old Norse Myth and Jewish Exegetical Traditions.” Medium Ævum 72: 82–107. Roth, Cecil. 1951. The ews of edieval xford. Oxford. Rowe, Nina. 2004. The ew the Cathedral and the edieval City: Synagoga and Ecclesia in the Thirteenth Century. Cambridge. Signer Michael . 2004. Pole ics and E egesis: The arieties of T elfth Centur Christian Hebraism.” In Hebraica Veritas? Christian Hebraists and the Study of udaism in Early odern Europe. Ed. Allison Coudert. Philadelphia. Pp. 21–32. Turville-Petre, E. O. G. 1964. yth and Religion of the North: the Religion of Ancient Scandinavia. London. Wanner, Kevin J. 2008. Snorri Sturluson and the Edda: The Conversion of Cultural Capital in edieval Scandinavia. Toronto. Wolf, Kirsten. 1990. “Brandr Jónsson and Stjórn.” Scandinavian Studies 62 (2): 163–88. Yuval, Israel Yacob. 1998. “Jewish Messianic Expectations towards 1240 and Christian Reactions.” In Toward the Millennium: Messianic Expectations from the Bible to Waco. 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New York. 268 Index [Note: Entries beginning with ‘Þ’ are grouped at the end of this index.] Abbo of Fleury, 304 Adalvard the Younger (bishop of Sigtuna), 167 Adam of Bremen, 128–130, 163–182 Æsir (æsir), 42, 90, 102, 113–14, 121–22, 124, 127–28, 130, 194, 196, 227, 229, 233, 243, 251–54, 272, 291–92 Afghanistan, 364, 369 Albertus Magnus (fl. 1245), 245 Alexander of Lamprecht der Pfaffe (ca. 1130), 256 Alken Enge, Jutland, Denmark, 294 alliteration, 199–200, 226 Alvíssmál, 74, 193–94, 215 Alþing, 128 Analogy, 8, 70, 233, 269, 276, 280–81, 284 Annales Regii, 271 anthropology, anthropologist(s), 10, 30, 36; anthropological parallels, xvi Antichrist, Der (1480), 262 anti-metalepsis, 67, 79, 81 Anund Jacob (Swedish king), 167 archaeology, archaeologist(s), 6, 8, 30, 95, 122, 129–30, 139–40, 143, 147, 149, 169, 172, 177–81, 215–16, 218, 226, 273–74, 280, 289, 294, 302 archetype, 5, 22 Ardeshir (Persian king), 330, 334, 337 Ariovistus (Germanic leader), 18 art, artist(s), 54, 63, 67, 70, 79, 262 artifact(s), artifactual, 6, 40, 54–55, 68, 179, 181, 217 Asdiwal, myth of, 10 Áslaug, 325, 331, 333, 337 Assmann, Jan, 17, 79, 344 Astaroð, 93 Atlakviða, 75 Atlamál, 75 Auðr hin djúpúðga (Auðr the DeepMinded), 344–45 Aurgelmir, 282–84 Australian aboriginals, myths of, 274 Austrfararvísur, 115 Austric populations, 364, 372 avenger, 233, 341, 348, 349–50, 352–53, 355–57 Avestan, 369 axial age, 17; religions, 18 Ælfric. See Marcarius and the Magicians, Saul and the Witch of Endor Baldr/Balderus, 45, 140, 228, 229, 233, 248, 250–51, 253, 276, 342, 347–54, 357, Baldrs draumar, 291, 293, 298, 309, 349, 353 Index Balkans, 148 Barthólómeus saga postula, 93 Bellah, Robert, 17–21 Bergbúa þáttr, 280 bergbúi ‘mountain-dweller’, 283 Bergelmir, 283 Bestla, 347 Bible passages: I Chronicles, 168; (Deutero-)Isaiah, 91; Exodus, 91; Genesis, xiv, 194, 370; Jeremiah, 91–92; Mark, 303; Matthew, 303, 333; Psalms, 91–92; Romans, 245; I Samuel, 303; Wisdom of Solomon, 91 “Biejjie-baernien såangoe Jeahnaj eatnamisnie” (North Sámi ‘Beaivvi bártni soagnju Jiehtanasaid máilmmis’) (The Sons of the Sun in the Land of the Giants), 207–8 “Biejjie-neijten sealadimmie” (North Sámi ‘Beaivvi Niedda jápmin’) (The Death of the Daughter of the Sun), 208 birds, 64, 68–70, 142, 148, 205, 247; augural, 353 bizarrerie (ativism reflecting older mythic layer), 364, 369 blót (sacrifice), 93, 94, 98, 100–102, 117, 119–20, 122, 124, 128, 177, 246. See also sacrifice. blótgyðjur ‘sacrifice priestess’, 117, 122 blóttré ‘sacrificial tree’, 177 boar(s), 118, 147 bones, 144, 145, 149–50, 177, 293, 364, 366, 368, 371, 376 book-prose theory, 29, 31, 33, 35 book-prose vs free-prose debate, 31–46 Borre style, 142 bracteate(s), 70, 71, 140, 145, 216 Bragi Boddason, 120, 232 bridal quest (motif R225), 203–5, 208 382 Brunhilde (queen), 175 bull, 121 Bundahis (Pahlavi cosmological text), 354–55 Byzantine Empire, 143, 151 Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae (Ordinances concerning Saxony), 175 Celebremus karissimi, 305 central place(s), 126, 143, 151, 155, 178, 179 Ch’i (son of legendary first Hsia king), 375 Charlemagne, 175; campaign of, against the pagan Saxons, 176 charm(s), charm magic, 204, 208, 226–227, 289–290, 292–294, 299, 302, 308–9, 330, 336 Charon’s obol, 289, 302, 305–6 China, 18, 271, 350, 364, 371, 372, 374–376 Christianization, 8, 90, 94, 99, 105, 143, 217–218, 244, 264, 305 Chronica Slavorum of Helmold of Bosau, 181 I Chronicles. See under Bible passages. Cian, 326–328, 330, 334, 335–336 Clermont runic casket (also known as the Franks casket), 78, 152 cnuimh (‘worm’ in Irish, variant of cruimh), 326, 330 Commentariorum in Hiezechielem of St. Jerome, 256, communication, 29, 38, 40, 42, 115; between ‘this’ world and the ‘other’ world(s), 11; oral, 42, 44; strategies, 17; with the dead, x comparativism(s), 4–5, 10, 14, 341; icongraphic method of, 70; méthode comparative, vii; Mircea Eliade’s views on, 4–5; and structural models as heuristic tools for reconstructing traditions, 4 Index comparison(s), 3–19, 23, 54, 78; of Baldr’s death and Iraj’s, 341–357; of Balto-Finnic poetry and West Germanic poetry, 225–226; of Finnic and Nordic mythology, 192–219, 224–235; of Hawaiian and Nordic mythology, 19–23; of Ilmarinen and the Wayland tradition, 232; of Old Uppsala and West Slavic materials, 163–82; of pictorial representations of Volund, 155; of Vanir gods to other gods, 115, 130; of volcanic activity and Old Norse literature, 273–281; of ‘worms’, 334 composition-in-performance, 32 Conán (the son of the Liath Luachra), 326–329, 334–336 Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta (Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils), 244 Concilium Germanicarum, 175 Concilium Turonense, 175 contextualization of performance practices, 36 conversion. See Christianization cosmic: birth, 348; egg, 371; elements, 168; hall, 182; knowledge, 230; model, 182; pillar, 176–178; references, 167; symbolism, 168, 173, 177, 180; travel, 204, 206; well, 174 creation myth(s). See myth(s). cross(es), 66, 155, 193, 206, 213; Halton and Leeds, 69; Kirk Andreas, Isle of Man, 79, 81 cult, cultic, 7, 94, 217–218; activities, 166; feasting, 169, 179; figures, 89–90, 95, 97, 100–101, 103, 105; functions, 172; hall(s), 172, 178; houses (hof, h rgar), 143–148, 155, 177, 179, 182; image(s), 176; practices, 91, 94, 102; site(s), 166–167, 169, 173, 175, 176, 178, 181–82; spring(s), 178; tree(s), 176–178; well(s), 178. See also ritual cultural diffusion, 199–200, 215; memory, 53; studies, 30 dainas: Latvian, 204, 209–210, 212, 214 Dala-Guðbrandr, 95 Dante Alighieri (d. 1321), 245 De Bello Gothico (Gothic War) of Procopius, 150 De Lapidibus (On Stones) of Marbod of Rennes, 307 dead, the, 14, 69, 144, 205, 234, 290, 291, 293–294, 299–300, 303, 305–310, 344, 345 decapitation, 303–4 Decreta. See Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta Dejbjerg, Jutland, Denmark, 125 demon(s), 92–94, 97–98, 175, 275, 370 demon-king, 350 Denmark, Danish, 60–61, 71, 78, 90, 99, 116, 125, 129, 143, 149, 167, 172, 181, 302, 304, 307, 330, 332, 353 Derrida, Jacques, 54 descent, 21, 149, 263, 337, 369 Descriptio insularum aquilonis (Description of the Islands of the North), Book 4 of Gesta Hammaburgensis, 164 (Deutero-)Isaiah. See under Bible passages devils. See demons diachronism, 342, 357; diachronic and synchronic approaches, 44–46 dialogic poems, 34, 126 Diarmaid, 324, 326–29, 334–36 diegetic level, 79; extradiegetic narrator, 71; extra- and intradiegetic worlds, 67 Dievs (Latvian sky god), 210 diffusion, 29, 199–200, 215, 218 383 Index Dinkard (Pahlavi Zoroastran text), 354 Dioscuri (twin brothers of GrecoRoman mythology), 215–16 direct speech, 73–76 dísablót, 128 Dísarsalr, 128 discourse: as concept, 15, 23; religious, 6, 90, 94; meta-discourse, 54; Óðinn-discourse, 15–16; textual discourse, 73; Þórrdiscourse, 15 Divina Commedi (Divine Comedy) of Dante Alighieri, 245 draugadróttinn ‘Lord of Ghouls’, 292 drinking, ceremonial, 143, 171 dróttkvætt, 33, 280 earth-egg creation myth. See under cosmic earthquake(s), 254, 276 East Anglia, England, 140, 304 Ecclesia, 246 edda. See eddic poems and Snorra edda eddic poems, 30, 31, 32–34, 40–41, 73, 120, 122, 130, 215, 225–26; aesthetics of, 32; composition-inperformance of, 32; dating of, 32; improvisation of, 33; medieval collection of (i.e., Codex Regius of the Elder edda, Poetic edda), 33, 41, 44, 53–54, 69, 79, 118, 227, 230, 234, 253, 255, 365, 367, 368; memorization of, 33; oral background of, 33; provenance of, 32. See also titles of individual poems Egill (Volund’s brother), 142, 148, 153 Egill Skalla-Grímsson, 227 Egils saga Skalla-Grímssonar, 227 Egyptians, 18, 306; Egyptian art, frames on, 55; Egyptian literature, 72 einherjar (slain human heroes), 171 Eiríks saga rauða, 299 Eiríksmál, 126 384 ekphrasis, 40 Eldgjá, 270 Eliade, Mircea, 4–5, 9, 11, 23, 168 Elijah, 256 Ella (king of England), 333, 337 Elucidarius, 256 emergence myth. See under myth(s) Enarrationes in Psalmos (Expositions on the Psalms) of St. Augustine, 246 Endor, witch of, 303 Enlightenment, the, 91 Enoch, 256 Enuma Elis (Babylonian creation myth), 371 epic(s): 200, 202, 228, 355; Estonian, 199; Finnish, 199, 224–25; heroic, 79, 374; Indian, 374; Persian, 341, 345, 352, 355 Epitome of Roman History of Florus, 294n11 estate(s), royal. See central place(s) ethnopoetics, 34 euhemerism, 246 Everriculum fermenti veteris of Erik Pontoppidan, 90 evolution of religion. See religion Exodus. See under Bible passages Eyjafjallajökull (volcano), 270 Eyrbyggja saga, 118, 120, 292 Eyvindr skáldaspillir Finnsson, 356 Fáfnir, 56, 64, 66–68 Fáfnismál, 127 famine, 171, 271–72 Feldber. See under sanctuary Fenian cycle, 324 Feraydun, 341, 346, 350–53, 354, 357 Ferdowsi, Abolqasem, 341 Ferryman’s Fee, 290, 305–6, 308 fettering, 230, 353–55; of Loki and Zaddak, 353–55 feud(s), 146, 348–50, 357 fian (band of heroes), 326, 328 figurative interpretation, 245 Index Finland, 151, 192, 199–200, 202–3, 205, 215, 223–27, 229–30, 232–35 Finnish Literature Society (Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura), 199 fire(s), 69, 73, 96, 99, 120, 126, 146, 172, 193–94, 230, 231, 254, 269–72, 275–77, 280, 283–84, 296–97, 328, 350, 365, 373 lnir 356 folk songs, 192, 199–205, 209–12, 215, 224–28, 230 folklore, 6, 30, 35–36, 217, 273 folktale(s), 7, 231 Fourth Lateran Council, 244 frame: as ‘non-physical boundary’, 54; as physical border (parergon), 54, 58 frame narrative, 54; open, 56, 63; portal, 60–61; unframed, 58, 80 Franks casket. See Clermont runic casket Frazer, Sir James George, 5, 23, 125 Frederick II (emperor), 252 free-prose theory, 29, 31, 33 Freyfaxi (horse in Hrafnkels saga), 117 Freyja, 115, 118, 121, 122, 127, 140, 298; as blótgyðja (sacrificial priestess), 117, 122 Freyr, 21, 94, 98, 115–27, 140, 165, 168, 170, 177, 234–35, 356; Freyr kings as ‘peace kings’, 21; Freysgoðar (Hrafnkell Hallfreðarson; Þórðr Özurarson), 116 Frigg, 122, 127, 347 Frösön church, Jämtland (earlier called Hoffs kirkio), 177–78 gallows, 295–97, 301; placement of, 296 Ganander, Christfrid, 224, 230–32 Gangleri (pseudonym for Gylfi, Swedish king), 41–42, 253, 276 Garz (temple site), 180 Gautreks saga, 296 Geertz, Clifford, 10 Geirrøðr, 231 Genesis. See under Bible passages genetic comparativism. See comparativism Genette, Gérard, 71–72 Gennep, Arnold van, 125 Geometric Period. See Greek Geometric period geothermal activity, 269–70, 273–77, 281, 284 Gerðr, 126–27, 356 Gesta Danorum of Saxo Grammaticus, 30, 45, 113, 127, 298, 302, 309, 323, 341 gesta episcoporum (‘the deeds of bishops’): genre of, 164 Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum (History of the Archbishops of HamburgBremen) of Adam of Bremen, 128, 163–173; Leiden manuscript (Cod. Voss. Lat. 4º 123), 164. See also Adam of Bremen gesture(s), 42; hand, 42–44; in Codex Upsaliensis, 43–44 Getica of Jordanes, 150 ghouls, 292–93 Ginnungagap, 277–78, 280, 365–66 Gísla saga Súrssonar, 34, 113, 116 Glaðsheimr, 170 Glomac (possible sacrificial site), 181 goðar, 116–17; blótgoðar, 122 Goðormr (god of the Danes), 94 Gospel of Nichodemus (apocryphal gospel), 248 Gotlandic picture stones. See under runestones and picture stones Göttweiger Trojanerkrieg, Der, 263 Grænlendinga saga, 299 385 Index Gráinne (daughter of Cormac, the high-king of Ireland), 324, 326, 329, 335 Grani (Sigurðr’s horse), 66, 68–69, 71 Greco-Roman philosophical tradition, 91 Greek Geometric period (ca. 900–700 BCE), 56 Gregory I (pope, also known as ‘the Great’), 175, 250–51 Gregory IX (pope), 244 Grettis saga Ásmundarsonar, 298 Gríma, 331 Grímnismál, 73, 117, 120, 126, 127, 170–71, 173, 197, 215, 281–82, 297, 368 Grógaldr, 291, 298 Groß Raden (possible sanctuary site), 180 Gudme, Fyn, Denmark, 172 Gudmund (Norwegian idol), 89–90, 104 u r narhv t, 75–76 Guðrúnarkviða I, 69, 75 guldgubber, 70 Gunnarr Gjúkason, 338; in the snake pit, 140 Gunnarr helmingr, 98 Gunnars þáttr helmings, 21, 115, 117, 126, 127 Guta saga, 124 Gutzkow (temple site), 180 Gylfaginning, 42, 102, 103, 127, 150, 170–71, 173, 194, 197, 232, 234, 281–82, 284, 291, 341 Hadingus, 15–16, 298 Haftv d 329 30 334 336 37 hagiographic texts, 92, 94–95, 101 Haithabu (also Hedeby), 18 Hákon Hákonarson (king), 257 Hákon Sigurðarson (earl, often referred to as Jarl Hákon), 99–100 Hákonar saga góða, 119 386 Hákonarmál, 126 Háleygjatal of E vindr sk ldaspillir Finnsson, 356 Hálfs saga ok Hálfsrekka, 296 Hallb rn hali (poet) 300 Hallmundarkviða, 270, 273, 280–81, 283 Hamðismál, 75 Hár, 41–42, 232, 253, 276, 277 Haraldr hárfagri (king), 151 Haralds Biezais, 209, 211 Harthgrepa, 298–99, 309 Hatti texts, 375 haugbúi, haugbúar ‘mound-dweller(s)’, 297–98, 300–301, 309 Hauks þáttr Hábrókar, 125 Hauksbók, 116 Hávamál, 74, 174, 289, 291, 294–97, 299, 302, 303, 307–10 Hawaii, 19; traditional Hawaiian society, 19–22 Hebrew Bible, 72, 370 Hegge, Norway: one-eyed figure from church in, 300 Heimdallr, 35, 226 Heimskringla. See individual saga titles Hekla, 270–71, 279 Helgakviða Hjörvarðssonar, 118 Helgakviða Hundingsbana I, 74, 75 Helgö, Lake Mälaren, Sweden, 148, 151, 172, 178 Helmold of Bosau (author of Chronica Slavorum), 180–81 Hephaistos (Greek god), 152 Herder, Johann Gottfried von, 199, 224 Hermóðr, 248 Hermóðr’s Helreið, 248 hero, 54, 67, 69, 202–5, 209, 227, 301, 324–26, 337, 355; astral hero, 214; culture hero, 204 heroic legend, 53, 54, 56, 78, 80; heroic narrative, 53–54, 68, 76–77, 79; ‘heroic Edda’, 79; Index Hervarar saga ok Heiðreks, 118, 177 Hevaa, Kaprio, Ingria, 201 hierophany, 5 Historia de Preliis Alexandri Magni (History of the Battles of Alexander the Great) of Leo Neapolitaniensis, 256, 257 Historia Scholastica of Peter Comestor, 256 history of religions, 4–5, 10, 13 Hittite myths, 375 H r 229 347 350 353 54 356 as a e ish reference 248 H r/ Høtherus, 348 Hœnir, 291 h rgar, 94, 121–22 hofeiðr’ ‘hof-oath’, 119 hofgyðjur, 122; Þuriðr ‘hofgyðja’, 116–17; Steinvör ‘hofgyðja’, 117 Hólar, Iceland, 39 horse(s), 103, 117–18, 120, 166, 196, 211, 212, 215, 260, 293; in relation to the Vanir, 117; Freyfaxi, 117 Hrafnkell Hallfreðarson (‘Freysgoði’), 116 Hrafnkels saga Freysgoða, 113, 116–17, 118 Husaby, Västergötland, Sweden, 305 Hushang (legendary king in the Shahnameh), 346 Hvergelmir, 173–74, 276–77, 281–83 Hymiskviða, 74, 102, 281 Hyndluljóð, 118, 121–22, 291, 298 Iceland, 7, 39, 43, 78, 100, 102, 103, 116, 118, 122, 125, 130, 155, 168, 218, 225, 227, 234, 250, 264, 269–84, 295, 308, 349, 363, 374, Icelanders, 115–119, 284, Icelandic chieftain, 30; Icelandic oral tradition, 113; Icelandic place names, 117, 119; Icelandic sagas (See sagas); Icelandic settlement, 7, 116, 119, 125, 272, 344; Icelandic skalds, 30, 195 iconographic methods, 53, 70, 79 iconography, Christian, 303; runestone, 63 idols(s), 89–101, 103–5, 171, 180; idolatry, 91–95, 101, 104 Illerup Ådal, Jutland, Denmark, 18 Ilmarinen (god of the heavens), 202, 228, 231–32, 235 image(s), 38, 40–42, 45, 56, 90–91, 92, 98, 100, 124, 125, 171, 174, 176, 192, 193–94, 196–98, 200, 203, 205–6, 208–9, 213–17, 246, 262–64, 270, 273–74, 276–84, 289, 295, 297, 300, 302–3, 333 India, 35, 257, 364, 369, 374, 375; Indian hymn, 368; Indian Yama, 370 Indiculus superstitionum et paganiarum (Index of Superstitions and Pagan Practices), 175 Indo-Europeans, 4, 14, 202, 227, 324, 342, 344, 347, 353, 356–57, 363–64, 368, 370, 372, 374, 375, 376–77 Ingi Steinkelsson (Swedish king), 177 initiation, 151, 152, 155, 296 inquit, 73, 75, 76 Iraj (legendary character in the Shahnameh), 341, 346, 350–52, 355 Iran, 369 Ireland, 324, 326 Irish analogs, 331; derbfine, 344; tradition, 324, 325–26, 335; cnuimh/ cruimh, 330 Irminsul, 176, 178 Isaiah, (Deutero-)Isaiah. See under Bible passages. Isis (Egyptian goddess), 218 Isle of Man. See Man, Isle of Ívarr inn beinlaussi, 332–33 Jacobus de Voragine, 304 Jafnhár, 41, 42, 102 387 Index Jamshid (legendary king), 346, 350, 352–53, 355 Järfälla, Sweden, 304 Järrestad, Scania, 179 Jeremiah. See under Bible passages Jews, 243–64; blood libel against, 244; gyðingr, 247; Judaism and anti-Judaism, 244–47, 263; júði, 247; massacres of, 244; pogroms against, 244; ‘Red Jews’, 253–63; special clothing or badges, 244; ‘Synogaga’ as blind, 248 Jokkmokk, Sweden, 207 Jóns saga ins helga, 39 Jordanes, 150 tunn, tnar ‘giant(s)’, 229, 233, 252, 277, 280, 282–84, 366 Joukavainen (giant), 230–31 Judaism. See Jews Judei Nostri (Anglo-Norman text), 252 Jüngere Titurel, Der of Albrecht von Scharfenburg, 256 Kalevala, Old (Kalevala taikka wanhoja karjalan runoja suomen muinosista ajoista), 227–28 Kalevala, 192–93, 199, 224, 228–34; meter, 192 Kalevipoeg, 199 Kárr inn gamli (mound-dweller), 298 Káruljóð, 74 Kashmir, 369–70 Katla (volcano), 271–73 Kayumars, 346 kefli ‘rune stick’, 299, 302, 308, 309 Kiimasjärvi, 204 Kingu (Mesopotamian god), 371 Kinsarvik Church, Norway: antependium, 248–49 Kirk Andreas cross fragments, 79–80 Kjalnesinga saga, 120 Klamath tribe, 274 Konung Alexander, 257–61 Konungs skuggsjá, 257, 276, 279 388 Kráka (Crow), 325, 331–33, 337 Kristnitökuhraun, 273 Ku (Hawaiian god), 20–21 Kuhn, Thomas, 9 Kumlbúa þáttr, 298 Kun (of Hsia dynasty), 375 Kuutar, moon as a female deity in some Balto-Finnic songs, 204 Kvikkjokk, Sweden, 207 Laki (volcano), 270, 271–72, 279 Lamprecht der Pfaffe, 256 landnám (settlement period), 113, 218, 271–72, 275 Landnámabók, 113, 116–18, 125, 130, 271, 275 landscape(s), 113, 122–26, 149, 172, 210, 270–71; as expressions of cosmology, 167, 169 lapidary tradition, 307–8 Lateran Council, Fourth. See Fourth Lateran Council Latvia, x, 181, 192, 213; dainas (see under dainas); Latvian tradition(s), 192, 194, 197, 204, 209–14 lava, 270–84 laws, 79, 169, 244, 260, 275, 304, 308; Icelandic, Grágás, 295–96; Icelandic, Úlfljótslög (Law of Úlfljótr), 119–20; Langobardic, Leges Langobardorum (Lombard Laws), 175; Norwegian, Ei sifa ingsl g: Kristinn r ttr hinn forni (Law of Eiðsivaþing: Older Christian Law), 100; Norwegian, Frosta ingsl g (Law of Frostaþing), 308; Norwegian, Gulaþingslög (Law of Gulaþing), 124; Swedish, Upplandslagen (Law of Uppland), 128; Swedish, Västgötalagen (Westgötha laws), viii law-speaker(s), 43 Leach, Edmund, 10 Index Legenda aurea of Jacobus de Voragine, 304 Legendary Saga of St Óláfr, 95 Leges Langobardorum. See under Laws: Langobardic Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 10–11, 14 Liber Miraculorum (Book of Miracles) of Herbert of Clairvaux, 273 lightning, 90, 165, 271 líkneski ‘likeness’, 90–91, 98 Líkneskjusmíð, 90 literacy, xi, 30–46, 199; alphabetic, 40, 45 Liutprand (king), 175 Liutprandi Leges. See under Laws: Langobardic ljóð ‘charm’, 290 ljóðaháttr meter, 34, 116 Ljóðatal, 289 Lokasenna, 73, 253, 264, 347 Loki, 35, 229, 243, 253–55, 261–62, 276, 347, 349–50, 353–55; represented as a Jew, 248–53 Lönnrot, Elias, 192, 199, 224–25, 227, 233 Lono (Hawaiian god), 20–21 Lord, Albert B., 32 Luakini ritual cycle, 20–21 Lucius Annaeus Florus. See Epitome of Roman History lyng-ormr ‘heather-snake’, 330 Lytir, 99, 125 magic, 11–12, 15, 125, 127, 208, 224, 252, 290, 292–93, 298–99, 307–10, 326, 331, 350, 370, 375. See also charm(s), charm magic magician(s), 12, 299, 309, 352 Magnúss saga berfœtts, 296 Makahiki ritual cycle, 20–21 Man, Isle of, 67, 79–80; Manx carving, 68 Mandi (Nuristani god), 370 manor(s), manorial residence(s). See central place(s) Manuchehr (legendary king in the Shahnameh), 351–53, 355 manuscript(s), medieval, 32, 35, 41, 164, 234; art, 63; as arenas for communication, 40, 44; Carolingian, 63; Ottonian, 63; production of in Sweden, 78; verbal and visual representation in, 43 manuscript(s), individual: AM 242 fol., Codex Wormianus (Prose edda), 246–48; AM 748 4to Fragments of the Elder and the Younger Edda, 234; Cod. Voss. Lat. 4º 123, Leiden manuscript of Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum of Adam of Bremen, 164; DG 11 4to Codex Upsaliensis (Prose edda), 42–44; Ny. kgl. Samling 66, 8vo Gamle danske urtebøger, stenbøger og kogebøger, 307; Ups C 528, Codex Bildstenianus (Ett fornsvenskt legendarium), 304; *Vatnshyrna manuscript, 280 Maori traditions, 372–73 Marbod, Bishop of Rennes, 307 Marcarius and the Magicians, Saul and the Witch of Endor of Ælfric, 303 Margery Kempe, 245 Maríu saga, 100, 248 Mark. See under Bible passages Matthew. See under Bible passages medium, media, xvi, 30, 34, 39, 40–45, 53, 56, 68, 71–78, 81, 274; differences in, 34, 44–45, 78; and mediation, 40, 53, 68; ‘medium theory’, 53, 54, 76, 81; strategies, 42–43; studies, 30 389 Index memory, 38, 66, 81, 343; collective, 45; communicative, 130, 344; cultural, 53; function of in oral and written cultures, 38; and image(s), 38; toast ‘minni’, 120 Merovingian France, 147–48, 151, 172, 177–78, 181 Messuskýringar (commentaries on the symbolism of liturgy), 247 metalepsis, 57, 71–72 Metamorphoses of Ovid, 276 Midas (king), and the Donkey’s Ears, 327 Middle East, 271, 324, 329 Midgard serpent (Old Norse Miðgarðsormr), 140, 254 Mikael Agricola (‘father of Finnish literature’), 223–32 Mímir/Mímr/Mími, 148, 235, 291–92, 303 modeling: as external memory device, 343; heuristic value of, 343–57 models: scholarly or scientific, 7–9 M kkurk lfi 103 4 245 Molda-Gnúpr, 271 mortuary practices and beliefs, 294, 302–3 Moses, 168, 245 mound dweller(s). See haugúi, haugbúar Mount Mazama, 274, 281 Mount Sinai, 168 multiformity, 324 Mundilfœri, 195–96 murder, 91, 341, 350–51; -and-revenge theme, 344–48, 350–53, 354–57; triad, 343, 347; weapon, 329 Muspell, Muspellzheimr, 194, 196, 243, 253–56, 262–64, 277, 301, 366–67 myth(s): of Adam and Eve, xiv, 101, 245; of Cain and Abel, 390 370; creation, 269–70, 276–77, 280–82, 284, 363–77; of Ho-wori and Ho-deri, 370–71; of Jacob and Esau, 370; mythic, 191–219; Nordic solar, x, 203–4, 212–16; performance and non-verbal aspects of, 45–46; of primordial giant being dismembered, 196–97, 282, 369–75; of sun as bird-egg, 200–202, 215, 230–31, 371, 373, 376; of sun as deified earthling consigned to the sky, 191; of sun as female, 191, 195, 198, 204, 209, 212, 214; of sun as unpersonified flame or disk, 191, 193, 196, 198, 213, 217; of sun perennially chased by wolves, 191; of sun’s movement in Bronze Age, 215; Snorri’s terms for, 193; verbal dimension of, 30 myth-ritual configurations of temple, tree, and well, 169 mythic oaks, 181, 204 mythological relationship, genetic, 4, 14, 16, 23, 323, 342 mythologies: Austric, 371, 373–74; Austro-Thai, 371; Balto-Finnic, 205, 224–25, 234–35; Chinese, 4, 364, 375; Finnish, x, 223, 226, 228, 232; Greek, 274, 303; Hawaiian, 19–22; Hittite, 104, 375; Indian, 372, 374–75; IndoEuropean, xv, 14, 104, 357, 377; Indo-Iranian, 364, 369; Iranian, x, 342; Japanese, 373; Laurasian, 4, 14, 363–64; Maori, 372; Nuristani, 369–70; Roman, 153 narratology, 71; narratological levels, relationship between, 79 necromancy (necromantia, nás orð ‘corpse-words’), 290–91, 293, 309; confusion with nigromantia, 290 Neoplatonism, 269, 282, 284; Index Neoplatonic dualism, 277 New Philology, 40 Niðungr (king; also Niðhad), 148, 153 Niflheimr, 276–77, 281–82 N r r 115 16 119 120 23 126 and Skaði, now-lost ljóðaháttr poem about, 116 noose, 289–90, 296 Nordic-Baltic peoples, intercultural relations of, 217 Norway, 56, 68, 89–90, 94, 98, 113, 115, 119, 125, 130, 147, 149, 248–49, 278, 300–302, 308, 356 Nuori-Juokawainen, 230 Nuristan, 369 oath(s), 96, 100–101, 118–20; hofeiðr, 119; lýrittareiðr, 100–101; sónargöltr, 118 Oddrúnargrátr, 752 Odensbrunn (Óðinn’s well), Uppsala, Tuna in Vendel (also Onsbrönn), 175 Odin. See Óðinn Óðinn, 11–15, 97, 115, 118, 122–23, 127, 130, 232–33, 235, 247, 282, 347–50, 357, 369; cognomena for (e.g., hangatýr, hangaguð, hangadróttinn, heimþinguðr hanga), 299–300; and creation, 196–97, 231; and Germanic Mercury-Wodan, 15; as ‘god of the Saxons’, 94; idol/image of depicted, 140–41, 155, 165, 170–71, 193; as ‘Lord of Ghouls’, 293–98; and magic, 289–310; as master of verse, 230; and Mímis brunnr (Mímir’s well), 174, 291–92; ‘Óðinn-discourse’, 15–16; ‘Óðinn kings’ as ‘war kings’, 21; as progenitor of kings and chieftains, 21, 234; and Rindr, 356; self-sacrifice on Yggdrasill, 21–22, 102, 368; as shaman, 11–15; and Väinämöinen compared, 230–31; with Þórr and Týr as a divine trilogy, 228–29 Ögmundar þáttr dytts ok Gunnars helmings, 21, 98, 115, 117, 126 Oisín (son of Fionn), 327–28, 335 Ólafr Geirstaðaálfr (king), 123 Óláfr Tryggvason (missionary king of Norway), 97–99, 124 Óláfr Haraldsson (saint and king of Norway), 94–95 Ólafs saga helga, 115, 122, 128 Ólafs saga Tryggvasonar en mesta, 117, 123, 124 Ólafs þáttr Geirstaðaálfs, 123 Old Icelandic Homily Book, 248–49, 252 Old Kalevala. See Kalevala, Old Olof Skötkonung (Swedish king), 305 oral: art forms, 31; background of sagas and poems, 31, 33, 44; -derived texts, 32–33, 35; literature, 34, 207; poetry, 33, 76, 227; ‘remediation’ of oral poetry in written medium, 76–78; tradition, 29, 31, 32, 114, 115, 120, 122–23, 125, 129–30, 224, 227, 230, 233, 325 orality and literacy debate, 29–45 ormr, Old Norse, ‘snake’, ‘dragon’ (cognate with Irish cnuimh/ cruimh, Persian kerm, and English worm), 330 Oseberg, Norway, 125, 130 Othinus, 348–50, 356. See also Óðinn Ovid. See Metamorphoses pagan revival: among the Wends (1134), 180 Päivätär (sun as a female deity in some Balto-Finnic songs), 204–5 Päivölä songs, 204 Paltamo, Finland, 202 Pangu (P’an ku), 363–64, 371, 374 Parchim (possible sanctuary site), 180 391 Index Parry, Milman, 32 Passio Sancti Eadmundi of Abbo of Fleury, 304–5 performance, 29–30, 32, 34–36, 54, 68, 76, 226, 309; of myth, 38–45, 126. See also under myth(s) performance practices, conxtextualization of. See contextualization of performance practices Persia, 337, 350–51. See also Iran petroglyph(s): Bronze Age, 215 philology, 30, 36–37 Phoenicians, 152, 306 picture stones. See runestones and picture stones place names, 115–19, 124, 172, 216. See also individual toponyms Poetic Edda. See eddic poems; and names of individual poems Polynesian traditions, 377 pre-Christian: Scandinavia, 14–16, 22–23, 29, 39, 95, 127, 129, 163, 168, 176–77, 180–81, 192, 293; Baltic mythology, 209; cultic practices, 102, 115; deities, 102; Icelanders, 273; oral formula, 102; Sámi beliefs, 206–7 Prester John, 257 primordial giant: emerging from chaos ( ir Puru a) 376 emerging from primordial egg (Polynesia/China), 376; of stone, 375–76; universe created from body of slain (motif A642), 196–97, 282, 369–75 processional roads, 125–26, 130, 179 Procopius, 150 prophecy, 70, 92, 102–3, 149, 290, 299, 303; summoned, prophesying dead (motif M301.14), 293, 299 Prose Edda. See Snorra edda protagonist(s), 34, 76, 331, 344, 348, 392 352–53 Psalms. See under Bible passages Puru a 363 65 371 374 376 77 Radogosc (temple site), 180 agnar k 197 212 227 Ragnarr loðbrók, 99, 103, 323–25, 330–38 Ragnars kvæði (Faroese ballad), 323 Ragnars saga loðbrókar, 99, 323, 330 k asa (de on) 370 Ralsiek (possible sanctuary site), 180 Ramsund. See under runestones and picture stones Randalín, 325, 331, 333–34, 337–38 reception of materials, 37, 39, 205, 234 reconstructing myths and religions, xv, 3–11, 15–17, 23, 35–36, 191, 364 Red Jews, 252–63; identified with the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse, 255–56; identified with Gog and Magog, 255; identified with the Lost Ten Tribes of Israel, 255; religion(s), 4–23, 30, 79, 113, 115, 126, 129–30, 166–69, 177, 180, 225, 227, 244–45, 291, 304; ‘archaic’, 18; ‘axial’, 18; ‘different’, 6; Old Norse, 4–7, 9, 11, 16–17, 23, 180; Robert Bellah on evolution of, 17–22; ‘tribal’, 18 Remus, 153, 353, 370, 374 renewal of ritual structures. See under ritual structures gveda, 364, 368–69, 375 Richard the Lionheart (king), 244 riddle(s), 224, 332, 349 Rígsþula, 21 Rindr/Rinda, 233, 348–349, 356 ritual(s), 7, 9–12, 15, 17, 19–22, 40, 113, 118–22, 125–30, 143–47, Index 152, 155, 166, 169, 171–72, 175, 178–82, 206–10, 214, 216–18, 247, 293–97, 306, 308, 373–75; cycles, 20; landscapes, 169; pagan, 7, 175 ritual structures: renewal of, 146–47 Robert Grosseteste (fl. 1220s), 245, 252 Romans (book of the Bible). See under Bible passages Romulus, 153, 353, 370 Rösaring, Uppland, Sweden, 125 royal burial(s), 129, 166, 177; court, 148; dynasties, 153, 218, 323, 355; ideology, 234, 347; lineage, 20, 140, 149, 151–52, 217, 234, 328, 347, 353; manor, 151, 178 Rudolf of Fulda, 176 runestones and picture stones, 53–81, 139–40, 154–55, 193, 212, 215–16, 297; Denmark, Ålum (Ålum 3, DR 96), 58; Denmark, Hunnestad 3 (DR 284), 60; Denmark, Jelling 2 (Dr 42), 61, 78; Norway, Alstad, 59, 65; Norway, Dynna, 59, 65; Norway, Eggja, 59; Norway, Vang, 59; Sweden, Altuna (U 1161), 58, 139; Sweden, Ardre VIII, 154; Sweden, Årsunda (Gs 9), 139; Sweden, Drävle (U 1163), 140; Sweden, Gök (Sö 327), 53, 59, 66–71, 78–81, 139; Sweden, Krogsta (U 1125), 58; Sweden, Lärbro Stora Hammars I stone, 55, 297, 300; Sweden, Ledberg (Ög 181), 140; Sweden, Möjbro (U 877), 58; Sweden, Ockelbo (Gs 19), 139–40; Sweden, Österfärnebo (Gs 2), 139; Sweden, Prästgården (U 855), 64; Sweden, Ramsund (Sö 101), 53, 59, 65–71, 78, 80, 139; Sweden, Sanda stone, 216; Sweden, Stora Runhällen (U 1164), 62, 63; Sweden, Tjängvide I (G 110), 140; Sweden, Västerljung (Sö 40), 140; Sweden, Vittinge (U 1175), 139 sacrifice, 93, 97–103, 118, 120, 122–24, 127–28. See also blót (sacrifice) Sæmingr (first of the Hlaðajarl line of earls in Norway), 356 Saga Heiðreks konungs ins vitra. See Heiðreks saga sagas, 30–31, 33, 36–37, 95, 114, 117, 120, 122, 130, 275; fornaldars gur, 30, 80. See also titles of individual sagas saint(s): cephalophoric, 303, 308; decapitated, 303; severed head of, speaks so that searchers can find it (motif V229.25), 304–5; statues of, 90, 105 saints (individual): Saint Augustine, 246, 252; Saint Boniface, 175; Saint Denis, 304; Saint Edmund, 304–5; Saint Erik, 178; Saint Jerome, 247; Saint John the Baptist, 303, 305; Saint Jón of Hólar, 90; Saint Óláfr, 94–96; Saint Sigfrid, 305 Salm, 346, 350–52, 355 Sámi (also Saami), x, 4, 11, 15, 149–51, 102, 191–92, 197, 205–9, 211, 214–18, 224, 376; ethnic markers of, 149; noaidi (shaman), 206; reputation as smiths, 150; shamanic drums, 206; as skridfenni, 150 I Samuel. See under Bible passages sanctuaries, possible Slavic sites: Feldber, 180; Groß Raden, 180; Parchim, 180; Ralsiek, 180; Wolin, 180; Wroklaw, 180 Sanskrit, 342, 364 Saul and the Witch of Endor, 303 393 Index Saxo Grammaticus, 15, 31, 127–30, 279, 291, 296, 298–300, 303, 308, 323, 341, 348–50, 353–56 Schweindorf, East Frisia, 152 sculpture, 56, 63, 67, 71, 90, 141 seiðr, 114, 122 Sgáthán, 327, 335–36 Shahnameh (Book of Kings) of Ferdowsi, 324, 329–30, 324, 326, 337, 341, 345–46, 350–55 shamanism, 11–15, 192, 223, 234, 368 Shingu (Kii Peninsula), 375 Sictona. See Sigtuna Sigrdrífumál, 127, 291 Sigtuna (Sictona), 78, 164–65, 167 Sigurðarkviða in skamma, 75 Sigurðr Fáfnisbani, 54, 67–71, 75–81 Sigurðr Hlaðajarl, 119 Sigyn, 253–54, 276 singing contest, 230 Skaði, 116, 121, 253–54, 356 Skáldatal, 43 skald(s), 6, 43–44, 100, 195, 232, 234, 300 skaldic poetry, 30, 33–35, 40, 76, 78, 104, 126, 234 Skáldskaparmál, 103, 127, 193–95, 234 Skedemosse, Öland, Sweden, 118 Skírnismál, 73, 116, 126–27, 211, 356 Sk ld god of the Scanians 94 Skrýmir, 232 Sleipnir, 140 Snorra edda (Snorri’s Edda. Also called The Younger Edda and The Prose Edda), 30–31, 42, 44, 75, 104, 244–45, 248, 253, 257, 261, 263–64, 269, 273, 276–77, 280, 281. See also Gylfaginning and Skáldskaparmál 394 Snorri Sturluson, 30, 31, 45, 113–15, 122–23, 126–30, 151, 170–74, 192–98, 218, 243–57, 261–64, 269–70, 272, 276–77, 281–84, 342, 348–51, 356 Soikkola, Finland, 203 solar myths. See myth(s). Solomon, Wisdom of. See under Bible passages Sonatorrek, 227 song traditions: Balto-Finnic, 199–200, 202; Karelian, 202; Latvian, 194, 209; Russian Orthodox, 205; Scandinavian ballad, 192, 200 soul traveling, 14 source(s): archaeological, 6, 95, 114, 122, 127–30, 95, 139–50, 169, 172, 177–82, 215–18, 226, 273–74, 280, 289, 294–95, 302–6; -critical perspective, xv, 3, 6, 16, 23, 33; ‘indigenous’ vs ‘foreign’, 6–7; textual, 29, 70, 164, 302. See also titles of individual works Speculum lapidum (The Mirror of Stones) of Camillus Leonardi, 307 Spitiiura, 369–70 Starcatherus, 21 Steinvör ‘hofgyðja’, 117 Stjórn, 101, 264 Sturlunga saga, 115 Styrmir Kárason (prior of the Augustinian house of Viðey), 94 sun. See myth(s) Suomen Kansan Vanhat Runot (Ancient Songs of the Finnish People), 199, 224 Surtr, 248, 254, 272, 282–83 Sutton Hoo, East Anglia: boat burial, 140; helmet, 140 Sveinn Ástriðarson, Danish king, 167 Index Sveins þáttr ok Finns, 95 Sv l 197 98 Sweden, 65–67, 77–79, 98, 113–118, 123–30, 139–41, 144, 148–51, 155, 172, 177–79, 226, 302, 348 symbolism, 10, 168, 173, 177, 180–82, 247 Synagoga, 248–49 Szczecin (temple site), 180 Ta’aroa (Tahiti creator god), 371, 373 Tacitus, Cornelius (author of Germania), 21, 97, 118, 124, 294, 369 Tågaberg, Scania, 304 Tähemõrsja (The Star Bride), 205, 209 Tahmures, 346, 353 Talmud, 244 Tantalos, 33, 46 Telemark, Norway, 90, 68 temple(s), 20, 96–99, 102, 117–18, 144, 147, 150, 153, 163–73, 180; literary evidence for pre-Christian Slavic, 180; and sacrifices at Uppsala as described by Adam of Bremen, 163–73; Slavic configurations of temple, tree, and well, 180. See also names of individual Slavic temple sites tephra, 271, 275, 281 Teutoburg forest, 293–94 text-context, 35–38; -image relationships, 42; textualization (Verschriftlichung), 78–79 thick description, 10, 34 Thietmar of Merseburg (author of Chronik), 181 Tikopia, 19 Tissø, Zealand, Denmark, 178–79 tongue, 294, 299–302, 305–10; ‘objects’ (See Charon’s obol) topography, cultic, 163–82 topos, topoi, 78, 163, 167, 181, 245, 294 Torslunda, Öland, 140 Torsmyra, ‘bog dedicated to the god Þórr’, 179 Tóruigheacht Dhiarmada agus Ghráinne (Pursuit of Diarmaid and Gráinne), 324 Translatio S. Alexandri (Transfer of [the Relics of] St. Alexander) of Rudolf of Fulda, 176 transmission: of myths and narratives, 29, 37, 39–40, 45, 54, 68, 250, 257, 324, 332, 342; oral, 76; written, 68; written and oral, 73 treasure, 275–76, 331; buried, 275; motif, 68–69 tree(s), 70, 94, 101, 163–82, 203–4, 207, 211, 216, 251, 289–97, 326, 329, 343, 368–69 trémaðr ‘tree-man’, 91, 99, 332, 337 treuddar, triangular-shaped stone settings, 178 Triglav temple at Szczecin. See Szczecin, temple(s) tripartite structure, Dumézilian, 14, 343, 365 Troy, 42 Trundholm sun chariot, 196, 215 Tu Shan (Chinese legendary figure), 375 Tur (Iranian legendary figure), 346, 350–52, 355 typological comparativism. See under comparativism(s) Týr, 178, 228, 232; hand of, in Fenrir’s mouth, 140 Ukko (god of thunder and/or the sky), 202, 232 Ullikummi (giant of stone), 104, 375 universe: created from body of slain giant (motif A642). See primordial giant Upelluri (primordial stone giant), 375 Uppåkra, Scania, 139–49, 154–55 395 Index Uppsala, 21, 122–25, 127, 129–30, 149, 151, 163–82, 207, 234, 297, 356, as cultic center, 21, 122, 124, 125, 127, 129–30, 164–82, 234, 297, 356; as economic and political center, 123, 128, 151, 234 Urðr, well of (Urðar brunnr), 164, 167, 174, 368 Útgarðar, 232 Vaðgelmir, 283 Vafþrúðnismál, 74, 120, 126, 230, 231, 281–84 Väinämöinen (god of the waters), 202–3, 227–28, 230–35, valgaldr ‘corpse-magic’, 293, 309 alh ll 69 163 167 170 74 234 298 Váli, 253–54, 261, 348–50, 355 valkyrjur (valkyries), 171, 232 Vanir deities, 14, 113–30, 291; and the álfar, 117, 124; association with Uppland, Sweden; and female ritual specialists, 116–17; incestuous activities of the Vanir, 129; and the landscape, 124; ‘obituary’ by R. Simek, 113; ‘otherness’ of, 114; and place names, 116; ritual activities connected to, 118–19, 130 Vápnfirðinga saga, 117 Varuna, Vedic, 15 Varus (Roman general), 18 Vatnajökull, 271 Växjö, Småland, Sweden, 305 Vé, 196, 347, 367 Velent. See Volund Venerable Bede, the, 8 vengeance, 253, 341, 351. See also avenger verbal aspects, 30, 34, 42, 79, 227, 231, 234; and visual representations in manuscripts, complementarity of, 43 396 vermin (including worms, small serpents, and maggots), 60, 61, 90, 216, 324–37, 372 Viaticum, 306–8 Viðarr, 140 Víga-Glúms saga, 116, 118 Víkarr, 296 Vili, 196, 347, 367 Virgil, 245 Virgin Mary, the, 90, 204, 212 Vita Anskarii auctore Rimberto (Life of St. Ansgar of Rimbert), 181 Vita Prieflingensis (Prüfening Life), 180 itast ( helu ) iver 370 volcanic activity, volcanism, 269–84; Icelandic types, 270 Völsunga saga (also lsunga saga), 67–69, 332, 338 lsungakvi a, 74 olund (also elent lundr lundr a land land) 69 74–75, 139–55, 232 lundarkvi a, 74, 75, 139, 141–42, 149, 151, 154–55, 232 lundr lundr. See Volund volundu, Anglo-Frisian runic inscription, 152 lusp , 74, 121–22, 126, 150, 174, 195, 225, 227, 231, 244, 255, 261–64, 272–73, 282, 291, 298, 353, 365–67 v lva ‘seeress’, 293, 298, 309 wagons, 114, 212; journeys by, and their connections to the Vanir, 125 Wayland. See Volund land. See Volund well(s), 163, 167, 173–76, 178–80, 182. See also Óðinn: Mímis brunnr; Urðr, well of Widukind of Corvey, 176 Wielent. See Volund William of Auvergne (fl. 1228), 245 Index Wisdom of Solomon. See under Bible passages witch of Endor, 290, 303 Wolgast (temple site), 180 Wolin (sanctuary/temple site), 180 worldview, 10; Christian, 217; pagan, 6–7, 39, 115, 274, 284; religious, 7; Slavic, 181 Wroklaw (possible sanctuary site), 180 Yama (Vedic mythic figure), 346, 356, 369–71 Yggdrasill, 163, 167, 173–74, 178, 368 Yima (Iranian mythic figure), 369–71 Ymir, 197, 282, 284, 364–77 Ynglinga saga, 113, 117, 122–23, 127–29, 150–51, 230, 291–92, 300, 347, 356 Ynglings, 168 Younger Edda, the. See Snorra edda Yü (first king of the Hsia dynasty), 375 Zahhak (Iranian legendary figure), 346, 350, 352–55 Þiðreks saga af Bern, 142 Þjazi, 232 Þóra, 330–31, 333–34 Þórðr gellir, 344–45 Þórðr Özurarson, as ‘Freysgoðar’, 116 Þorgarðr (wooden man), 99–100 orger r H rgabr r 100 Þorleifr jarlsskáld, 100, 300 Þorleifs þáttr jarlsskálds, 99, 300 Þórr, 15, 90, 94–99, 103–104, 114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 122, 128, 130, 139, 165, 170, 179, 193, 228, 231–32, 235, 242, 348–49, 376; as god of the Englishmen, 94; and Hrugnir, 103; idol of, 90, 95–99, 165, 170; and Ilmarinen, 228, 231–34; and the Miðgarðsormr, 76, 140; and M llnir 95 232 Þorsteins þáttr bœjarmagns, 281 Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts, 298, 301–2, 309 Þrándheimr, 117–19, 123–24 Þriði, 41, 42, 253 Þrúðgelmir, 283 Þrymskviða, 74, 127, 226 Þuriðr ‘hofgyðja’, 116–17 397

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