Zbornik Instituta za arheologiju / Serta Instituti Archaeologici, Vol. 10. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places. Proceedings of the 3rd International Scientific Conference of Mediaeval Archaeology of the Institute of Archaeology, Zagreb, 2018.

Siniša Krznar; Tatjana Tkalčec; Tajana Sekelj Ivančan; Marijana Belaj; Juraj Belaj

Human settlement of landscape raises the question of marking the landscape with one’s own religion. Changes of religious systems or their coexistence documented in the landscape raises further questions, particularly those pertaining to broader socio-cultural phenomena and dynamics. Even if such processes are not documented in written sources, they could often be recognized in toponyms, folklore, archaeological finds and in contemporary religious practices. This publication presents analyses of sacred landscape from the perspective of: archaeology, folklore, ethnology and cultural anthropology, literature, architecture, history, art history, mathematics etc., and at the same time covers the period from prehistory, through antiquity and Slavic period and the Middle Ages to the modern period and contemporary times. In addition to this, it also compares different processes from different regions and times, by and large from Europe.

Sacr alization of Landscape and Sacred Places Proceedings of the 3rd International Scientific Conference of Mediaeval Archaeology of the Institute of Archaeology Zagreb, 2nd and 3rd June 2016 Zagreb, 2018 ZBORNIK INSTITUTA ZA ARHEOLOGIJU SERTA INSTITUTI ARCHAEOLOGICI KNJIGA / VOLUME 10 PUBLISHER Institut za arheologiju / Institute of Archaeology Zagreb, Croatia EDITORS-IN-CHIEF AND MANAGING EDITORS Juraj Belaj Marijana Belaj Siniša Krznar Tajana Sekelj Ivančan Tatjana Tkalčec REVIEWERS Ana Azinović Bebek Katja Hrobat Virloget Luka Šešo TRANSLATIONS AND TEXT EDITING Signed below the text or translated/edited by the authors DESIGN and LAYOUT Hrvoje Jambrek PRINTED BY Tiskara Zelina d.d., Sv. I. Zelina CIRCULATION 200 COVER PHOTO BY Karlo Lolić Financially supported by the Ministry of Science and Education of the Republic of Croatia ©Institut za arheologiju u Zagrebu. Sva prava pridržana ©Institute of Archaeology Zagreb. All rights reserved. CIP zapis dostupan u računalnom katalogu Nacionalne i sveučilišne knjižnice u Zagrebu pod brojem 001012819 A CIP catalogue record for this book is available in the Online Catalogue of the National and University Library in Zagreb as 001012819 ISBN 978-953-6064-36-6 FOREWORD 4 Andrej Pleterski Mythical Landscape. What is it? 5 Mia Čujkević-Plečko, Silvija Lasić, Ivor Karavanić Aspects of symbolic behaviour at Croatian Palaeolithic sites 19 Mitja Guštin, Alja Žorž Nova tabla at Murska Sobota. Burial site as a sacred area 33 Anđelko Đermek The Distribution of pre-Christian Sacred Sites in the Zaprešić area 45 Vitomir Belaj, Juraj Belaj Around and below Divuša: the traces of Perun’s mother arrival into our lands 69 Marko Smole Sacred Slavic triangle in the Upper Kupa and Čabranka Valley: a story about pre-Christian and Christian landscape sacralisation 93 Jelka Vince Pallua A Newly Discovered Figurative Representation of the Mythical Baba – “Old Baba Vukoša” in St. Mary’s Church of Gračišće in Istria 105 Lidija Bajuk Over the Mountains High, across the Waters Deep (astroethnological contributions) 117 Marina Milićević Bradač Passing through the Countryside : How to Recognize a Sacred Place? 143 Vesna Lalošević Examples of pagan sacralisation of Sirmium and Salona landscapes in the early Christian legends 165 Ehsan Shavarebi The Temples of Anāhīd at Estakhr (Southern Iran): Historical Documents and Archaeological Evidence 179 Silvia Bekavac, Željko Miletić Castles of Petuntium, Neraste and Oneum: Sacral centres of pagi in the territory of Salona 195 Dražen Maršić Sacralization of the Salonitan rural landscape on the example of “Gradina in Uvodići” 205 Olga Špehar Changing Sacred Landscape: Christianization of the Central Balkans in Late Antiquity 211 Ana Jordan Knežević Contribution to the Study of Development and Function of Sacral Buildings in Zadar Area (4th–9th Century) 221 Vladimir Peter Goss Sacralization of the Vertical 237 Ivana Peškan, Vesna Pascuttini-Juraga Forming of Cultural Landscape through the Network of Ecclesiastical Buildings in the Valley of the River Bednja 251 Jela Duvnjak, Marija Marić Baković Continuity of the Sacral and Actuality of the Cult on the Cemetery of St. Ivo in Livno 259 Maja Cepetić Rogić Patron Saints and Naming of the Landscape St John and Ivanić. Ecclesia, Villa, Comitatus, Insula 277 Rosana Ratkovčić Continuity and Discontinuity of the Holy Sites of Christianity and Islam in the Examples from the Sufi Tradition 287 Andrea Rimpf, Dražen Arbutina Ilok Ottoman Mosques and Ideal Reconstruction of Mehmed Agha Mosque 299 Karen Stark From Holy Objects to Sacred Places: Making Marian Sanctuaries in 14th c. Hungary Silvija Pisk Our Lady of Garić Marijana Belaj, Mirela Hrovatin Cultural Practices in Sacralisation of Place: Vows in the Shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica Antonia Vodanović, Ivan Huljev Houses and Paths from Podgora: a Case of Landscape Sacralization Merili Metsvahi The Europeanisation of Estonia and the Folktale Connected with Lake Valgjarv 325 335 343 353 367 Cornelia Florea Petrila Mine – Sacred underground 375 Sandis Laime Offering Cave of the Livs in Latvia – from Sacred Place to Tourist Destination 383 Ivan Majnarić The Uses of the Past – the Case of Maksimir Park Mogila 393 Antonija Zaradija Kiš Saint Martin Space and Its Cultural Perspective 403 Neda Kulenović Ocelić, Igor Kulenović New “Sacred” Places: Heritage Practices on Heritage Sites 415 Sandra Križić Roban Displacement in the space of art 423 Suzana Marjanić The Sacralisation of Landscape in Contemporary Art Practices: Croatian Scene Case Study 433 FOREWORD Human settlement of landscape raises the question of marking the landscape with one’s own religion. Changes of religious systems or their coexistence documented in the landscape raises further questions, particularly those pertaining to broader socio-cultural phenomena and dynamics. Even if such processes are not documented in written sources, they could often be recognized in toponyms, folklore, archaeological finds and in contemporary religious practices. Keeping this in focus, the Institute of Archaeology organized the 3rd International Scientific Conference of Mediaeval Archaeology, entitled Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places. The Conference took place on the 2nd and 3rd June 2016, at the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, Croatia. This is the third in a series of conferences designed to thematise mediaeval archaeology. However, for this third conference we have conceived a much broader framework – our intention was to stimulate an exchange of experiences and knowledge among participants with different research perspectives and disciplines and from different geographic areas and chronological periods. As many as 74 participants took part in the conference, coming from Croatia, Hungary, Estonia, Slovenia, Romania, Latvia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Italy, Czech Republic, Germany and Iran. All in all they contributed a total of 57 presentations. Introductory plenary lecture “Sacral spatial arrangement of landscape” was given by prof. dddr. Andrej Pleterski, Research Advisor at the Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Ljubljana, Slovenia. The Conference was divided into the following panels: Human and sacred landscape: paradigms; Traces of sacred sites: prehistory; Myth in landscape; Sacred place - the arena of religious discourses; Social realities in the sacralization of space; Narratives and practices in the sacralization of space; Reading of holy places and sites in Islamic tradition; Traces of sacred sites: antiquity; (De)Sacralizations: spatial biographies; Christian spatial symbolisation. Most of the presenters at the conference readily adapted their presentations into papers. This publication presents analyses of sacred landscape from the perspective of: archaeology, folklore, ethnology, cultural anthropology, literature, architecture, history, art history, mathematics etc., and at the same time covers the period from prehistory, through antiquity and Slavic period and the Middle Ages to the modern period and contemporary times. In addition to this, it also compares different processes from different regions and times, by and large from Europe. All the contributions were separately reviewed by carefully selected experts from the international academic community according to their particular discipline or research perspective. By publishing a book in English, we have tried to provide to the authors the widest visibility in the international scientific community. I would like to thank once again all the participants of the conference for excellent cooperation, as well as to the institutions that helped make it a great success. Special thanks are reserved for the reviewers of individual papers and the proceedings on the whole for their effort, expertise and contribution, as well as for the colleagues from the Institute of Archaeology for their help in the organization of the conference and the publication of these proceedings. We are grateful also to the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb for their support in the organization of the conference. We sincerely hope that the contributions gathered in this publication will encourage colleagues from various scientific disciplines, especially researchers of younger generations, to engage further with the sacralization of landscape and sacred places. Juraj Belaj Andrej Pleterski Mythical Landscape. What is it? Scientific paper This article defines the concept of mythical landscape and describes its function, which is to assist people in their survival. With the help of this function, the components of the mythical landscape are defined. Further on, an idealized model of its structure and its emergence is presented, as well as illustrated with the case of Krakow. Key words: mythical landscape, concepts, case study Krakow, Slavs The mythical landscape is a highly complex system and this paper does not presume to be a handbook on it: for such an achievement, a whole monograph would be needed. The context of individual components will therefore not be discussed in detail. Some of these components are described in my monograph (Pleterski 2014), and additional studies exist for fields (Pleterski 2006; 2013), cemeteries (Pleterski 2003; 2008), houses (Pleinerová 1975: 47; Risteski 2005: 118–183), villages (Baran 1992; Risteski 2005: 184–218). The primary aim is therefore to give an impression of what a mythical landscape is. The emergence of the mythical landscape is to be sought for in the relationship between humans and nature. Human existence is dependent on what happens in nature. In pre-industrial times, when a minor weather disturbance was enough to cause hunger and death, people felt a deep sense of awe at the forces of nature. Back then, people believed it was possible to influence those natural forces, and a system of magical acts was developed and applied. This system changed and evolved in accordance with the needs dictated by the changing environment, economy, society, and way of life. The interrelation of individual system variants is the subject of future research, but the solid structure that was known and used by the ancient Slavs has already emerged. It is extremely archaic, rooted in deep prehistory, apparently in the Palaeolithic. My vision of the mythical landscape is based on this structure (Pleterski 2014). Definitions To begin with, some definitions are needed. It is not my intention to match the terms in folklore studies. I simply want to present, how do I use some words. The already quite domesticated expressions “sacred landscape” or “ritual landscape” are burdened with quite certain meanings, be it a simple estimation or the discussion of sacred places and buildings, with special emphasis on the modern concepts (e.g. Robb 1998; Słupecki 2002; Dobrez 2009). Therefore, I prefer the term “mythical landscape”, which can be used in a broader sense, and I want to encourage its use as a technical term. The mythical landscape is a geographical aspect of a cultural genome. Like the biological genome determines our biological appearance, the cultural genome (Fig. 1) determines our cultural expression. A cultural genome is a set of primordial findings about the functioning of the universe and the rules derived from these findings, which govern the lives of individuals and communities. The findings and the rules vary in accordance with changes in the environment, economy, social relations. They can be seen as hard-core elements of a certain cultural area. When the findings about the functioning of the universe are verbalized in a narrative, a mythical story occurs. In this respect, the mythical story is the textual part of the cultural genome. The geographical aspect of the cultural genome is then the mythical landscape. People used the mythical story as a mental model in order to regulate specific spaces and Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 5 –18 6 A nd re j P l e t e r s k i Fig. 1 The cultural genome as the primordial worldview and its relics consequently the story was materialized as an imprint on the landscape. The mythical story is preserved in the form of the folk narratives associated with individual parts of the landscape. Mental models within the mythical landscape are materialized as spatial ideograms. Spatial ideograms are landscape features, either created by people or naturally occurring, but understood in accordance with mythical conceptions. A spatial ideogram was used as a magical means to master the forces of nature and consequently to ensure life and well-being. This is the function of spatial ideograms. At the present stage of the art, recognizing spatial ideograms is the most reliable way to research the mythical landscape. How to do it, is presented below. The constituent components of the mythical landscape Although it should go without saying, it must be stressed that the fundamental group of components are the natural features of the earth’s landscape – mountains, islands, stones, springs, rivers, lakes, trees, caves. Then, further on, there are the features of the celestial landscape – the sun, the moon, the stars. They are an inherent part of the emergence of the primeval astronomy and the calendar. What was the purpose of the calendar? We should not forget that ritual acts within a landscape had to be performed in the exact right moment to take effect. This segment of the mythical landscape is researched by archaeoastronomy (for further details on the subject and research methods, see: Šprajc 1991; Ruggles 2005; Ministr 2007; A. Polcaro, V. F. Polcaro 2009; Rappenglück 2014). Then we have the human-made, artificial features of the earth’s landscape – roads, channels, fields, settlements, cemeteries, shrines. These material artefacts can be the subject of archaeological research, which provides an opportunity to determine their chronology. In addition to them, there are the intangible components of the mythical landscape. They include the mythical story, which is usually fragmented, as it is preserved in folk narratives and performances, in place-names and sometimes even in M y t hi c a l La nd s c ap e . W h at i s i t ? 7 the names of saints, patrons of churches, which overlaid the earlier mythical landscape as a later ecclesiastical structure. These fragments are spatially associated with individual material parts of a landscape. Therefore, we can investigate the link between this tradition and archaeological remains (cf. Lane 2008; Gunell 2008). The chronology of the latter dates the use of the elements of the mythical story. When it comes to the ecclesiastical landscape, the eternal quest of the Christian Church as an institution is to be allembracing, and its method of substitution of earlier sacred places with churches (Jerris 2002) is well known, corroborated in the year 601 CE, with the famous letter of Pope Gregory the Great, which was sent to Britain (Hartmann, Ewald 1899: 56). Therefore, the position and orientation of churches could be a part of the wirkungsgeschichte (history of the effects of something) of the earlier mythical landscape. The research of the orientation of churches focused on the longitudinal axis of a church building. The studies of the orientation of the lateral axis or even the diagonal of the church nave (Pleterski 2015a: 26–29) are missing. The most common traditional explanation that the church orientation was determined by the sunrise (or sunset) on the feast day of the saint to whom the church was dedicated, holds to be true only in very rare cases (Čaval 2010: 162; Sassin Allen 2016: 160). Some other theories (chronological and institutional effects on the orientation, or the direction of the sunrise when the church was first laid out, or the sunrise around Easter), simply cannot be verified, since they are based on unquantifiable variables (Čaval 2010: 163–165; Sassin Allen 2016: 161–163). For the studies of the mythical landscape it is significant that a lot of churches are oriented around landscape features, including old sacred places (Sassin Allen 2016: 169–184). It is, however, worth mentioning that a church as a sacral building could be constructed as a complex structure, where relations, directions, lights and shadows are filled with symbolic meanings (for example: Pejaković 1978; 1997). To understand the mythical landscape, we should know as many of its components and their positions as possible. While it is not necessary to know them all, their number should be such that the structural mainframe can be recognized. The components must be arranged in an orderly fashion. Only in this way they encourage order, which allows the balance of natural forces and the people’s livelihoods. Failure to comply with the order causes chaos, which brings cataclysms and death. On the other side, the existence of order facilitates our study. Numbers and changes in nature The mythical story explains the changes in nature during the annual repetition of the seasons. The events run in a circle and have neither beginning nor end. They are illustrated by the story of a mythical couple, a woman and a man, who spend the summer part of the year as spouses in continuous harmonious intercourse. Their coital energy produces fertility, which creates prosperity. The time when they are united is the period of abundance in the cycle of the year. In autumn, their union collapses; the man grows old and loses his sexual power, and the female figure consequently cripples him (castrates him, takes his weapon), swallows him, encloses him in a cavity. With the acquired weapon (fire, lightning, axe ...) the infertile woman rules during the winter. The man is apparently dead (he is sleeping), but in spring, rejuvenated, he can leave the woman’s cavity, he beats the elderly woman, forces her into sex and consequently restores her youth and fertility (Pleterski 2014: 7, 37–99). In addition to this story about the fertile and the infertile pair, which is symbolized by the number four, there is another version with three characters, who live in a love triangle. There are one woman and two men; the woman has intercourse with one of the men in the winter and with the other one in the summer (see below). They are symbolized by the number three. The structure of the Zbruč Idol Even when we talk about mythical structures in landscape, it is good to be aware that the same structures exist in figural form. The most sophisticated tangible example from the ancient Slavs is a stone pillar, the so-called Zbruč Idol (Fig. 2). The pillar is made of local limestone, figurally decorated with shallow relief. It was discovered during the dry summer of 1848 in the riverbed of the Zbruč, under the mountain of Bogit (today southwestern Ukraine, then the border between Austria and Russia), and since 1851 it has been kept in Krakow, Poland. Its preserved length is 257 cm (the broken-off base remained in the river), and the cross-section measures 29–32 cm (Leńczyk 1964; Tyniec 2011). While this is not the place for a detailed analysis of its structure with argumentation (for that and for a discussion on the forgery theory see: Pleterski 2014: 363–376), it should be noted that the pillar has three tiers of figures that illustrate the three levels of the universe: the upper world, the middle world and the underworld. A hat covers and unites them all in a whole. The upper heavenly world features the story of the fertile couple. It is represented by a full-bosomed woman and a man 8 A nd re j P l e t e r s k i Fig. 2 The Zbruč Idol, a pillar embossed with reliefs. Found in Ukraine, kept in the Muzeum Archeologiczne, Krakow, Poland (drawing by: A. W. Moszczyński) (half horse) with a sabre below the waist. The infertile couple consists of an unarmed male figure and a woman with withered breasts and a ring (lightning) in her hand (cf. Pleterski 2014: 151–153). In the underworld, there is a three-headed figure with only one lower part of the body – Triglav (literal meaning: three-headed). It consists of a female figure – earth, a hairy man – water, and a beardless male – fire. These are the functions of fire or lightning (Perun), water (Veles), and earth (Baba). Together, united in Triglav, they create life energy. Fire controls the upper world, water the underworld, and earth the middle world, as it is explicitly shown by the posture of the woman’s hands. In the middle world of the Zbruč Idol, there are four human figures holding hands and whirling around. They imitate the fertile and infertile couples of the upper world. The fertile man originally had an erectile protuberance (now broken off), while the infertile one is without it. There is a depiction of a child beside the fertile woman, while the infertile one has none. The task of humans is to establish a connection between the triple underworld and the quadruple world of the celestials. This happens in the springtime wedding ceremony, which brings life energy to the celestial pair so that they can begin their sexual intercourse and procreate prosperity (Pleterski 2014: 368–370). The case of Slovenian K arst. As it can be seen in the tradition of Karst, a region in southwestern Slovenia, mythical structures can also be found in space. The work of Boris Čok, who collected the traditions of Karst stonecutters and their marks (Čok 2015), as well as described the area of the villages of Lokev and Prelože with their traditions (Čok 2012), provides a perfect confirmation for the upper mythical structure of the Zbruč Idol. The tradition of the area of Prelože knows the fertile mythical pair of Deva and Devač, constantly fecundating in the cave of Triglavca (Fig. 3), as well as the infertile couple, the disputing spouses Baba and Dedec (Fig. 4). Fig. 3 Triglavca near Divača, Slovenia. Devač (above) and Deva (below) Fig. 4 Baba (right) and Dedec (left). Prelože, Slovenia M y t hi c a l La nd s c ap e . W h at i s i t ? 9 A preserved explanation claims that Triglav is a god with three heads. One keeps an eye on the sky, the second one watches the ground, and the third one the underground. The three heads also mean that there are three gods combined in one (Čok 2012: 22–23). It is especially worth noting that one of the gods was a female, who married one of the other two gods in winter and the other one in summer (narrative of Marija Božeglav, information by Boris Čok). This is the description of a love triangle – one woman with two men. The people of Prelože saw the three heads of Triglav in three stalactites in the cave of Triglavca (Fig. 5). Fig. 5 The Triglavca cave with its three stalactites, Slovenia The people of Prelože had a shrine called Beli križ (“white cross”), where the cross of Svetovid was composed of stones: the cross was encompassed by a circle, with four stones in each quarter of the circle and four rocks on its perimeter (Fig. 6). It must be stressed that there was also the fifth element, represented by a symbolic young tree in the centre. It symbolically grew up during a rotation ceremony, which was held there in order to retrieve the spring fertility and abundance (Čok 2012: 34; Pleterski 2015: 29). Fig. 6 Beli križ, Prelože, Slovenia. Reconstruction according to descriptions by locals (the basic photo by: B. Čok) The four quarters of Svetovid’s Cross are supposed to represent the four geographical directions, the four periods of life, the four seasons. The four dots were there as the ingredients of the world – earth, fire, water, and air. The repeated presence of the number four is undisputed, but considering the young tree in the centre of the cross, the number five is represented, too (Fig. 6). Masons sometimes used additional four lines instead of dots in a circle – so that there were eight lines altogether. The four lines forming a cross were more pronounced than the other four lines in between. This underlines the ability that gave the god its name: Svetovid was an old deity who supervised everything and the whole world (folk explanation: Čok 2015: 112). This resolves the etymological enigma of the name Svetovid (details Katičić 2010) – it means supervising the world. It was, however, not Triglav or Svetovid that was evoked in ritual songs at Beli križ, but Dajbog. In the tradition of Prelože, Dajbog is described as a separate character. His mason mark is a circle. It represents the Sun god with the old name Dejbuh = Dajbog [giving god]– a god who gives all, and without whom all would disappear (Čok 2015: 109). According to the tradition, the number seven brings together the two old gods, Svetovid and Triglav, which have a total of seven heads (Čok 2015: 125). This is the explanation behind the number 7, as well as behind the number 34, which is composed of 3 and 4. The circle (also the wreath and the multi-petaled flower) comprising 3 and 4 means that only together, Triglav (life force) and Svetovid (fate and spacetime), both of which are associated with the earth, compose the whole of Dajbog. In this respect, the Sun is, of course, only the most obvious manifestation of Dajbog. The all-uniting Dajbog, the sum of Triglav and Svetovid, and therefore seven-headed as well as almighty, matches the oldest description of the Slavic religion from the middle of the 6th century, as written by the Byzantine author Procopius 10 A nd re j P l e t e r s k i (De bello Gothico III, c. 14). Procopius claims that the Slavs “believe that one god, the maker of lightning, is alone lord of all things” (Mansikka 1922: 320). Only Dajbog can master everything. Even Triglav is insufficiently capable, in spite of what I wrongly argued once (Pleterski 2014: 106–107). It still holds true, however, that Procopius does not claim that the Slavs only have one God, but that only one is the master of everything. – With this in mind, the Zbruč Idol can now certainly be called Dajbog. Those who interpreted him as Triglav were right at least to an extent, as well as those who interpreted him as Svetovid. The upper part really is the four-headed Svetovid, comprising four gods, and the lower part really is the threeheaded Triglav, comprising three gods. In the middle, there is us, humans. The tempor al dimension of the mythical story Mythical structures also have a time dimension, because they are associated with the changes in nature through the year. The arrival of the young god who helps to create fertility in spring is undoubtedly associated with the 23rd April. In the Christian calendar, this is the day of St. George and it is very likely that the old Slavic name of the potent groom is Jarilo (cf. Katičić 2010). I would like to draw attention to a calendar that is generally not well-known, but is important for the understanding of the ancient Slavic calendar (the latest attempt at its reconstruction, however, not respecting the data from mythical landscapes: Zaroff 2016). Discovered and described by Branimir Gušić (1962) in Malesija on the border between Montenegro and Albania, this is an old calendar of Albanian shepherds, who begin the year on the day of St. George (the celebration begins on the 24th April). The day of St. Demetrius (26th October) marks the middle of the year, and the two halves of the year lasted 180 days each. The day of St. George was celebrated for three days and the day of St. Demetrius for two days. These five days were not counted among the rest of them and thus they got a year of 365 days. This is undoubtedly a solar calendar, which followed the position of the Sun on the horizon and therefore did not know the problem of leap years. With its help, we can figure out the importance of the days of St. George and St. Demetrius in calendars. From the 26th October up to and including the 23rd April, there are 180 days, i.e. a rounded half of the year. If we observe the sunrises and sunsets on the horizon from the same point in the plane, virtual lines can be drawn, joining the sunrise on the 23rd April and the sunset on the 26th October – as well as vice versa, the sunset on the 23rd April and the sunrise on the 26th October (Fig. 7). Of course, any other opposing pair of dates could be chosen, but the 23rd April has another important feature that no other dates have. On the 23rd April, the sun rises and sets at the same point on the horizon as on the 20th August. From and including the 23rd April up to and including the 20th August, there are 120 days, which is a rounded-up one third of the year. It begins with the arrival of the potent mythical male character in the spring, who rejuvenates the mythical female character, and they spend the next four months in constant intercourse. The third ends with their separation, when the mythical female character ascends to power (cf. Pleterski 2015b). Fig. 7 The sunrises and sunsets in the plain The separation is a conflict situation and traditional storytelling describes it in a number of ways, but without ascribing it an actual date. One of the few Slavic versions of the mythical story that describe the autumn mythical confrontation in conjunction with an actual calendar date is the story about the origin of the Russian town Jaroslavelj: Сказание о построении града Ярославля (a story of the foundation of the town Jaroslavelj). It is preserved in a record from 1781, which is supposed to be a copy of an unknown older manuscript, most likely from the 17th century. The latter was written with the help of earlier sources, perhaps the oral tradition of Jaroslavelj (Katičić 2008: 123–124, 132). Among other things, the record describes the worship of Volos, but here we are interested in what the Kiev Prince Jaroslav the Wise (978–1054) experienced during his visit. According to the narrative, he built the church of St. Elijah, because it had been on the day of St. Elijah that he had beaten a wild beast (люта звер) with an axe. Despite the fact that this date is, of course, already Christian, it is still a very important event in late summer. The primary autumn sacrifice was probably on the 20th August, at the end of the summer-third of the year (Fig. 8). In M y t hi c a l La nd s c ap e . W h at i s i t ? 11 Fig. 8 The three major turning points in the course of the calendar year Catholic Christianity, the exceptional importance of mid-August is preserved with the celebration of the Assumption on the 15th August. In Macedonia, the importance of this time in August is marked by a special period of twelve days, Makaevi, that predicts the fate of the next 12 months (Risteski 2005: 398). In addition, it was transferred to and transformed into the Ilinden sacrifices. Mathematics The beginnings of mathematics date back to the time before the emergence of the first alphabets (in the modern sense). Objects that indicate certain mathematical knowledge are at least 37,000 years old (Berlinghoff, Gouvêa 2008: 12; for even earlier beginnings see Rappenglück 2014). With simple tools, such as a rope and a stick, a circle can be drawn on the ground. Its periphery and centre are given. Using the same tool, the circle may then be divided into four parts, which are determined by the rectangular diameter lines (Fig. 9). If their junctions with the circumference of the circle are connected, we get a square. The ratio between the sides of a square and its diagonal is 1: √2. The diameter of the circle is the diagonal of the square, which is divided into two isosceles right-angled triangles. The angle of 90° is given, and by halving it we get the angles of 45° and 22.5°. If the radius of the circle is used for drawing further circles, which pass through the centre of the first circle and intersect its circumference, we get a six-leaved form (Fig. 10) and six points on the circumference. Together with the centre of the circle they determine six equilateral triangles, while every other of the six points on the circumference determines a larger equilateral triangle (Fig. 11). With simple triangulation, the desired spatial relationships and distances can then be developed from basic triangles. Since the length of one side of the triangle and its adjacent angle are known, the whole triangle Fig. 9 A circle, a square, a right angle and its halvings, the ratio of 1: √2 Fig. 10 A circle divided into six parts may be determined. Equilateral triangles can be used for measuring the distances that are the multiples of an arbitrary baseline distance (Fig. 12). In the same way, an isosceles right-angled triangle may be used (Fig. 13). With the help of three sticks, a straight line can be drawn over mountains, rivers, and valleys. 12 A nd re j P l e t e r s k i Fig. 11 A circle with equilateral triangles Fig. 12 Multiples of measurement units on the same line by using triangles With the help of a vertical stick – gnomon – people were able to determine (Fig. 14) the inclination of the Earth’s axis – the ecliptic (ε). Even though they did not know what the ecliptic was, they were very aware of its consequences: the changing power of the sun, which can be so weak that everything is trapped in cold and ice, or so strong that it dries and burns everything. The golden mean between the two deadly extremes was set by setting the angle ε (about 23.5°), which I have named “the ritual angle”. One can imagine that the magical act of the visualization of the middle, helped to maintain the natural balance and well-being. The ratio 1: √2 (the hypotenuse as the midpoint between the catheti) has the same function. Fig. 13 Multiples of measurement units on the same line by using isosceles right-angled triangles Fig. 14 Determination of the ritual angle Distance units. German metrologist Rolf Rottländer proved that the development of standardized distance units is at least 8,000 years old. A very important fact is that they are all “genetically” connected (Rottländer 2006). Numerous distances are divisible with the so-called Charlemagne’s foot (333.22 mm). The multiples of the Charlemagne’s foot in a measurement module and the multiples of the module are repeated in extremely strong symbolic numbers, often associated with the calendar and the numbers of the moon, especially with the formula 3 x 9. The time that passes before the M y t hi c a l La nd s c ap e . W h at i s i t ? 13 moon returns to the same place on the horizon is known as the sidereal month and it lasts 27.32166 days. This is a month with 3 weeks, each week with 9 days. The formula 3 x 9 or 27 (the numbers 999 and 39, as well as 93 also belong here) is symbolically very strong. Calling the 27 days of a sidereal month, when the moon “goes and returns”, is a spell, used for those who have gone and should return (cf. Žolobov 2004). As the moon constantly dies and revives, it represents the ideal hope for mortal people to be resurrected. How did the mythical landscape emerge? Below, I present an idealized model of the formation of a mythical landscape, as it can be summarized based on the study of Slavic material. This, however, does not mean that the model is unique to the Slavs. The Slavic tradition is so archaic that it reliably goes back to the pre-Slavic time, by which I mean the time before the occurrence of the Slavic language. Perhaps it goes even further back, to the time of the Pre-Indo-Europeans. There is therefore a substantial likelihood that the model presented is widely valid. How widely, practical tests will demonstrate. The mythical landscape (Fig. 15) is structurally consistent with the structure of Dajbog from Zbruč. The structure of mythical landscape was realized separately in different territorial units. Such a unit was connected geographically, politically, economically, juridically, ritually, and in terms of identity. The Slavs called such a unit župa. Its outer frame was defined by four mythical points, associated with the mythical events in the four seasons of the year. Two of them denote the summer and winter states, and the other two the spring and autumn changes. At the same time, they designate the four persons of the fertile and unfertile mythical couples. People visited these locations on specific calendar days and performed rituals ensuring the proper conduct of the mythical story and thereby the proper development in nature. In the central part of a župa, there were three points associated with the three persons of Triglav, or with his three forces of fire, water, and earth. This trinity could also be presented together in one place (see above and Pleterski 2014: 377–382). Fig. 15 The idealized structure of the mythical landscape Within this spatial framework, people placed their settlements, burial grounds, and fields. In doing so, they tried to respect the utmost symbolic directions, distances, shapes, which also denoted the positions of settlements and cemeteries. 14 A nd re j P l e t e r s k i The solutions were adapted to specific areas, canonized rules did not exist. Therefore, not even two situations share every last detail, but it is always the same concept that is repeated. An important property of the mythical landscape is that it does not distinguish between the sacred and the profane; the components of both are everywhere, because it was the desire of the people to be protected in their entire living space. As a result, there is a mythical landscape wherever people lived. The Case of Kr akow In order to avoid being limited to the idealized model, the mythical landscape of Krakow (Fig. 16) is presented here as a case study. It was chosen because it is very well documented in written sources from the end of the 12th century onwards. In addition to that, it is still partially preserved, with many locations that are easily accessible, and some of the sites have been archaeologically investigated. It was created in the 9th century at the latest (detailed documentation and argumentation: Pleterski 2014: 175–222). Fig. 16 The basic mythical landscape structure in Krakow The limits of the mythical space are defined by four (one of them was destroyed during the construction of a sports stadium) huge mounds belonging to four mythical figures. Two of them are male and two female: the fertile Esterka and the infertile Wanda, the dead Krak in Krakuszowice and the abundance-giving Krak in Krakow. The females denote the states of summer and winter, the men the autumn and spring changes. The calendar dates indicated by the mounds might suggest when these changes occurred in Krakow. From the vantage point on the Wanda’s mound, the sun sets behind the Krak’s mound on the 6th November and the 4th February. But if we stand on the Krak’s mound in Krakow, the sun rises from the Krak’s mound in Krakuszowice on the 5th/6th November and the 5th/6th February. These dates encompass a time range of 93 days, which is not only the three winter months with 31 days each, but also the spell of 3 x 9, which brings back a deceased person. It is therefore understandable that an abundance of gifts came from the Krak’s mound in Krakow in spring, M y t hi c a l La nd s c ap e . W h at i s i t ? 15 during the wedding ceremony of Rokavc (in Slovenia) and Rękavka (in Poland), which was preserved until the 17th century, although in a heavily christianised form and transferred to the celebration of Easter on the mound. The mounds of Krak, Wanda, and Esterka determine a triangle (Fig. 17) whose shortest side goes through Wawel, the centre of the local ruler, which at the same time stands on the bisector of the angle with the top on the mound of Wanda. The distances between these points are symbolic and use the Charlemagne’s foot (see above) is used as a unite. The distances are the multiples of 27 (= 3 x 9) feet between the mounds of both Kraks. Similarly, the distances between the Krak’s mound in Krakow and the Wanda’s mound, as well as between the Krak’s mound and the Esterka’s mound coincides with the module of 3 x 27 x 10 feet. Thus, the distance from Wawel to the Esterka’s mound is 36 times this module and the distance to the Krak’s mound is 27 times this module. The number 27 is associated with the movement of the moon, and the number 36 with the length of the solar year. The Moon and the Sun live in the mythical Slavic ruler’s court (Pleterski 2010), which corresponds to a ruler’s function of Wawel. At the same time, the ratio of the above two distances is 3: 4 and illustrates the whole Dajbog (see above). Fig. 17 Krakow, Poland. Spatial relations between the four mounds The central trinity (Fig. 18) is represented by the points of Wawel (earth), Skałka (water), which used to be an island on the Vistula river, and the area with the church of St. Wojciech. The last two are located on the north – south line. The distances between the points of the trinity to the Krak’s mound are 7, 9, and 11 times the above-described module, which reaffirms the equilibrium role of Wawel. The numbers carry symbolic meanings; 7 = 3 + 4, 9 = 3 x 3, 11 = 11 characters on the pillar of Dajbog from Zbruč. The first and the third line denote the ritual angle of 23.5°. It is no surprise that Krakow was subsequently the capital of Poland for centuries. The above case of Krakow shows the applicability of the idealised model of the mythological landscape. We have discussed, how the mythological landscape is composed and how does it works. This was done in a very compressed way. Therefore to expect, now, some short final summary is not realistic. I can only encourage the reader to read the article again. However, at the end of this modest overview, it must be stressed that there is absolutely no guarantee that all the elements of the mythical landscape or all the compositions of these elements have been discussed. Feel free to find any new ones. 16 A nd re j P l e t e r s k i Fig. 18 Krakow, Poland. The mythical trinity and its relations to the Krak’s mound Andrej Pleterski Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts Institute for archaeology Novi trg 2 SI-1000 Ljubljana pleterski@zrc-sazu.si M y t hi c a l La nd s c ap e . W h at i s i t ? 17 BIBLIOGRAPHY Baran, Ja. V. 1992 = Баран, Я. В. 1992, Слов‘янська общчина (за матеріалами поселення Рашків I), Дисертаціа на здобуття наукового ступеня кандидата історичних наук, Київ. Berlinghoff, W., Gouvêa, F. Q. 2008, Matematika skozi stoletja, Modrijan, Ljubljana. 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P. 2002, Pagan religion and cultural landscape of Northwestern slavs in the early Middle-Ages, Siedlungsforschung. Archäologie − Geschichte − Geographie 20, 25−40. Šprajc, I. 1991, Arheoastronomija, Slovensko arheološko društvo, Ljubljana. Tyniec, A. 2011, Światowid ze Zbrucza, http://www. ma.krakow.pl/pradzieje/swiatowid/ (23. 10. 2013). Zaroff, R. 2016, Measurement of Time by the Ancient Slavs, Studia mythologica Slavica 19, 9–39. Žolobov, O. F. 2004 = ЖОЛОБОВ, О. Ф. 2004, Об одном балто-славянском архаизме: “3 x 9”, Studia mythologica Slavica 7, 155−171. Mia Čujkević-Plečko, Silvija Lasić, Ivor Karavanić Aspects of symbolic behaviour at Croatian Palaeolithic sites Professional paper This paper reviews evidence of symbolic behaviour from Croatian Middle and Upper Palaeolithic sites. The earliest finds that might point to symbolic behaviour came from the Middle Palaeolithic site of Krapina in the form of eagle’s talons potentially representing personal ornaments. Potential cases of cannibalism in the Middle Palaeolithic (Krapina, Vindija) are also discussed. Indisputable evidence of personal ornaments in Croatia comes from the early Upper Palaeolithic site of Šandalja II. Such ornaments are common at several late Upper Palaeolithic sites in the Adriatic region (Šandalja II, Pupićina peć, Vešanska peć, Romualdova pećina, Vlakno). Perforated sea snail shells from the Zala cave are the earliest evidence of the contact between Palaeolithic groups from the coast and the hinterland. In addition to personal ornaments, the Upper Palaeolithic symbolism is indicated also by simple geometric depictions on bone (Šandalja II) and lithic finds (Šandalja II and Vlakno), as well as by the production of ceramic figurines at Vela Spila. Key words: symbolism, Middle Palaeolithic, Upper Palaeolithic, Neandertals, modern humans, ornaments, cannibalism, Croatia 1. Some gener al remarks on symbolic behaviour Symbolic behaviour is characteristic for all modern cultures (Haviland 2004: 10, 13), but it is also evident in prehistoric communities. Although there are many possible categories of archaeological records which show the capacity for symbolic expression, it is important to point out that without written material we cannot fully understand the meaning behind symbolic finds. Nevertheless, archaeological context, new methodological approaches or ethnographic parallels can point out possible explanations for certain symbolic finds from the Palaeolithic. Finds that point to symbolic behaviour in the Lower Paleolithic are generally rare and there are no such finds in Croatia. There are numerous categories of potentially symbolic finds from the Middle and especially Upper Palaeolithic which include personal ornaments, decorated tools, utilized pigments, engraved bones and stones, burials, grave goods, systems of notation, musical instruments, complex bone technologies and cave art (Chase, Dibble 1987; d’Errico et al. 2003: 6−7). However, there is no consensus that would securely prove or negate the symbolism of finds, and many authors advocate different views regarding the manifestations of behaviours of the same type of finds (Chase, Dibble 1987; Clark, Lindly 1990; Gargett 1999; Clark, Riel-Salvatore 2001; d’Errico et al. 2003). Although this paper will focus on finds that are present at Croatian Middle and Upper Paleolithic sites (Fig. 1), for a better general understanding of this subject it is necessary to list different types of categories that indicate possible symbolic behaviour among both Neandertals and early modern humans. Burials play a particularly prominent role in discussions about symbolic behaviour. Burial practice can offer insight into many aspects of behaviour. It shows how the community treats their dead and, on the other hand, how, and if, they perceive the afterlife (Vandermeersch 2004: 21). Burials can also reveal social differentiation and cultural identities (Binford 1968: 139−144, Vanhaeren, d’Errico 2005: 129; Zilhão 2005: 235). In both Middle and early Upper Palaeolithic burials rarely occur (Straus 1989: 633; Riel-Salvatore, Gravel-Miguel 2013: 303). However, while there is a general consensus about the symbolic Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 19–31 20 Mi a Č u j k e v i ć - P l e čko , S ilv i j a L a s i ć , I v or K a r ava ni ć Fig. 1. Middle and Upper Palaeolithic Croatian sites mentioned in the discussion on symbolic behaviour: 1. Šandalja II 2. Ljubićeva peć 3. Romualdova pećina 4. Vešanska and Pupićina peć 5. Zala 6. Vlakno 7. Vela Spila 8. Veternica 9. Krapina 10. Vindija (map taken from Ginkgomapsproject: http://ginkgomaps.com; map modified by M.Č.P. and S. L.) nature of Upper Palaeolithic burials, it is still discussed whether that is also the case with Neandertal burials (Chase and Dibble 1989; Gargett 1999; Pettitt 2002). Due to the appearance of the grave, taphonomy, stratigraphy, sedimentology, grave goods, position of the remains of the deceased etc. in some cases it is unclear whether Middle Palaeolithic burials had a symbolic intention or they were just a form of body disposal with no symbolic intention (Chase, Dibble 1986: 276, Gargett 1999; Pettit 2002). However, even Upper Palaeolithic burials are often not rich with grave goods which are seen as indicators of deliberate symbolic activity (Riel-Salvatore, Gravel Miguel 2013: 333) and there is only a small number of graves, such as Sunghir or Saint-Germain-de-la-Rivière that stand out (Formicola 2007: 446; Vanhaeren, d’Errico 2005: 122). However, there are no known indisputable intentional burials from Croatian Paleolithic sites so far. During the Middle Palaeolithic, finds of human bones with traces of modifications might perhaps point to certain rituals practised with the deceased members (Ullrich 1978; 2006). Perimortal incisions on bones of distinctly regular shape are an example of such modifications, due to which it is assumed that they may have been made during some sort of post mortem ritual (Frayer et al. 2006; Rougier et al. 2016). Some bones bear incisions typical for excarnation, as well as marks Asp e c t s of s y mb ol i c be h av i our at C ro at i a n P a l a e ol i t hi c s i t e s 21 pointing to the extraction of the marrow. This might be an indication of cannibalistic practice among Middle Palaeolithic populations, which sometimes might be associated with rituals and symbolic behaviour (Villa 1992; Defleur et al. 1999; White 2001; Ullrich 2006). However, it is difficult to determine whether they practised cannibalism because of symbolic reasons or was it perhaps a functional manifestation like in the cases of dietary cannibalism. Use of pigment is one of the earliest possible indicators of symbolic representation in prehistory (d’Errico et al. 2003:19). There are numerous sites in Europe with visible use of red pigment among late Neandertals (Zilhão et al. 2009) but there are also finds that show traces of red ochre use much earlier (Clark 1978; Roebroeks et al. 2011; Bednarik 2013). Furthermore, there are many Mousterian sites with traces of colouring materials and artefacts used in their treatments (Bodu et al. 2013; Majkić et al. 2017). The presence of red ochre at sites might indicate a sort of social behaviour that includes a complex system of beliefs and ideas of symbolic nature (Wrescher 1980: 633, d’Errico et al. 2003: 6), even though there are also utilitarian explanations in case the ochre was not found in a clear archaeological context suggestive of symbolism. Just like the use of pigment, early rock engravings could be linked with behavioral modernity. Early rock art in Gorham’s Cave in Gibraltar demonstrates the possibility that Neandertals were capable of abstract expression (Rodríguez-Vidal et al. 2014: 13303), and there are other examples of Neandertal modernity linked to symbolic behavior (e.g. Jaubert et al. 2016). In the Upper Palaeolithic however, there is an appearance of cave paintings in Europe. Widely known and associated with modern humans, cave art is linked to complex symbolic behaviour although its meaning is largely unknown and in the domain of various theories. However, there are new methodological approaches for studying parietal art which can tell us a lot about social organizations of prehistoric communities (Ruiz Redondo 2016: 569; Ruiz Redondo et al. 2017: 75). Symbolic behaviour is also suggested by production and use of personal ornaments which were often neglected in archaeological research (Moro Abadia, Gonzalez Morales 2010: 237). Finds that may have denoted ornaments had not played an important role in the archaeological research before the 1980s, and were not considered art (Moro Abadia, Gonzalez Morales 2010: 237). In the last three decades, the archaeological scholarly community started devoting greater attention to personal ornaments that may offer different information about the population that produced and wore such ornaments (Moro Abadia, Gonzalez Morales 2010: 237). Personal ornaments may point to the consciousness of communities about their own identity and cultural affiliation, but possibly also to social differentiation (White 1989: 97; Wadley 2001: 203, Henshilwood, Marean 2003: 635; Vanhaeren, d’Errico 2005: 118; Zilhão 2005: 231; Riel Salvatore, Gravel Miguel 2013: 304, von Petzinger 2016). Even though the first certain finds of personal ornaments among the Neandertals have been dated to the Châtelperronian, a transitional culture from the Middle to the Upper Palaeolithic (Caron et al. 2011), it has been put forward in the literature that the Neandertals may have started making personal ornaments much earlier, independently from the influence of the early modern humans (Caron et al. 2011; Radovčić et al. 2015; see also Zilhão et al. 2009). However, in the Upper Palaeolithic there is a significant increase in the use of personal ornaments and they are quite common. It should be noted that their appearance in the Upper Palaeolithic is more complex and a good example for that is the necklace from the Saint-Germain-de-la-Rivière burial with specific and interesting motifs or signs (Vanhaeren, d’Errico 2005; von Petzinger 2016) or highly detailed personal ornaments such as those found in children’s burials in Sunghir (Formicola 2007: 446). Incised motifs on stone or animal bones are present at both Middle and more often at Upper Palaeolithic sites. Incisions may suggest the presence of symbolic behaviour that might be interpreted as art, notations or systems of symbols known and used by the communities in which they appear (White 1989: 98; Marshack 1992: 86; Genevieve von Petzinger 2016, Majkić et al. 2017). Ceramic objects are a rare phenomenon before the Neolithic, however, they are sporadically found in a broader geographic area in the Upper Palaeolithic. The first appearance of ceramics does not necessarily point to symbolic behaviour, but such an early presence of ceramic objects might suggest that at first they may have had a decorative and symbolic role, and not a functional one (Vandiver et al 1989: 1007; Farbstein et al. 2012: 14). Musical instruments appear in the Upper Palaeolithic (d’Errico et al. 2003; Conard et al. 2009) but there is also a Middle Palaeolithic artefact from Slovenia which possibly could be the first musical instrument (Turk et al 2003, 2005; Tuniz et al. 2012; Dimkaroski 2010, 2014). The last three decades have been a period of more or less intense Palaeolithic research in Croatia. During this period different types of finds pointing to symbolic behaviour have been found at several sites (Table 1). These findings are presented in this paper in a broader archaeological context, although not all categories of symbolic behaviour mentioned above are represented at Croatian Paleolithic sites. 22 Mi a Č u j k e v i ć - P l e čko , S ilv i j a L a s i ć , I v or K a r ava ni ć SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR Modification of human bones Personal ornaments ARTEFACT/FINDING Incisions on Krapina 3 (C) cranium Eagle's talons SITE DATE Krapina Mousterian Krapina Šandalja II Mousterian Romuald's Cave Personal ornaments Perforated animal teeth Vlakno Pupićina peć Vela Spila Aurignacian/Epigravettian Upper Palaeolithic Epigravettian Epigravettian Epigravettian Šandalja II Personal ornaments Perforated animal bones/bone tablets Vešanska peć Epigravettian Šandalja II ? Pupićina peć Ljubić's Cave Personal ornaments Perforated shells Vlakno Zala Vela Spila Personal ornaments Incised bones Engraved stone artefacts Ceramic artefacts Bone pendants Bones with short incisions Stone artefacts with engravings that form a motif Ceramic figurines Šandalja II Vindija (G1/G3) Šandalja II Vlakno Epigravettian Epigravettian Mousterian/Aurignacian? Epigravettian Epigravettian Šandalja II Vlakno Vela Spila Epigravettian Epigravettian Table 1 Symbolic finds from Croatian Palaeolithic sites 2. Symbolic finds in Croatia 2.1 Modifications on human bones and the “cult of the cave bear” Krapina, situated in north-west Croatia, is a unique and important site due to a large number of Neandertal individuals found at a single site (Wolpoff 1979; Ullrich 2006). Research at the site started as early as 1899 by Dragutin GorjanovićKramberger, which makes Krapina one of the earliest excavated paleoanthropological sites in Europe. The large number of young individuals and the scattered and fragmented character of the bone assemblage gave rise to the first theories about Krapina as a site that might be connected with a certain type of cult, because as such it could not have been a place of residence of a “usual” community (Radovčić 1988: 152; Patou-Mathis 2006: 195). However, a different conclusion was suggested at an earlier date by Dragutin Gorjanović-Kramberger (1906; 1913). Based on the recurring discovery of fragmented human remains mixed with animal remains near a hearth, during his research Gorjanović-Kramberger (1913: 37) was the first to put forward the assumption that the Krapina Neandertals practised cannibalism: “…it is also likely that the Krapina humans did not show any respect for their deceased members, because all the time we have encountered broken bones together with animal bones, scattered around in disarray, mostly around the edges of that hearth…”1. Since then until today this theory has often been advocated in the literature (Tomić-Karović 1970; Smith 1976; Ullrich 1978, 2006; White 2001; Patou-Mathis 2006). Nevertheless, to securely determine that cannibalism was practised at a site, Paola Villa 1 English translation by S. Mihelić Asp e c t s of s y mb ol i c be h av i our at C ro at i a n P a l a e ol i t hi c s i t e s 23 (1992: 94) mentions several indicators whose presence among the finds is required, which includes a similar processing of human and animal remains and incisions on the bones that might demonstrate this; longitudinal breaks on long bones in order to extract marrow; evidence of cooking; the same pattern of abandonment of human and animal remains upon consumption etc. Despite considerable fragmentation, no trace of violence has been documented on the Krapina bones, due to which it is possible that endocannibalism, i.e. cannibalism among the members of the same community, was practised there (Patou-Mathis 2006: 198). Even though it is usually mentioned in the literature that a part of the Krapina remains may certainly be connected with cannibalism, these theories have recently been criticised. For instance, J. Orschiedt (2008) stated that recent analyses of the human remains from Krapina did not yield any results that would support the cannibalism theory. Damage on bones that is often interpreted as a consequence of human activities Orschiedt interprets as a result of the pressure of the sediment on bones (see also Russell 1987a) or as traces of post-mortal animal action on human remains. Among interpretations of human remains from Krapina, in addition to cannibalism, there is an opinion that these were the remains of burials of the members of this group (Trinkaus 1985). However, alongside possible burials of dead persons by the other members of the community, Trinkaus (1985) leaves open the possibility of chance burials, concluding that the poor condition of discovered remains was caused by natural activities such as a collapse of rocks not long after the burial. In addition to the burial theses, secondary burial is mentioned as another possible reason for the poor condition of the Krapina remains. In favour of this, we ought to mention that it is less plausible that a standard burial would result in poorly preserved bones (Russell 1987a, 1987b). However, it is possible that burials were very shallow, after which a subsequent collapse of rocks in the rockshelter and other geological processes that took place after the burial may have caused the considerable fragmentation of the remains (Trinkaus 1985; van Arsdale 2007). Another possible factor favouring secondary burial theory is the noticeable selection of “more important” bones. Namely, skull bones and long bones are far more numerous than smaller bones (Ullrich 2006). Still, this interpretation is only speculative, considering that stronger evidence is necessary than mere incisions on bones (which may have occurred due to other reasons) and possible selection of bones in order to confirm this practice with certainty (Russell 1987a, 1987b; Villa 1992; Ullrich 2006). Secondary burial, alongside cannibalism, is the most commonly mentioned possibility in the literature, however, these two practices are at the same time notoriously difficult to distinguish. Marks on human bones caused by stone tools may have been a result of excarnation for consumption just as well as for cleaning bones for secondary burial (Russell 1987b; Ullrich 2006). However, there is also a theory about a natural catastrophe that befell the Krapina Neandertal population (BocquetAppell, Arsuaga 1999). It is explained by changes and instabilities in the environment that brought about a demographic crisis of the Neandertal population inhabiting that area, which they were unable to cope with, which eventually led to a high mortality rate of community members (Bocquet-Appell, Arsuaga 1999). In recent times a lot of attention has been dedicated to a find considered as the most plausible indicator of symbolic behaviour among the Krapina remains. Frayer et al. (2006) state that the incisions on the bones may have been made by natural processes, animal action, rock collapse, human action during sand extraction or during excavation, but they also point out that a part of the finds bear marks resulting from the removal of soft tissue soon after death for certain ritual purposes. Among the latter finds, the most famous one is the well preserved frontal part of the skull usually called Krapina C or Krapina 3 (Fig. 2), which bears incisions distinct from those on the other preserved bones. Analyses have documented the existence of at least 35 perimortal incisions. These are shallow incisions 5.3 mm big on the average, running more or less parallel to each other, with only two intersecting pairs (Frayer et al. 2006: 3). It is impossible to determine the sequence in which they were made, but their regularity points to the conclusion that all were made at the same time. Such a pattern of incisions cannot be associated with cannibalism or secondary burial, because analogies with other finds have shown that such parallel lines do not correspond to these practices. Due to this, Frayer et al. (2006) attribute Krapina C to a special type of ritual and symbolic behaviour, where the skull was deliberately marked, but since this is a unique find, the function of this practice remains unknown. Another site associated with possible cannibalism linked to Neandertals is Vindija cave, situated, like Krapina, in northwestern Croatia, about 20 km west from the city of Varaždin. Nevertheless, unlike the more robust remains of the Krapina Neandertals, the remains of Neandertals from Vindija feature a much more gracile morphology (see also Janković et al. 2006, 2016; Karavanić, Janković 2007; Cartmill, Smith 2009). Even though the question has been raised whether morphological differences are the result of different sex or age among the tested samples, analyses have corroborated that this was not the case, but that the finds from Vindija certainly show differences when compared with the remains of older Neandertals (Kesterke, Ahern 2007). Also, the Neandertals from Vindija are considerably younger than the Krapina ones, and the finds from G1 layer are dated to the very transition from the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic (Janković et al. 2006, 2016; 24 Mi a Č u j k e v i ć - P l e čko , S ilv i j a L a s i ć , I v or K a r ava ni ć Fig. 2. Skull “Krapina C” or “Krapina 3” (drawing by M. Rončević; incisions are based on photography after Frayer et al. 2006: fig. 2) Karavanić, Janković 2007). Like in the case of Krapina, human bones from Vindija also contain some incisions that might point to cannibalism (Malez 1985; White 2001; Karavanić, Patou-Mathis 2009). However, these marks (cut-marks) are noted only on hominin remains from G3 layer (Karavanić, Patou-Mathis 2009), and we cannot straightforwardly associate this practice with a ritual. Although cranial fragments and very rare presence of postcranial bones might suggest intentional selections of human bones at Vindija (Malez and Ullrich 1982), or that the skull was deliberately deposited in the cave by Neandertals (Karavanić and Patou-Mathis 2009), there is no other evidence which would support these interpretations. Veternica cave is the third site in Croatia with finds that used to be associated with symbolic rituals during the Middle Paleolithic. M. Malez (1958; 1983) stated that during the excavation, skulls and other bones of bear were found in closed niches inside the cave, which prompted him to attribute symbolic behaviour also to Mousterian people from Veternica. He interpreted this phenomenon in terms of the cave bear cult, which had previously been associated with other European Neandertal sites like Drachenloch (Kurten 1976) and often featured in the literature dealing with the Middle Palaeolithic period. However, it is not clear from which stratigraphic levels of Veternica come most of the clusters of bones and skulls of cave bears. Also, these clusters in certain parts of the cave, including two “niches” (Malez 1983: Fig. 1), may be explained Asp e c t s of s y mb ol i c be h av i our at C ro at i a n P a l a e ol i t hi c s i t e s 25 by the action of natural processes, like it is the case at many other European sites (see Chase, Dibble 1987). Nowadays this cult is by and large considered unfounded (Chase 1987; Chase, Dibble 1987), and the mentioned phenomena in caves are usually attributed to natural processes. Finally, M. Malez (1979: 259) viewed fragmentation of the bones from late Upper Paleolithic (Epigravettian) layer B/s of Šandalja II as a result of cannibalism. However, later examinations did not show any evidence of cannibalism in Šandalja II while the fragmentation of the bones was explained by trampling and disturbance of the layers (Miracle 1995: 97; Janković et al. 2011: 186−188; 2012: 120). 2.2 Personal ornaments It seems that the oldest finds of personal ornaments in Croatia came from the site of Krapina. Radovčić et al. (2015) state that the Krapina Neandertals were making and wearing personal ornaments as far back as 130 000 years ago. Analyses carried out on eight talons and a phalanx belonging to a minimum of three white-tailed eagles (Haliaëtus albicilla) exhibit traces of human-made modifications. Eagle’s talons are very rarely found at Palaeolithic sites, particularly during the Mousterian in such large numbers. Considering that there were as many as eight talons, Radovčić et al. (2015: 2) assume that all the finds most likely belonged to a single necklace or some other type of jewellery set. All the finds feature a polished surface, with visible gloss or traces of abrasion that may have occurred by talons touching one another. Depressions on the ventral parts of three talons may be the result of stringing on a necklace or another type of jewellery. The same authors believe that talons were tied and strung by ligaments or strings (Radovčić et al. 2016: 8−11). It is important to mention that whitetailed eagle at that period did not inhabit the area of present-day Krapina, which means that the Krapina Neandertals most likely travelled far and wide to procure talons (most likely by hunting), probably for symbolic reasons (Radovčić et al. 2015). There are some other finds that indicate a possibility that birds had some special symbolic meaning to Neandertals. Traces on bird’s wing bones indicate that Neandertals from Grotte di Fumane (Italy) intentionaly removed large feathers, which shows a form of symbolic behavior (Peresani et al. 2011). Even though it is dubious whether we can discuss the production of jewellery by Neandertals at such an early date, there are indications in favour of wearing personal ornaments during the Mousterian (Zilhão et al. 2009), as well as evidence of such behaviour in the Châtelperronian (Caron et al. 2011). During the Upper Palaeolithic, several sites from the Eastern Adriatic coast yielded objects interpreted as personal ornaments. Šandalja II in south Istria is a site with Aurignacian and Epigravettian layers (Malez 1979; Karavanić 2003; Karavanić, Janković 2010; Karavanić et al. 2013). Aurignacian layers yielded three teeth of red deer (Cervus elaphus) and a perforated tooth of a badger (Meles meles) (Fig. 3: 1) (Karavanić 1999: 84; Karavanić 2003: 592). Perforated badger’s tooth from Šandalja II is the only such known example of a personal ornament in the Aurignacian period (Vanhaeren, d’Errico 2006: 1109, 1113). The Epigravettian layers of Šandalja II yielded five perforated teeth of red deer (Cervus elaphus), one perforated tooth of a lynx (Lynx lynx) and a tooth of a bison (Bison sp.) or auroch (Bos sp.) (Fig. 3: 2, 3, 4, 5, 6). A perforated bone tablet, a bone pendant and a sea shell (Glycymeris glycymeris) originated from these layers (Cvitkušić 2015: 48; Cvitkušić, Komšo 2014: 484). The Epigravettian horizons of Pupićina peć, situated in north-east Istria, yielded a perforated incisor of an elk (Alces alces) and a Columbella rustica sea snail shell, which were used as personal ornaments (Miracle 2004; Komšo 2007: 34). The finds also included a damaged shell Glycymeris glycymeris, although it is not clear whether it was perforated or not (Cvitkušić, Komšo 2015: 483). An interesting find comes from the late Epigravettian of Vešanska peć in Istria – a fragmented bone tablet with a perforation, which might be interpreted as jewellery (Komšo 2007: 34). The Epigravettian horizon of Ljubićeva cave, situated near Marčana in southern Istria, yielded a sea snail shell Cyclope neritea (Percan et al. 2009: 346). Romualdova cave at the eastern tip of Lim Channel in Istria yielded a perforated canine of red deer (Cervus elaphus) (Malez 1979: 252). Mirko Malez dated this find to Upper Pleistocene layers, which also contained types of tools typical for the Upper Palaeolithic (Malez 1979: 252). However, due to the small assemblage of finds it cannot be ascertained whether we are dealing with the Aurignacian or Epigravettian period (Komšo 2007: 34; Karavanić et al. 2013: 60). Vlakno cave on Dugi otok plays an exceptionally important role for the research on symbolic behaviour in the Central Adriatic area (Vujević, Parica 2011). The Epigravettian layers yielded a total of 23 personal ornaments made of sea shells and animal teeth (Cvitkušić 2015: 56). A specific feature of this site is the very large number of finds of this type, even though their manufacture does not differ from the Epigravettian tradition of making personal ornaments (Vujević, Parica 2011: 27). Ten objects made of perforated teeth of red deer (Cervus ephalus), are found at this site. There were also nine perforated Cyclope neritea shells, a shell of Dentalium sp. and three Glycymeris glycymeris shells (Brusić 2008: 402; Vujević, Parica 2011: 26; Cvitkušić 2015: 56−57). Furthermore, Vela Spila on Korčula island yielded 23 personal ornaments (Cristiani et al. 2014: 24). These include seven perforated teeth of red deer (Cervus ephalus), two perforated shells of Cyclope neritea sea snail, seven Nassarius gibbosulus shells, two Co- 26 Mi a Č u j k e v i ć - P l e čko , S ilv i j a L a s i ć , I v or K a r ava ni ć Fig. 3. Personal ornaments from the Aurignacian and Epigravettian and reticular motif on the cortex of a tool from the Epigravettian of Šandalja II (after Karavanić 2003: 592: fig. 9:3; Karavanić 2013 et al.: fig. 17: 4,5; fig. 19: 6,7,9; fig. 9: 40) lumbella rustica shells and five specimens of Glycymeris sp. bivalves (Cristiani et al. 2014: 24). Almost all specimens feature exfoliation, i.e. wearing marks (Cristiani et al. 2014: 24). At Zala, a cave in the Ogulin-Plaški valley near Tounj, personal ornaments made of Cyclope neritea shells (15 beads) were discovered in late Upper Palaeolithic layers (late Epigravettian). The finds included also a fragment of a Pecten jacobaeus shell, however, it did not show any traces of modification so it is not known whether it was used as an ornament (Karavanić, Vukosavljević 2015: 158). Cyclope neritea and Pecten jacobaeus were exotic goods in Zala, considering that they were brought to the site from the sea. Therefore, these finds point to contacts between continental hinterland with the coast (Vukosavljević, Karavanić 2013: 164, 167). 2.3 Incised animal bones This is a class of finds that cannot be attributed to personal ornaments, although it features incisions pointing to symbolic behaviour. Bones with short incised notches might be characterized as notation systems (Marschak 1972: 447). In order to determine the possible significance of such incisions it is necessary to carry out analyses to define whether the same tool was used for all incisions and whether all engravings were made at the same time (d’Errico 1992: 4). Moreover, by experimenting and applying technological and morphometric analysis the degree of intentionality of notches can be determined (Majkić et al. 2017). In Croatia there are three sites with these types of finds. The bear penis bone with circular incisions was found at Vindija. Although it has been attributed to layer G1 (Malez 1988), a note associated with this find suggests that it came from Mousterian level G3 (Karavanić, Smith 1998: 233). Modification on this bone needs to be analysed in more detail in future. Incised bones were found also at two Upper Palaeolithic sites – in the Aurignacian and Epigravettian layers of Šandalja II and at Epigravettian layers of Vlakno (Karavanić et al. 2013: 49, 51; Vujević, Parica 2011: 29−30). The Aurignacian layer at Šandalja yielded a part of a bone with incised lines (Karavanić 2003: 592), while the Epigravettian layer yielded a bone tablet with incised lines and a short notch on a line, which might be a part of a certain depiction (Karavanić et al. 2013: 48). From the same Epigravettian layers at Šandalja come a wide punch with a broken tip, made of a bone of roe deer and decorated with two rows of parallel incised lines, a point with a broken base with series of notches, a bone with paired notches separated by empty space and a bone fragment with incised lines, some of which have the shape of letters X Asp e c t s of s y mb ol i c be h av i our at C ro at i a n P a l a e ol i t hi c s i t e s 27 and Y, and a pair of incisions (Karavanić et al. 2013: 48, 51). Vlakno also yielded similar artefacts – a bone awl and a punch (Vujević, Parica 2011: 30). Similar to certain specimens from Šandalja II, the incisions are shallow and horizontal. It is possible that such incised objects played an entirely functional role besides a strictly aesthetic one. However, they could have also had a symbolic meaning. 2.4 Engraved stone artefacts In Croatia, engraved stone artefacts appear at the Upper Palaeolithic sites of Šandalja II and Vlakno. In Šandalja II, on the cortex of a tool from the Epigravettian layer there is a visible regular reticular motif (Fig. 3: 7), and a similar reticular structure is visible also on either side of a bone tablet from the same site (Karavanić et al. 2013: 38, 51). In the Epigravettian layers of Vlakno cave we find objects bearing incisions similar to those from Šandalja. One of the two chert nodules discovered there bears incised lines along the entire surface, while the other one exhibits regular parallel incisions and two horizontal lines, made by a human hand (Vujević, Parica 2001: 29). If we look at the reticular motif and straight lines on artefacts from Šandalja II and Vlakno as symbols or signs that transmitted certain ideas, concepts or phenomena, such finds might perhaps be interpreted as evidence of graphic communication (von Petzinger 2016). The reticular motif on lithics appears also at other Epigravettian sites, like Riparo Tagliente and Riparo Dalmeri in northern Italy (Guerreschi 2005: 179−181; Dalmeri et al. 2002: 144). Perhaps this motif was used as a symbol for transmitting certain ideas, which may have had an important significance for those communities. However, we have to stress that systems of signs and symbols are specific for each culture and correspond to specifically determined conventions that exist within a community, so it is quite likely that similar or identical symbols at different sites may have had entirely different meanings, or were used merely as motifs with an exclusively decorative role (Deacon 1997: 70; von Petzinger 2016). 2.5 Pigments The remains of red ochre were found at several Epigravettian levels of Šandalja II, while the remains of brown ochre originated from only one Epigravettian stratigraphic unit (Karavanić et al. 2013: 59). These pigments might have been used for certain symbolic purposes. However, we do not know their spatial context and there is no evidence which would undoubtedly support a symbolic use of these finds. 2.6 Ceramic artefacts In the study of symbolic behaviour in the Upper Palaeolithic of Croatia, a particularly important role is played by ceramic artefacts found in the Epigravettian layers of Vela Spila (Farbstein et al. 2012). Ceramics are traditionally considered as a phenomenon that is primarily associated with the Neolithic (Farbstein et al. 2012: 14). Although such phenomena are exceptionally rare in the periods preceding the Neolithic, we sporadically encounter them during the Palaeolithic at various places such as Dolní Věstonice I and Pavlov I in the Czech Republic, at Tamar Hat in Algeria and at Vela Spila on Korčula island in Croatia. Vela Spila yielded a total of 36 ceramic figurative fragments mainly discovered in layers abounding in fauna, and we interpret these finds as personal ornaments (Farbstein et al. 2012: 3, 6, 8). Some of the ceramic finds have been interpreted as fragmented parts of zoomorphic figurines, while others are of oval or cylindrical shape reminiscent of parts of animal limbs (Farbstein et al. 2012: 6, 7). Ceramic figurines were often destroyed at Pavlovian sites, and this phenomenon has not been observed at Vela Spila, where ceramic objects were not found in association with hearths (Farbstein et al. 2012: 9, 11). Also, it is particularly interesting that the production of ceramic artefacts, based on the mentioned examples, may be considered as an innovation that took place several times through history, at various sites that nurtured different traditions and stylistic preferences (Fabstein et al. 2012: 12). The ceramic artefacts from Vela Spila are arguably the first known developed production technology of ceramic art after the late glacial maximum in Europe, and they are the result of an independent evolution separate from the other previous ceramic technologies (Farbstein et al. 2012: 12). 3. Conclusion Symbolic behaviour in prehistory can be traced through numerous phenomena such as personal ornaments, incised bones, engravings, burials and possible ritualistic behaviours. We may trace symbolic behaviour also at Palaeolithic sites in Croatia (Table 1), both on the continent as well as in the Mediterranean part of the country, which are important for studying the adaptation of hunters and gatherers. Ritualistic behaviour was suggested for some of the finds from Krapina and Vindija Middle Palaeolithic sites where modification of certain Neandertal remains could be interpreted as a result of cannibalism or some other form of behaviour. However, it is still debated which form of behaviour at the mentioned 28 Mi a Č u j k e v i ć - P l e čko , S ilv i j a L a s i ć , I v or K a r ava ni ć sites really occured and was it of a ritual character. However, incisions on Krapina C (3) cranium cannot be associated with cannibalism or secondary burial and might suggest a symbolic act and some kind of ritual behaviour where the skull was deliberately marked after death, but since this is a unique find, the real function of this practice remains unknown (Frayer et al. 2006). The Krapina site has also yielded other interesting finds linked to Neandertals which may point to symbolic behaviour. Eagle’s talons from this site are probably the oldest personal ornaments in Croatia (Radovčić et al. 2015). In the Upper Palaeolithic in Croatia, personal ornaments, as mentioned before, are much more common and they were found at seven sites – Šandalja II, Romuald’s cave, Pupićina peć, Vešanska pećina, Zala, Vlakno and Vela Spila. Furthermore, incised bone artefacts were found in the Upper Palaeolithic layers of Šandalja II and Vlakno, while engraved stone objects with interesting motifs were found in Šandalja II and Vlakno. Ceramic artefacts, which are very rare in the Upper Palaeolithic, were found in Vela Spila and their early appearence may suggest symbolic activity (Farbstein et al. 2012). Based on these data, we can perceive some aspects of symbolic behaviour already in the Middle Palaeolithic, while much more finds exhibiting such a behaviour date from the late Upper Palaeolithic. This, however, can be interpreted as a consequence of a growing intensity of such a practice, an increase of population in later periods and through possible alternative ways of expressing symbolism in various periods. In addition to the mentioned aspects of symbolic behaviour, research on rock art, present in the Upper Palaeolithic of Europe, is only in an incipient phase in Croatia, so it may be expected that the present image of our Upper Palaeolithic sites would be significantly complemented in the future. Translated by Sanjin Mihelić Mia Čujkević-Plečko F. Ivanščaka 6 HR–10430 Samobor mcplecko@gmail.com Silvija Lasić Ul. Berinovac 13 HR–21263 Krivodol, Imotski silvijalasic@yahoo.com Ivor Karavanić University of Zagreb, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Department of Archaeology Ivana Lučića 3 HR–10000 Zagreb Department of Anthropology, University of Wyoming, 1000 E University Ave, Laramie, WY 82071, USA ikaravan@ffzg.hr Asp e c t s of s y mb ol i c be h av i our at C ro at i a n P a l a e ol i t hi c s i t e s 29 BIBLIOGRAPHY Bednarik, R.G. 2013, Pleistocene Palaeoart in Africa, Arts, Vol. 2, 6–34. 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Burial site as a sacred area Scientific paper The authors are presenting a multi-periodical burial site at Nova tabla at Murska Sobota as a case study, with emphasize on the continuous use of a certain place as one of the important occurrences of identification of a ritual space. Spatial and temporal range of an area where the deceased were laid to rest and specific grave goods as symbolic carriers have played an important role in the process of burying. The study of a wide area around Nova tabla site, and above all the context of settlement space, has indicated that people selected a certain area for a cemetery with precision and intention. This selection may have originated out of two sources: from intention to preserve the sacredness of the deceased and the remembrance of their ancestors or out of universal human subconscious – human response to landscape characteristics. These limited integrities of individual burial sites have through tradition and re-use become key points in spatial sense and on a symbolic level, and have served as orientation spots for the descendants and newcomers in regard to organization of their living spaces. Key words: ritual landscape, necropolis, graves, Nova tabla at Murska Sobota Nova tabla at Mursk a Sobota Plain landscape surrounding modern settlement Murska Sobota is visually a wide, hardly corrugated flat land, characteristic for the region of Pannonia (Fig. 1). An extended area covered with fields, located nearby a vast gravel pit, present lake of Sobota, in particular, has been designated as Nova tabla. The flatland of Nova tabla is interwoven with former channels of the river Mura and minor streams. Meandering Stream Dobel gave these plains a distinctive character, among other riverine formations, until recent establishment of an agrarian landscape. The area of Nova tabla, fields and minor woodlands as a distinctive image of Prekmurje, has been completely altered in a process of highway construction and its accompanying structures (Fig. 2). Prekmurje was continuously settled from the Neolithic period to the Mediaeval period. Settlements/farmyards were dispersed in the landscape on beforehand forested plains, as a rule. It is difficult to track the first wave of settlers in all the periods, because the first arrivals at the “No man’s land” have set up modest temporary shelters and their burials are scarce. The objective of the newcomers was to undertake the preparation of land for agriculture and grazing areas. Fulfilled living conditions represented the appropriate basis for the development of solid building constructions, e.g farmsteads and communal spaces, as well as of distinct separate landscape entities – cemeteries. Prekmurje region has been studied well topographically (Šavel 1991; see also catalogue Balažic, Kerman 1991), but previous limited archaeological research and poorly preserved structures, sometimes almost invisible in geological foundation, prevented our chronological and structural understanding of colonization of this area through all historical periods until Mediaeval period. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 33– 4 4 34 Mi tj a G u š t in , A l j a Ž or ž Fig. 1 Plain land in Prekmurje, today a vast field (photo by: B Kerman, 2000) Systematic archaeological excavation, executed in 1999–2008 in the area under the Murska Sobota surroundings, revealed settlement remains at several sections on the line of highway in the length of 6 kilometres and width of 50 meters. The results of latest systematic archaeological research, where the area of Nova tabla site has been expanded outside of the highway line to the extent of 40 ha, granted us with a remarkable insight into historical landscape and gave us an opportunity for valorisation of the area from the Neolithic period to the Mediaeval period. Multi-period clusters of burials which represent a distinct characteristic of Nova table have been more precisely considered in this paper. Past landscape, interwoven with streams, has most probably been entirely overgrown with vegetation, and has become a new home for the arrivals that have, in separate periods, cleared their living spaces sufficient for good husbandry and subsistence. In the midst of nowadays fields and past overgrown land, we have been able to recognize multi-periodical, scarcely settled agrarian areas with separate farms, in between distance of at least 100 meters, as a rule. Scattered dwelling structures with farming hinterland, croft, fields and cattle pens, have represented a part of a complex landscape through entire history. However, in the case of accompanying burial sites, which were as a rule separated from the settlements, we may, on the account of studied sample of a common, vast in proportion, but narrowly limited area, notice a specific picture. Graves and necropolis in Prekmurje were, except of some clearly visible Roman tumuli, practically unknown until the era of archaeological research on the highway. The aeroprospection has revealed a large number of the typical circle marks on the fields. Some of them were later confirmed as Iron or Roman Age grave constructions – tumuli, with archaeological excavations. These numerous concentrations of round or rectangular vegetable marks (p. e. in surroundings of Murska Sobota on Grofovsko, near village Krog and on the north-east in the line on Ledava river by the villages Mlajtinci – Vučja Gomila – Prosenjakovci – Turnišče – Ivanci; Kerman 2013: Fig. 3) indicate that with future field research we could unearth additional burials from various periods. No va ta bl a at Mur s k a S ob o ta . B uri a l s i t e a s a s a cre d a re a 35 Fig. 2 Map of archaeological sites discovered in the surrounding of Murska Sobota: 1 Krog-Žabjek, 2 Pod Kotom-jug, 3 Pod Kotom-cesta, 4 Pod Kotom-sever, 5 Za Raščico, 6 Kotare-baza, 7 Kotare-krogi, 8 Nova Tabla, 9 Jezera, 10 Grofovsko, 11 Murska Sobota-na Plesi (prepared by: A. Preložnik) Systematic archaeological excavation in the line of highway, in surroundings of Murska Sobota, has resulted in numerous finds of necropolis and a number of individual graves, dating to different archaeological periods (Fig. 4). The oldest necropolis in the region around Murska Sobota was found at the site Pod Kotom-jug. One hundred and seventy-nine urn burials date to the end of Copper Age, belonging to Retz Gajery culture, between 3500–3300 BC (Šavel 2009: 59–138). Three burials (graves no. 154, 164 and 169), which included ceramic fragments, charcoal, ganin and burned bones, from the same period were scattered at the area of Nova tabla, near settlement pits. Dating to Late Bronze Age individual burials, graves no. 139 and 160, and the cult pit PKJ 1, have been discovered at Nova table, close to the settlement remains which belong to the same period. Grave no. 160 contained untypical inventory including fragments of kitchen vessels and undefined cremated bones; grave no. 139 was located on the edge of the later multi-period »sacred area« on Nova tabla. Cult pit PKJ 1 contained three fragmented vessels and burned animal bones. A deposition of bronze tools, ingots and fragmented spearhead from Late Bronze age period is also known from the location Pod Kotom-jug (Šavel 2009: 151–156). 36 Mi tj a G u š t in , A l j a Ž or ž Fig. 3 Burial areas with mounds in Prekmurje (after Kerman 2013: Fig. 14) Early Iron Age, Hallstatt necropolis extended between the “sacred area” of Nova tabla and concentration of barrows at the present settlement Krog, in a line of more than 800 m. It was divided in four concentrated groups that can be identified by traces of the tumuli as a circular or rectangular ring ditches and individual graves in the middle or between them. The concentration of most eastern tumuli belongs to southwest part of Nova tabla sacred area (Fig. 4) and the most western tumuli with four ring ditches were discovered at the site Kotare-Krogi, all widespread along probable nearby prehistoric path (Fig. 3; 6; Kerman 2011a; 2011b). Altogether they discovered 102 graves with cremated deceased places in the urns and 16 ring ditches dated to the beginning of HaC1 phase of Early Iron Age, with quite short duration until the transition to HaC2 phase (Guštin 2003; Tiefengraber 2004). Cremated grave with urn from the site Za Raščico belongs to the same period (Šavel 2010: 6, 61). No va ta bl a at Mur s k a S ob o ta . B uri a l s i t e a s a s a cre d a re a 37 In between Early Iron Age tumuli on Nova table there were thirteen La Tène cremated burials dating to Late Iron Age, phase Lt C and Lt D (Guštin, Tiefengraber 2001; Tiefengraber 2001; 2004). They were placed in one of the group of Hallstatt necropolis without so far any recognized principles. An individual burial of a Celtic warrior was excavated at the site Pod Kotom-sever (Kerman 2009; 2011a: 46, 47), quite far off from the little La Tène necropolis on Nova tabla. The Roman Age necropolis on the “sacred area” of Nova tabla was placed separately, on northeast of the Hallstatt necropolis(Fig. 4). It consisted of 33 larger mounds with profound ditches and 29 cremated burials from 1st and 2nd century (Guštin 2004). Additional individual graves no. 57 and 171 with skeletal burial, without grave goods were probably set up in Late Antiquity or later. A small empty area between Hallstatt and Roman mounds was filled with a small group of Early Mediaeval skeletal burials from the 8th or the beginning of 9th century (Fig. 4; Tiefengraber 2004; Guštin 2008). A few kilometres to the East archaeologist discovered another small cemetery at the site Popava 2, which contained 11 cremated Early Mediaeval burials, which were dated to the end of 7th and 8th century by I. Šavel (Šavel 2008; Šavel, Knific 2013). In addition to the Nova tabla cemetery, we have to point out two burial mounds with 24 skeletal burials that have been dated to a later Slavic period, discovered in the centre of Murska Sobota-Na Plesi (Sankovič 2014; 2015). Death, ritual and ritual/sacred landscape Humanity has had a distinct relation to death throughout entire existence. On one hand this relation is linked to innate piety to deceased and fear for the unknown. A person is most vulnerable in this given moment of death. Consequently we recognize several rituals emotionally charged actions originating from this condition, which are closely related to burial practices and are expressed in a response to something that is outside of our control. Human relation to death can be followed in most sufficient way through a study of separate modes of beliefs and burial practices that have varied through historical periods and through space. In ritual activities we often recognize symbolism of birth, life, crossing to the other side, death, re-birth and frequently immortality. In archaeology, the ceremony of burial is often related to a concept rite de passage, which was introduced into science by ethnographer and ethnologist Arnold van Gennep in 1960. A ritual of passage is a three-staged process which includes a stage of: separation – transition – incorporation, which can be translated to prelaminar, liminal and post liminal rites (Van Gennep 1960: 20). On one hand, regarding the area, where these ritual activities took place, burial area can represent a reflection of or a symbolic passage to the other world (Van Gennep 1960: 20; Whitehouse 2002: 140). On the other hand, death and burial in some societies (f.e. egalitarian societies) can be perceived as a new beginning. There is no life without death. Death and burial practices in such contexts are linked to reoccurring activities – constant re-birth, that enable the circulation of life (Žorž 2016: 261), still on the basis of the Gennep’s three-staged process. At this point we need to ask ourselves what do we describe as ritual, sacred. What is ritual space? Strict separation between ritual and non-ritual is in fact a construct of modern rationalistic ritual/secular division, following Cartesian dualism (Goody 1977: 25; Bell 1992: 71). A limit which was probably much vaguer in the past. Secondly, ritual as an act in archaeology is often a label for everything that cannot be assigned with a certain meaning or understood (Hill 1996). It seems irrational, therefore by science linked to religion and symbolism (Brück 1999: 318). Moreover, term ritual is often misused at a point when we cannot find any other interpretation for certain archaeological remains (Bahn 1989: 62). Consequently it is important to always set our concept of ritual in context and clearly define used terms. In our case study, ritual or sacred space denotes a burial place interwoven with burials, tools grave goods and activities of which function can easily be linked or interpreted as a part of pre-burial, burial and post-burial acts. Therefore, sacred, ritual acts. Spatial and chronological boundaries of the locality, where the deceased were laid to rest, as well as grave goods as symbolic carriers or tools, have played a key role in the process of inhumation and mourning. This brings us to the term of (ritual) landscape. Archaeology of landscape has evolved in 1990s through several concepts (f.e.: Barret et al. 1991; Rossignol, Wandsnider 1992; Bender 1993; 1998; Carmichael et al. 1994; Gosden, Head 1994; Tilley 1994; Knapp 1997; Ya- 38 Mi tj a G u š t in , A l j a Ž or ž Fig. 4 Murska Sobota-Nova table, the location of Early Iron Age burials (green), Roman mounds (red) and Slavic burials (blue) (after Guštin 2008: 53, Fig.1) min, Mentheny 1996). Landscape has been widely understood as a cultural construct (f.e. Ucko 1994), but has lately been interpreted as a sort of arena, in which and through which memory, identity, social order and transformation, are being constructed, carried out, invented and altered (Knapp, Ashmore 1999: 10). The concept of ritual landscape had been introduced in 1998 by John Robb. As well as in the case of ritual, this term often designates non-economic views of relations between people and landscape (Knapp, Ashmore 1999: 1) and again artificially separates ritual and secular domain. Many archaeological studies have been dedicated to organization of ritual landscape (f.e. Nash 2008; Pleterski 2014; Žorž 2016) or identification of key orientation points in space, with the help of natural sciences (Vita-Finzi, Higgs 1970; Renfrew, Level 1979; Wheatley, Gillings 2002; Chapman 2006; Ducke, Kroefges 2007; Sabo et al. 2012; Mlekuž 2013; Ordoño 2012). Through this article we want to point out that landscape organization and its use is based on environmental conditions and society, its ideology and religion. Landscape and limited spaces within it, can be from the point of view of nonegalitarian communities perceived and used as a strong source of social system, which emerges and alters on the account of social needs. Moreover, we can recognize a system of precisely defined social principles and patterns that originate in operational processes and underlay socially-political influences (Tilley 1991: 68; 2004; Shanks, Tilley 1992: 151). On the contrary, for egalitarian societies ritual landscape may have played an important role within the management of the world equilibrium, including social equilibrium, through constant rebirth, i.e. the circle of life (Žorž 2016), therefore, fusing its practical and symbolic function. In this case organizational rules define relations between animate an inanimate elements in the landscape and not religious system of principles (Žorž 2016: 127). Moreover, anthropologists and ethnologist point No va ta bl a at Mur s k a S ob o ta . B uri a l s i t e a s a s a cre d a re a 39 out that landscape is not only spatial (Mencej 2009; Hrobat 2010), but is a temporal or even multileveled entity as well. What follows is that the meaning of ritual landscape is not easy to define in terms and in spatial boundaries. Especially for prehistoric and Early middle aged sites, for which we have no written sources. Therefore, we need to turn to the last part of contextual research and view landscape as a wider spatial context with hidden spatial ideograms based on organizational rules (f.e. Pleterski 2014). Several archaeological studies have indicated that we can recognize traces of ritual landscape organization at least as early as from the Early Neolithic period if not also in Middle Paleolithic period (Žorž 2009a; 2016). Indications of landscape organization can originate from astronomical regularities or mathematical rules (f.e.: Žorž 2016: 130; Šprajc 1991; Pleterski 2014). Astronomical principles depended on the position of the Sun have been used in megalithic orientations (Šprajc 1991: 17). To study ritual landscape, we need to identify its elements as well as its organizational principles (Žorž 2016: 127), which are, for modern periods often reflected in oral tradition (f.e. Hrobat 2010). An example is presented in a study of of Huda luknja gorge. The Mediaeval ritual landscape reflects Early Middle age landscape organization. It is consistent of caves, castles, church, mountain peaks and chapels which are interconnected with triangles and 90°-degree angle (Fig. 5; Žorž 2016: 205–218). The center of landscape is symbolically presented by a “hollow mountain” hill Tisnik and cave Pilanca located at its slope, both as a metaphor for axis mundi. The gorge is pierced by river Paka as main fertile power, which also connects the hill Tisnik to other ritual places (Žorž 2016: 219–220). Burial landscape as a sacred area On the contrary, recognizing and defining sacred landscape in the case of burial grounds is relatively easy. Main elements that are visible or can be excavated are of course burials and pits with ritual burial character. Burial places have most often been settled at separate areas, within a broad landscape, as a rule, but the entirety of the sacred place or ritual landscape was organized with regard to principles of a distinctive society (Žorž 2009b; Buckberry, Cherryson 2010). Also, the course of burial ceremonies was defined with precision. Cultural rules exclude coincidental choice of defined elements of landscape and prevent arbitrary choice of spatial points (Pleterski 2014: 106). What follows is that interpretation of the meaning of burial ritual practices and burial area should always depend on the context: spatial, temporal as well as social/economical/ideological context of a certain community whose remnants we are studying (Žorž 2016: 29–34). Cemeteries have been as rule, in majority of historical periods, separated from the settlements, or limited by rivers, paths, heaps of stones and mounds but yet located near them, on the grounds of the respect for the deceased and distinctive relation to death (Žorž 2009a); as well as partially for the hygienic and health reasons, which is well documented for the antiquity. These clear dividing lines have enabled physical control over access and simultaneously symbolic space framing. Within these borders people organized cemeteries by classification in groups. Traces of burying in limited burial plots, often with central, most important burial, can be identified since Copper age on. Moreover, cemetery ground plans indicate that Roman burial grounds represent most recognizable and systematically organized picture of division with limited family burial plots. Antique burial grounds were settled at major roads, out of city walls. Separate burial plots were set up with regard to the paths within the cemetery. However, economical changes and hierarchical classification have also influenced the organization of sacred spaces; with the arrival of Slavic people the deceased were buried in groups, regarding gender, age and status of the dead, and at first located nearby settlements. Later on, at the end of Early Mediaeval period, people have put forward practice of burying on the church grounds, a manner which has preserved to this day (Žorž 2009b). Slavic ritual landscape organization principles have been precisely studied by many authors in the past twenty years (Pleterski 1996; 2002; Macháček, Pleterski 2000; Sagadin 2001; Pleterski, Mareš 2003; Kaiser 2004). 40 Mi tj a G u š t in , A l j a Ž or ž Fig. 5 Mediaeval ritual landscape of Huda luknja gorge (Žorž 2016: 222, Fig. 7.16) Burial pits or skeletal remains were generally pointed at distinctive spots in the space that have already been assigned with sacred meaning or have gained symbolic significance when first employed for space organizational purposes. These points represent a signature of a certain concept of marking and limiting the ritual landscape (Nash 2008: 356). Such significant places may be recognized in individual burials (or groups of burials) that were separated from the major cemetery due to a distinctive status or cause of death of the deceased; in our case, f.e. previously mentioned isolated burial of the warrior at the site Pod Kotom-sever. Selection of a certain place for the intention of inhumation was contributed by tradition lasting many years and its oral transmission, particularly in areas with long continuous history of places in common use. Through tradition a certain space gained or retained its sacred character (Tilley 1991; Nash 2008). Ritual burial landscape, as a close entity, is a system of closely related ritual structures, which represent the most narrative record of burial rites; for instance, various pits with uncommon character, prevailing burial pits. Apart from that it is also consistent of human and inanimate elements which, with their use and moving through it, enable the landscape to alter, grow and become a living entity. In case of egalitarian communities, it combines secular, ritual, practical and symbolic view of landscape. Luckily, a burial landscape is apart from other variations of landscapes, relatively easy to be defined as ritual, since cemeteries and burial practise have always been appointed with a ritual and sacred notion. Nevertheless, a cemetery can itself represent an element of a wider ritual landscape, a spatial key point (Žorž 2016: 130). No va ta bl a at Mur s k a S ob o ta . B uri a l s i t e a s a s a cre d a re a 41 What did we learn from the sacred burial grounds of Prekmurje plains? The results of archaeological research in the surroundings of Murska Sobota have on one side shown that we can recognize a necropolis which was formed with intention and following certain principles, regarding the size of the necropolis which depended on the abundance of the population of distinctive period. Copper Age necropolis had an autonomous location, whereas Iron Age, Roman Period and Slavic necropolis were situated on the common “sacred area”. Moreover, alongside these concentrated “sacred areas” on Nova tabla and Pod Kotom-jug, there were some individual burials set up in isolation. In the wide ritual area of Nova tabla, in Late Bronze Age and Late Antiquity, we can only recognize individual inhumations. As we have seen, the burial ritual landscape of Nova tabla has a multi-period character, although we cannot speak of direct continuity between separate inhumation periods. The concentration of inhumation sites from several periods at the part of highway segment at Nova table indicates a distinctive character of this part of the region, since the burial area was selected and limited in, at first sight, deserted space grounded on plain flatland. This area was though, due to different geological consistency, higher than the surrounding terrain for approximately 1 m. So, why did people continuously use to bury their deceased at this particular area? Motives for a continuous use of a place at Nova tabla, for the purpose of inhumation, may be connected to a certain cause that assisted the decision of colonizing this wider area. Motives of first settlers were linked to their perception of landscape and recognition of its affordances. Extensive study of ritual landscape in connection with caves (Žorž 2016) and other modern landscape studies (f.e. Mlekuž 2012) indicate that the choice of a spatial key point or area may or did originate out of human subconscious. Humans, would at certain point in time and space recognize distinctive similar affordances (concept introduced by Gibson in 1986) or land characteristics, regardless to their cultural context, that would satisfy their needs. Recognizing favourable areas, newcomers divided the land regarding appropriate areas for agriculture, settlement set-up and cemeteries. In this instance arrivals settled on fruitful plains rich with streams and rivers, suitable for the farming communities and set their burial ground at an area which was higher than the surroundings. The choice of location for a cemetery of a certain community, by rule, may often be a result of spatial relation to dispersed farms and their economic hinterland. However, the position of cemeteries at the Nova table sacred area, set up near each other indicates a more complex selection motive than incorporation of the cemetery in the living landscape. Multi-period cemeteries (with the exception of La Téne inhumation) are spatially autonomous, but still coming in contact at certain points (Figs. 4, 6). Traces of arrangement of a burial integrity at the site Nova table may be recognizable in a distinctive Early Iron Age burial architecture. Some inhumations are bounded with well-defined burial plots, limited by circumferential ditches. The remains of such deepening were indicating an entrance, even a wooden portal in one evident case, but also its use as a source of material for the mound covering the burial. These mounds remained a visible element in space for at least a few centuries and have in this way, per se marked the sacredness of their surroundings. Similar architecture has been used as a foundation of a nearby Roman cemetery 700 years later (Fig. 7). They might have been accompanied with other visible marks that later on vanished as well. If we take into account the visibility of burial monuments (e.g. tumuli) as one other account, we may interpret the continuity of burying at these areas as a consequence of a meaningful human recognition of a place and respect for the past. The choice was less probably a result of an oral tradition as we are dealing with a long-term hiatus (a few centuries) of unsettled region, between separate periods and discontinuity between the use of cemetery (Figs. 4, 6). Colonization of Prekmurje plain land at this particular extensive area, surrounding Murska Sobota, was not autonomous in all historical periods and we notice a complete lack of information for settlement remains as well as for eventual accompanying cemeteries for several centuries in between. Even though the economical/social/ideological context varied, the organization of the cemetery, burial ceremonies and the meaning of death changed through centuries, we can conclude that the landscape of Nova tabla remained its sacred or ritual character at least until the end of Slavic period. Through deeply engaged study of a wider area of Nova tabla at Murska Sobota, particularly through an analysis of the settlement context, we have been able to perceive a trend of precise selection of burial places for the purpose of preserving the sacredness of the deceased and remembrance of the ancestors. Therefore, such limited areas of individual multi-period cemeteries have later on become key points in the landscape, on a symbolic level, and have also served as orientation spots for organization of the living spaces. And not the other way around as in the case of first arrivals. 42 Mi tj a G u š t in , A l j a Ž or ž Fig. 6 Murska Sobota-Nova tabla, multi-period cemetery, with “sacred area” on the east side and other scattered individual graves widespread to the west (prepared by: M. Zorko) Fig. 7 Excavated Roman tumuli at Nova tabla site (photo: M. Guštin) In any case, a holistic study of settlements and cemeteries points out that the burial grounds have not been separated from living places, but have been closely related to them and can actually be viewed as a reflection of life – Spiegel des Lebens (Härke 1997: 19) and at the same time as a dividing and connecting line between this world and the other side (Whitehouse 2002: 139). The population was commonly preserving their contact with the deceased through rituals that took place at the sacred places in three phases, before, during and after the act of inhumation. The last phase has been characterized by the activities linked to preservation of contact, as for funeral pasts and feasts at Roman cemeteries, as well as mourning solemnity. The landscape alters, grows and unfolds through burial practices and natural processes, consequently symbolically sustaining continuous circulation of life force (Ingold 2000). Complex ritual processes, carried out on burial grounds, which enable us to entangle our and social identities in the landscape and through which we experience life and death, have remained in their existence up to this day. Translated by the authors Mitja Guštin Rožna dolina V/32 SI-1000 Ljubljana mitjagustin47@gmail.com Alja Žorž Ulica Hermana Potočnika 9 Sl-1000 Ljubljana alja.zorz@guest.arnes.si No va ta bl a at Mur s k a S ob o ta . 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(eds.) 1996, Landscape Archaeology: Reading and Interpreting the American Historical Landscape, Knoxville, University of Tennessee Press. Žorž, A. 2009a, Neolithic idols in Megalithic stuctures in the Iberian Peninsula: a symbolic review regarding shape, ornament and raw material, in: Arkeos 24, 31–73. Žorž, A. 2009b, Zgodnjesrednjeveški obredni prostor na najdišču Spodnje Škovce, Studia Mythologica Slavica, Vol. 12, 31–54. Žorž, A. 2016, Obredna pokrajina: Jame v Sloveniji in Istri kot obredni prostori. Doktorska disertacija, Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za arheologijo, Ljubljana. Anđelko Đermek The Distribution of pre-Christian Sacred Sites in the Zaprešić area Scientific paper The aim of the paper is to examine whether the distribution of the sacred sites in the Zaprešić area indicates a pattern that significantly deviates from a completely random distribution. The mythical landscape of Zaprešić is in paper interpreted and territorially defined based on the model shown on the Zbruch idol. The analysis assumes continuity of pre-Christian sacred sites, meaning that they were later replaced by the churches or chapels. The key assumption is that the Old Slavs often aligned sacred sites along the directions that had specific astronomical significances associated primarily with the sunrise or sunset angles. In the study area, the sunrise and sunset directions on specific dates (solstice, equinox, the feast of St. George) defined by the alignment of at least two sites are detected. After that, the distribution of distances between sacred sites is analysed to test the assumption that the Old Slavs were set up them at the intervals that were multiples of a certain standard length. For every mathematical method, the degree to which the observed spatial structures may be interpreted as deliberate regarding sacralization of the landscape is examined. Key words: landscape mythology, landscape archaeology, mathematical analysis INTRODUCTION The foundations of the mythical landscape of Zaprešić may have been created by the Old Slavs during the Avar rule, from the beginning of the 7th to the end of 8th century. The area experienced the first wave of Christianization in the 9th century, when the Franks established the Duchy of Lower Pannonia, later known as Slavonia. After the Hungarian invasion at the end of the 9th century, the duchy disappears from the written sources. The political affiliation of the observed area after that event remains doubtful, but archaeologically it belonged to the Bijelo Brdo culture that was characteristic of the entire Pannonian plain. The Felician charter written in 1134 states that king Ladislaus of Hungary “established Zagreb Diocese so that the Bishops’ guardianship returns to the path of truth, those who have alienated from the worship of God by the delusion of idolatry.”1 Similarly, king Andrew II in a charter of 1217 states that king Ladislaus subjugated country of Slavonia and converted it from the misconceptions of paganism to Christianity.2 From that, it follows that during the 10th and 11th century the old pre-Christian faith probably again had gained dominance in the area. During that period mythical landscape may have been supplemented by some novel elements. THE MYTHICAL LANDSCAPE The Old Slavs attached to particular landmarks within the landscape in which they lived the sacred meanings in accordance with their ideology. Their smallest political and religious unit known to us was called župa. The interpretation of A. Pleterski, based on the model shown on the Zbruch idol, predicts that four main sanctuaries had been distributed in a territory of every župa (Pleterski 2014: 377–382) (Fig. 1). Each sanctuary was dedicated to one of the four divine characters 1 ...predictus rex diuina gratia inspirante, horum ceterorumque nobilium consilio Zagrabiensem constituit episcopatum; videlicet ut quos error idolatrie a dei cultura extraneos fecerat, episcopalis cura ad viam veritatis reduceret (CD II: 42). 2 ...clarescere volumus quod cum venissimus od Zagrabiensem episcopatum ac monasterium Zagrabiense a sancto Ladislao rege sanctissime recordacionis predecessore nostro constructum, qui terram Sclauonie siue banatum ab errore ydolatrie ad christianitatem convertens corone Hungarie subiugavit; qui eciam in eodem banatu episcopatum instituit et monasterium in honore sancti regis Stephani construxit, per venerabiles episcopos dedicari fecissemus (CD III: 147). Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 45 – 68 46 A n đe l ko Đ e rme k Fig. 1 The model of a mythical landscape based on the artistic presentation shown on the Zbruch idol including a white cross (Čok 2012: 33–34), four mythical characters holding a sword, cornucopia, ring and nothing; and the arrangement of three mythical forces (bolts): water, fire and stone (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) which together formed the fertile and infertile couple (or old and young couple). 3 At each sanctuary, the religious celebrations were held in a different time of the year. As the mythical story unfolded throughout the year, a weapon of control several times passed from one to another divine character. The weapon of control or the thunder tool in that dynamic may took the form of a sword, cornucopia, ring or phallus. So-called mythical forces, arrows or bolts which divine characters possessed during different parts of the year may have taken the form of fire, water or earth (stone). They spatially intersected in the centre of a mythical landscape. In the area of Zaprešić folk poems or songs that describe a similar concept are recorded (Išla je djevojka u/za goru zelenu; Vu toj črnoj gori). They tell the story about a young couple. The fertile phase of the couple starts when the girl helps the wounded boy and lasts while they are together in love in the green forest. It stops when the girl curses the boy on the black mountain.4 The deadly wounded male character then rests in the green grave, presumably till the next year revival. 5 Such tradition indicates that some similar pre-Christian concept was once known in the area. We will try to find locations of the sanctuaries of four divine characters in the Zaprešić area guided by the mentioned principles. The assumption is that the sacred sites dedicated to the pre-Christian divine characters after Christianization continued to preserve the significance of sanctity and that in time were in the majority of cases replaced by a church or chapel usually dedicated to the Christian saints that reflected the most traits of their pre-Christian counterparts. 3 In this paper, we will not pay attention to the names of these divine characters. The young couple may have been named Yarilo and Mara, and the old couple Perun and Mokosh. 4 According to Katičić and Belaj, the green forest/mountain is a domain of Veles, and the black forest/mountain is a domain of Perun. The appropriation of the green-black symbolic to the fertile-infertile concept does not necessarily contradict that understanding. 5 The variants of the folk songs and poems that are about a girl that helps a wounded young man in a green mountain/forest represents the fertile part of the year. (Išla je djevojka u/za goru zelenu; Junačka vera) (Kukuljević Sakcinski 1847: 203; Žganec 1950: 36, 37, 84c, 103, 120b, 121a; Delorko 1973: 118, 137–138, 145, 147–149; Bonifačić-Rožin 1974: 35–36; Botica 1996, Zap.god 1995: 130): A girl was going into the green mountain for a cold water. There she found a young wounded boy. At first, she ran away, but the boy called her back to heal his wounds with the green herbs. The girl tore her wrap to bind the wounds with the green herbs. The boy said that if she heals him, he will marry her. Otherwise, he would give her his horse. However, when she healed him, he deserted her. The girl then cursed him all the way to the green grave: „God, don’t give him luck neither his grave to be at the church neither it has any greenery.„ The girl’s curse is fatal; her curse is heard up to God; when she cries, the soil moisturises, when she sighs, leaf and grass withers. The girl’s fidelity is harder than stone, but the boy’s one is like the wheat chaff. The variants of the poem about a soldier that was deadly wounded in the black mountain represent infertile part of the year. (Vu toj črnoj gori; Umirajući junak) (Kukuljević Sakcinski 1847: 211; Delorko 1973: 121, nr. 18; Bonifačić-Rožin 1973: nr. 23c, 23d). In the black mountain, bright fire is burning, nearby twenty/thirty soldiers ride. All are happy, except the one that is wounded. He says: “Dear my brothers/friends, I will soon die, bring me to the Church of St. John. Dig me the pit at the Church of St. John, make me the house at the cross, inside spread my cloak, on it put my sinful body. Outside leave my right hand, to it tie my black horse. Let the horse cry because my dear will not. Dig me the well above my grave, when someone goes nearby, let it get a drink of water and remember my soul. Plant the flowers around my grave, when someone goes nearby, let it pick some flower and remember my soul. Make me a bench around my grave, when someone goes nearby, let it sit on the bench and remember my soul.” T he D i s t rib u t i on of p re - Chri s t i a n S a cre d S i t e s in t he Z a p re š i ć a re a 47 The male fertile divine character In springtime, after winter sleep, the young male character gets a sword or spear which he uses as a tool of control for converting the female character into the fertile state. The sanctuary of this divinity we can situate at the Church of St. George (1361) and St. Mary on the central hill in Donja Pušća (Fig. 2). A foundation legend of the St. Mary’s Chapel contains an element of sleep under the trees: “While the landlord was on a hunt on a hill in Pušća, he fell asleep under some trees. He dreamed a dream that he is sleeping in a church of the Mother of God. Moreover, when he woke up he decided to build a chapel there, and then he stabbed erected wooden stakes into the ground in the form of the future chapel...” (Hruševar 1929). The erected wooden stakes possibly suggest what the appearance of the pre-Christian sanctuaries was. The crucial elements which link St. George to the male fertile divine character are present in local folk customs that were being held on the night before the St. George feast. The groups of young boys were going from house to house with the green twigs singing the songs. One such song concisely says: “St. George, the powerful knight(...) saved a girl, daughter of a king(...) from a greedy dragon(...)he puts the spear in front of him and cuts the dragon passionately.” 6 The last sentence is a metaphor for birth or intercourse which converts the dragon-like female character into the fertile state. The tools for this masculine action are the green twigs or even more suggestive “the spear in front of him”. Fig. 2 The Church of St. George (left) and the Chapel of St. Mary (right) on a hill in Donja Pušća called Pušćanski brijeg (photo by: M. Mlinarić 2010) The female fertile divine character The female character in summer steals a thunder tool (cornucopia) from the male character and terminates the love relationship between them. The sanctuary of this divinity we can situate in the vicinity of Kameni svati, the triangle-shaped Zatinice hill and the Chapel of St. John (1630) in Jablanovec (Fig. 3; Fig. 4). According to the local legend, mother of the bride cursed the young couple, and the wedding party on a hill above Jablanovec called Kameni svati (the petrified wedding party) and turned them into stone by a curse or a thunderbolt. The bride was daughter of the miller from Podsused, and 6 “Sveti Jura, vitez jaki, bil je prvi med junaki.... On obrani to divojko, jednog kralja jegvu čerku... od pozoja lakomoga, jer se Jura vufa h Boga. Koplje grabi, pred se meče i pozoja strasno seče” (Zaprešićki godišnjak 1995: 123). 48 A n đe l ko Đ e rme k Fig. 3 The view from Pušća to triangle shaped Zatinice hill (photo by: A. Đermek 2015) Fig. 4 The Chapel of St. John in Jablanovec and mount Zakićnica with a peak called Kameni svati in the background (right) (photo by: A. Đermek 2009) she carried a spinning wheel which is according to the belief still inside the stone cliffs at “Kameni svati”. 7 The spinning wheel symbolises a thunder tool with which the female character invoked thunderbolts that were fatal for the young couple. 7 In the area circulate several versions of the legend. The version from 1842 by Stanko Vraz is the only one in which the wedding party is cursed by the father of the bride (Bošković-Stulli 1963:270). Other versions in which the wedding party is cursed by the mother of the bride are the literary treatment of August Šenoa from 1869 and several versions recorded in the field research from 1969 to 1973. The most interesting version is the one from Jablanovec: “The bride was the miller’s daughter from Podsused, and the groom was from Novaki Bistranski (a village next to Jablanovec). He was called Czar. Mother of the bride was not satisfied that her wealthy daughter marries such a poor boy even he was called Czar. Father was pleased with the groom, and he was going from Podsused to the wedding. The mother’s curse was: God, turn them into stone! So they were turned into stone. The big rocks are still visible on the top of the hill. Some even are talking that a spinning wheel which bride carried is to this day inside the stone cliffs.” (Zečević 1974: Nr. 43). T he D i s t rib u t i on of p re - Chri s t i a n S a cre d S i t e s in t he Z a p re š i ć a re a 49 The male infertile divine character The old male character after summer loses his phallus and lives in a cave, in the womb of the female divinity - Mother Earth. There he continues to rest for the entire sterile part of the year. The sanctuary of this character we can safely situate at the Chapel of St. Martin (1209) in Podsused8 close to Susedgrad Castle that served as a seat of the local landlord. It is located on the geostrategically important westernmost Medvednica hill near the Sava river, where are excavated archaeological finds from the Carolingian era.9 Next to St Martin chapel was a stone cave ruined in the 19th century by the works at a nearby quarry. The situation before this devastation is visible on a lithography of J.F. Kaiser (Fig. 5). A pious legend recorded in 1287 mentions the Chapel of Glorious Virgin and that nearby, in a stone cave where was the altar of St. Martin, lived blessed hermit by the same name.10 Another legend about Susedgrad clarifies that when the Susedgrad landlord called Tahy slept with a kidnapped bride, she had cut off his genitalia with a little fern reaping hook.11 After his death, the legend says that in the basement of Susedgrad castle lived an enormous snake.12 Tahy and blessed hermit Martin symbolise the male infertile divine character that loses his genitalia. Fig. 5 The lithography of J.F. Kaiser from the beginning of the 19 th century representing the Chapel of St. Martin before devastation of the cave and Susedgrad castle in the background. (https://www. pinterest.com/pin/315885361336078062/, https://fbcdn-sphotos-a-a.akamaihd.net/hphotos-akash2/t1.0-9/149297_111648045571442_132885_n.jpg) The female infertile divine character The old godess after her infertile winter reign offers a ring to the young male character to turn her into fertile state or to turn her from a snake or dragon into a young princess. The area of such divine character extends from the Church of the Three St. Kings in Kraljev Vrh (1630)13 (Fig. 6) to the Chapel of St. Dorothy in Jakovlje (1630), nearby brook Psarno and 8 Ibi etiam habet predium pro se, ubi est ecclesia sancti Martini, cuius predii meta incipit ex una parte Zawa et tendit usque ad Crapina, deinde ad Gypka, inde ascendendo tendit usque ad uerticem montis, qui uulgo dicitur Zelemen (CD III: 91). 9 Below the Susedgrad castle was discovered a grave of a prominent warrior with Carolingian belt set and type K-sword (Vinski 1954; Szameit 1986; Milošević 2001: 397). 10 “... particulam terre sue sub Podgradia hereditarie, contiguam aque Zawa, metis distinctam infrascriptis, cum loco quem olim beatus Martinus vitam colens heremiticam inhabitasse refertur, et cum capella sub honore gloriose virginis ibidem constructa, circa quam eciam in concavitate cuiusdam ardui montis constructum est altare sub titulo prefati sancti dei” (CD VI: 599). 11 “Tahy had to sleep with every bride before the wedding. A mother had a daughter and said to her that she must sleep with Tahy before the marriage, but she also advised her what to do. The bride took a little fern reaping hook. Before going to sleep with Tahy, she had to wash and had to be naked. When Tahy arrived, she had cut off his penis and testicles with the reaping-hook.” (Zečević 1974: no. 8). 12 “Tahy was unjust, and injustice finally came to him. When the people learned that he died, they break into the castle to get his wheat and wine, because he had much of wine in his cellar. However, they could not take anything. On the barrel was a great snake, because everything was cursed. People were afraid of the snake, and it all collapsed: wheat, wine, and the castle. Everything was overgrown with bushes.” (Zečević 1974: no.6). 13 „Capella Trium Regum ... est Filialis SS. Trinitatis in Stubicza“ (Protokol 3/III, Vizitacija 1634: 75, 118, Arhiv Zagrebačke Nadbiskupije). 50 A n đe l ko Đ e rme k Fig. 6 The Three St. Kings Church in Kraljev Vrh (photo by: kl-bm; www.panoramio.com/photo/19527072) its source called Pušeni kamen (“the vaporous stone”).14 The local legend says that down below Sljeme in Jakovlje there is a hill with the vaporous pit inside which are the snakes and their king who holds a golden apple. A soldier was going to Zagreb through this forest, and a snake came to him on the knee. She had a crown and raised her head for a kiss. She was cursed because her father was evil. When someone kisses her, her skin falls off, and she becomes a princess.15 The Three St. Kings’ Church is positioned on one of the two neighbouring hills from which flows the brook called Jamno (“the pit”).16 There was a folk custom in which the young boys called “Three Kings” or “The star men” (“Zvezdari”) were going from house to house singing Christmas songs and carrying three dolls in a wooden sieve representing the three kings (BonifačićRožin 1974: 252; Rajković 1974: 211). The Chapel of St. Dorothy is situated on a hill southwest of Kraljev Vrh in Jakovlje. It was a very suitable substitution for the pre-Christian infertile divine godess that waits for the young male divine character to kiss her. In Gornja Bistra which is situated south of Kraljev Vrh a legend about some countess that gave birth to puppies is recorded (Zečević 1974: no. 34). Such perversity perfectly fits the pre-Christian goddess in her infertile phase. Spatial distribution of four divine characters The above detected sanctuaries of four divine characters make a circular cycle in spatial and temporal domain that repeats each year. By placing the sanctuaries on a map it is evident that they form a right isosceles triangle with the vertices at the Church of St. George in Pušća, St. Martin in Podsused and the Three St. Kings in Kraljev Vrh. St. Dorothy’s Chapel and Zatinice hill are positioned along the edges of the triangle (Map 1). The firebolt line symbolised by the bonfires of St. George and St. John, stretches from St. George to Zatinice hill. The bolt of water goes from the Three St. Kings in Kraljev Vrh along tributaries of Krapina and along Krapina to St. Martin in Podsused. The mythological story spatially and temporally unfolds going from north to south with the fertile phase in the middle. 14 In the 16th century are recorded the vineyards of Kralev Werh, Pzarno, Jakowlya and Igrysche, and the village of Pzarno near Igryscha and Jakowlia (Adamček 1964). In a forest south of Kraljev Vrh flows the brook called Sarno. One of its sources is called ‘Pušeni kamen’ (a vaporous stone). 15 “Below Sljeme near Podsused is a village of Jakovlje, and there is a hill with a big vaporous pit with the snakes and their king with the golden apple. The one who steals the apple would become rich. However, he must run away through the nine closed gates. He must lock it behind himself to avoid being caught by the snake king. A soldier was going to Zagreb through this forest because in Jakovlje are their barracks. He sat on a tree stump to rest. Then a snake with a crown on her head came to him on the knee. She raised her head for a kiss. However, he was afraid to kiss her. Then she cried and descended to the ground saying: ‘I am the king’s daughter for nothing, the soldier will not save me. I will crawl next hundred years before again comes that day and hour which was today.’ She then went to the forest, but after the soldier heard her, he was sad, because he did not kiss her. She was cursed because her father did evil to people. Where is she, there is a treasure. If he kissed her, her skin would fall off, and she would become a princess, and the king’s treasure would be revealed.” (Zečević 1974: no. 36). 16 In a charter from 1209, that brook was probably called Kammna: “Supradictus V(ratizlaus) comes habet predium iuxta Crapina nomine Cherniz, cuius meta est iuxta aquam, et tendit usque ad riuum nomine Kammna, inde ad arborem dumi, inde progreditur ad magnam uiam que uenit de calida aqua, ibi est meta de terra facta, et inde uadit ad Pritizcam.” (CD III: 91–95). T he D i s t rib u t i on of p re - Chri s t i a n S a cre d S i t e s in t he Z a p re š i ć a re a 51 Map 1 The overall structure of the mythical landscape of Zaprešić based on the Zbruch idol artistic presentation (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) The centre of the mythical structure The focal point of the whole landscape is in Lug on the left bank of the river Krapina where the firebolt line crosses the bolt of water. Before regulation, Krapina was meandering in this area thus creating the damp land in between with thick grass, shrubs and trees (Fig. 7). Such landscape precisely corresponds to the meanings of the old Slavic words *longъ and *lonka (Katičić 2010: 166–167) whose deeper meanings were linked to orgiastic rituals (Katičić 2010: 158–160). They are also manifested in the local toponymy. The elongated part of land between the old bed of Bistra and Krapina is called Moškonjka or Maškunjka (“the male land”) (Map 2).17 Moškonjka ends at Babožnica or Babušnica (“the old woman’s land”) and Vustje (“mouth”) where the old bed of Bistra once flowed into Krapina. Based on the analysis of the earliest known documents from the 13th century, it follows that the stream Bistra in the area of Moškonjka was originally called “Ded potoka”, meaning “the grandfather’s stream”.18 The opposition: Babožnica ↔ Moškonjka/ Ded potoka (old woman ↔ old man or grandmother’s waters ↔ grandfather’s waters) is very significant. It is the place where the sexual organs of “baba” (the divine female character) and “ded” (the male divine character) meet. The old road from Brdovec to Jablanovec crossed Kra17 Many times in history the river Krapina switched its course, leaving abandoned riverbed on the left or the right. The tributaries after such events continued to flow through the old riverbed to the point where it met the new riverbed. Consequently, the land surrounded with the two riverbeds had a characteristic elongated shape reminiscent of the phallus. 18 The charter from 1209 (CD III: 91-95) states that “Ded potoka”, which flowed from Medvednica to Krapina, in that time made the northern border of the estate called Poljanica (Prima meta predii Poloniza nomine ubi supradictus V(ratizlaus) comes edificauit ecclesiam nomine sancti Nicholai, est uersus occidentem, ubi est aqua nomine Crapina, inde tendit ad riuum Ded potoka nomine qui descendit de monte Vrsi, ubique dividitur a terra fratrum suorum) (CD III: 92). North of Poljanica has been located Bistra (Dobucha vero et Berizlo fratres V(ratizlai) comitis habent predium nomine Bistra, cuius meta incipit iuxta Crapina, et tendit usque ad riuum Ierana, inde ascendit usque ad montem Vrsi) (CD III: 92). That estate was bordering on the west with Pojatno (Stephanus etiam habet predium nomine Poiatna, cuius predii sunt metarii Vresc ex una parte, ex altera parte Berizlo, ex tercio parte Drasey) (CD III: 94), and on the east with Grič 1242 (deinde ascendit ad metam capituli Zagrabiensis, altera est hospitum de Grech, tercia filiorum Dobcha de genere Aga; deinde procedit ad cacumen eiusdem montis vocabulo Medwenicha) (CD IV: 175). Poljanica on the west had Krapina and on the east bordered with the Kaptol estate called Vrapče or Gremla 1328 (... dehinc ad montem circa ecclesiam sancti Nicolai filiorum Arlandi, ubi ex parte sinistra exit rivulus Rabuch, dehinc ad alium rivulum Rabuch ad partem dexteram, dehinc ad Biztram, de Biztra ad viam, que vadit versus Medue, abhinc per dextrum rivum Rabuch descendit inferius versus meridiem in long spacio) (MHZ II: 120). From that, it is evident that the stream called Ded must have been identical to the stream which is today called Bistra (or to one of its tributaries). 52 A n đe l ko Đ e rme k Fig. 7 The southernmost bend of the old bed of Bistra in the area of Babožnica with mount Zakićinica and Kameni svati in the background (photo by: A. Đermek 2012) Map 2 Topographic map of Lug in the area of Babožnica with micro toponyms. It shows the old beds of Krapina and Bistra. The legendary Gubec’ mill was situated in the area of Vučinka (the grey circle with cross) according to the tradition. The grey coloured area is in its northern and middle part called Moškonjka and in the southern part is called Babožnica. The position that according to previous research served as a centre of the sacred triangles was also in the area of Vučinka (the black circle with cross) (Đermek 2009; 2010) (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) T he D i s t rib u t i on of p re - Chri s t i a n S a cre d S i t e s in t he Z a p re š i ć a re a 53 pina precisely at that place. There was located the mill of Gubec in which Matija Gubec had planned a revolt against Franjo Tahy according to the legend.19 Mill at the tip of the phallic elongation has potent symbolism. As a source of thunderbolts the mill is well substantiated (Belaj 2007; Katičić 2008: 314). It also contains all three mythical forces: water, rotating stone and sparks of fire which together grind wheat and eject flour symbolising in such way the essence of fertility. The stamping of the mortar with a stone pestle as the most primitive kind of a mill, was metaphorically equated with intercourse.20 A local folk wedding play called The mill (“Melin”) confirms this: the players are mimicking a mill and fool around with flour, but their gestures, in fact, mimic intercourse.21 We can confidently assume that the Gubec mill was in the area where, in pre-Christian times, orgiastic fertility rituals were performed.22 Confrontation of Gubec and Tahy corresponds to the mythical confrontation of the old and young male divine characters. One of the informants said: “Tahy was like a dragon, against him stood Gubec with the peasants” (Zečević 1974: no. 16). The amalgamation of the legends with the pre-Christian mythical imagery manifests itself mostly in the stories about king Matijaš who is sometimes in them identified with Gubec. According to those legends, king Matijaš is sleeping enthroned in some cave west of Sljeme where he is living like a hermit (the cave of hermit Martin in Podsused or the vaporous pit in Jakovlje?). There he is waiting until his beard six or nine times wraps around the table. When that happens, a groom will come and cut his beard, and he will stand up again.23 It is apparent that the mentioned legends connect king Matijaš with the male divine character in his infertile phase. The old woman who cursed the wedding party at Kameni svati was wife of the miller from Podsused. The miller corresponds to the male divine character because he can throw thunderbolts with his millstones. Presumably, his wife cursed the wedding party creating a fatal thunderbolt with the stolen millstones. In all mentioned legendary stories the opposition between the young and old couple is present. The tip of the elongated phallic part of the land (marked with the black circle with a cross on Map 2) serves as a centre of three sacred triangles which have vertices at the sites distanced from it in a geometric sequence with a common ratio of √2 (Đermek 2009; 2010). That fact was the initial impulse which provoked me to examine the distribution of sacred sites in the area more thoroughly by using exact mathematical methods. DEFINITION OF THE STUDY AREA Now, we are in a position to limit the study area. Mythical structure based on the artistic presentation shown on the Zbruch idol covers the area from Podsused to Kraljev Vrh, and from Medvednica to Pušća. It is a logical and geographical unit dominantly oriented towards the Krapina valley in its lower course. The area is archaeologically mostly unexplored and historically undocumented until the 13th century. It was an integral part of the feudal land estate of Susedgrad whose territory was in the first part of the 13th century owned by count Vratislaus and his brothers. The beginnings of the estate can be traced to the end of the 11th century when king Ladislaus of Hungary had granted it to their originator - a dignitary called Acha. 19 According to August Šenoa, the mill where Gubec with the peasants in 1573 planned revolt against Tahy was on the Sava. However, the folk stories insist on the location at the river Krapina and Babožnica (Bonifačić-Rožin 1972: 84-85; Zečević 1973: nr. 21). That mill was mentioned in 1567: “Item idem dominus Tahy Nicolaum Zwkalych, colonum de Zaprezeche, ex sessione sua aufugavit, omnemque substantiam eius usque ad minimum pro se occupavit, ac cuidam Joanni Lolych, castellano suo in Zomzed, una cum uno molendino eiusdem Nicolai Zwkalych in fluvio Krapyna extructo, duas rotas habente, dedit, de quihus suae maiestati nulli administrantur proventus.” (Bojničić 1910: 22). 20 Theophrastus writes in his “On Piety” that when men discovered agriculture and the grinding of grain, “they hid the tools with which they worked as a secret and encountered them as something sacred.” The tools with which they worked are in their simplest form, the mortar and pestle...The sexual associations of stamping and grinding are obvious...In proper frame of mind, one can experience what would otherwise be simple as something fundamental” (Burkert 1972). 21 “Melin” was being performed in Jakovlje, Kraljev Vrh, Zaprešić, Jablanovec, Gornja and Donja Bistra, Novaki, Kamenjak - Stubičke Toplice, Krušljevo Selo and Brezje. It is a folk wedding play. One of the players lies down on a bench on his stomach. In hands, he has the lids or chains which he holds beneath the bench. The player and the bench they cover with a blanket. Between legs, the player has broom protruding upward. Another player who plays a role of miller pushes the player on the bench with the broom when he wants the mill to start grinding. The player that is on the bench starts going up and down with his ass simultaneously creating noise with the lids or chains. After that the miller fulls around with flour (Bonifačić Rožin 1973: 227). 22 The remnant of such tradition is also a story which I heard from my deceased mother: “A girl was crossing the wooden bridge on Krapina at night in the area of Babožnica. Some man blocked her way. It was a devil. The girl then made an intercession to the three saint kings (Magi) to help her. The devil then said to her: “If you did not make the intercession, I would raped you.” Also, when I was a child I heard the stories about fairies that danced in the round at some specific spot in Lug. 23 Legends say that Matija Gubec is not dead, “but over him and his army two mountains met and covered them” (Tkalčić 1862: 124). They also say that „ king Matijaš lived like a hermit in a cave somewhere west of Sljeme” (Bonifačić Rožin 1965) and: “In Croatia old men speak that king Matijaš is not dead, but that he is sitting in an old castle at a table. His beard is growing around the table, and when it wraps six times around that table, there will come a groom and cut his beard. Then king Matijaš will stand up from his darkness and bring back the freedom and justice to all Slavs (Slavonians).” (Bonifačić Rožin 1973: 167; NSB R 4701, A II 22). 54 A n đe l ko Đ e rme k Map 3 The study area as a square 16 by 16 km including 26 numbered points (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) Due to computational reasons, the area will be defined as a square with dimensions 16 by 16 km (Map 3). The selection of sacred points without any bias is essential for the proper analysis, but the aspiration is also to cover almost all sites for which there is a theoretical possibility that they were established in pre-Christian times. For this reason, the analysis will include all churches and chapels drawn on the first Habsburg military map from 1783, and three significant peaks on Medvednica Mountain.24 That makes 26 points in total. We should be aware that some of the sites surely do not have their origin in pre-Christian times. All such sites are likely distributed randomly, which means that they should not spatially “resonate” with the real pre-Christian sites. It is also important not to overdo the number of selected points significantly because otherwise too many geometrical structures would appear quite accidentally and we would then have great difficulties in detecting the real ones. List of sacred points The locations of sacred sites in case of churches and chapels are taken to be the central altars. Although we cannot detect pre-Christian sacred points with the accuracy of ±1 m, any lower grid resolution only can amplify location uncertainties. Consequently, the locations will be rounded to 0,05˝ which in this geographical area corresponds to the length of about 1 m. The points inside the study area: 0: The castle of Susedgrad, Podsused (45°49´16.50˝ 15°49´51.30˝)25 1: The Chapel of St. Martin, Podsused (45°49´20.30˝ 15°50´00.30˝)26 2: The Church of St. Nicolaus, Poljanica Bistranska (45°53´45.40˝ 15°52´57.75˝)27 24 http://mapire.eu/en/map/collection/firstsurvey/?zoom=12&lat=45.89935&lon=15.81681 http://mapire.eu/en/map/collection/firstsurvey/; http://mapire.eu/en/map/fms-croatia/ 25 It holds a geostrategic position on a hill close to the river Sava and has archeological finds from the Carolingian era (Tomičić 2001: 94). The Chapel of Glorious Virgin mentioned 1287 (CD VI: 599) was probably located there (Horvat 1999). 26 It is positioned below the Susedgrad castle firstly mentioned in a charter from 1209 issued to count Vratislaus of Acha (Ibi etiam habet predium pro se, ubi est ecclesia sancti Martini, cuius predii meta incipit ex una parte Zawa et tendit usque ad Crapina, deinde ad Gypka, inde ascendendo tendit usque ad uerticem montis, qui uulgo dicitur Zelemen) (CD III: 91–95). 27 It was built in Poljanica Bistranska by count Vratislaus of Acha as is stated in a charter issued to him in 1209 (Prima meta predii Polonica nomine, ubi supradictus V(ratizlaus) comes edificauit ecclesiam nomine sancti Nicholai... Petus qui dicitur frater V(ratizlai) comitis habet predium nomine Lubenic infra metas supradicti sancti Nicholai.) (CD III: 91–95). As a parochial church it is mentioned in 1334 (“Item ecclesia sancti Nicolai de Lubenik”) (MHZ II: 89). Some doubts about its original position are due to administrative borders (it is positioned in Jablanovec in some documents (1501: “Valentinus plebanus in Jablanowcz” (Rački 1872); 1574: “Plebanus ecclesiae S. Nicholai in Jablanowcz Stephanus Athynai” (MHZ II)). Judging from the canonical T he D i s t rib u t i on of p re - Chri s t i a n S a cre d S i t e s in t he Z a p re š i ć a re a 55 3: The Church of St. Vitus, Javorje (45°51´44.40˝ 15°45´53.40˝)28 4: The Chapel of St. Peter, Zaprešić (45°51´02.35˝ 15°48´37.65˝)29 5: The Church of St. George, Donja Pušća (45°54´48.95˝ 15°46´53.45˝) 30 6: The Chapel of St. Mary of Pušća, Donja Pušća (45°54´56.20˝ 15°46´55.60˝)31 7: The Church of The Three St. Kings, Kraljev Vrh (45°56´48.95˝ 15°54´49.95˝)32 8: The Chapel of St. Dorothy, Jakovlje (45°56´10.05˝ 15°52´06.65˝)33 9: The Chapel of St. John, Jablanovec (45°52´49.30˝ 15°51´20.20˝)34 10: Kameni svati (45°52´09.50˝ 15°51´14.85˝)35 11: Zatinice brijeg (hill) (45°51´48.00˝ 15°51´38.70˝)36 12: The Church of Holy Cross, Sveti Križ (45°54´01.60˝ 15°42´03.30˝)37 13: The Chapel of St. Catherine, Hrebine (45°54´24.85˝ 15°45´21.85˝)38 14: The Chapel of St. Leonard, Gornji Laduč (45°53´08.65˝ 15°42´59.30˝)39 15: The Church of St. Mary, Marija Gorica (45°54´40.00˝ 15°43´31.30˝) 40 16: The Chapel of St. Mary Magdalene, Marija Magdalena (45°55´43.75˝ 15°44´52.90˝) 41 17: The Chapel of St. Vitus, Merenje (45°57´26.35˝ 15°46´51.55˝) 42 18: The Chapel of St. Florian, Krajska Ves (45°57´50.10˝ 15°48´19.35˝) 43 19: The Chapel of St. Wendelin, Donja Bistra (45°54´13.10˝ 15°51´13.90˝) 44 20: The Chapel of St. Roch, Novaki Bistranski (45°53´06.05˝ 15°51´27.15˝) 45 21: The Chapel of St. James (45°52´57.15˝ 15°55´55.65˝) 46 22: Sljeme (45°53´57.40˝ 15°56´50.75˝) 23: Lužnica Castle (45°52´00.25˝ 15°46´48.40˝)47 24: Gornja Bistra Castle (45°55´00.50˝ 15°54´16.10˝) 48 25: The Chapel of St. Mary, Celine Goričke (45°55´01.83˝ 15°44´19.15˝) The points outside of the study area: visitation of 1622, it follows that the old church before 1634 was situated also in Poljanica and not in Jablanovec (Hi coloni in villa vulgo Polanicza dicta, sub ecclesia sita...) (Protokol br. 1/I Vizitacija 1622: 158, Arhiv Zagrebačke Nadbiskupije). 28 Mentioned 1334 (“Item ecclesia sancti Viti de Crapina”) (MHZ II: 89). 29 Mentioned 1334 (“Item ecclesia sancti Petri de Crapina”) (MHZ II: 89). 30 Mentioned 1361 (“in possessionibus seu villis inter fluvios Toplica et Szutla situatis in quaram districtu quatuor ecclesiae parochiales existunt...una sanctae Crucis, altera sancti Georgii, tertia sancti Petri, quarta sancti Viti”) (Reg. Arch. c. Orssich p. 426-427.) (Ivančan 1904:156). 31 It is positioned just above the Church of St. George. Its main altar is from 1722. 32 Mentioned 1634 (“Capella Trium Regum ... est Filialis SS. Trinitatis in Stubicza”) (Protokol 3/III, Vizitacija 1634: 75, 118., Arhiv Zagrebačke Nadbiskupije). 33 Mentioned 1630 (Protokol 3/III, Vizitacija 1630: 51, Arhiv Zagrebačke Nadbiskupije). 34 Mentioned 1630 (Protokol 3/III, Vizitacija 1630: 51, Arhiv Zagrebačke Nadbiskupije). 35 The legendary rocky peak (489 m) called “the petrified wedding party”. The area below is called Perjavica. 36 Situated behind Kameni svati it is the highest point (585 m) visible on the southwest part of Medvednica called Zakićnica looking from Zaprešić and Babožnica. 37 Mentioned 1346 (CD XI: 282). Situated on a hill (310 m) that has archeological finds from Early Iron Age. 38 Solitary building surrounded by forest probably from the 17th century. 39 Situated on an elevated position above the Sava valley. 40 Franciscan monastery with the Church of St. Peter, established 1527. 41 Situated at the top of the hill probably from the 18th century. 42 Situated at the top of a hill. The old wooden chapel was burned in 1887. The hill was probably called Jastrebnik in a document of 1346 (...inde procedendo in eadem via in paruo spacio et ipsam viam relinquendo tenendo metas cum terra de Zagoria ad castrum Crapina pertinentem declinat ab ipsa via ad meridiem et per aliam viam in paruo spacio procedendo uenit ad metam in monte Hruseuch positam, inde venit ad alium montem Jaztrebinnik nuncupatum, inde uenit ad quendam pontem in fluuio Luchilnicha nuncupato, inde per siluam uenit infra sessionem Subk, inde directe procedendo uersus meridiem cadit in fluium Crapina ibique terminator) (CD XI: 282). From 16th century Merenje (Merynna, Merynye, Myrynye, Myrenye) was in the possession of Paulines from Lepoglava (Adamček 1966: 146). 43 From 1790 to 1857 it was a parochial church of St. Roch (Protokol 197, Vizitacija 1792, Arhiv Zagrebačke Nadbiskupije). 44 Built 1761. 45 The old wooden chapel was situated 10 m south of the present chapel which was built 1864. 46 Mentioned 1746. 47 Mentioned 1623: curia Losnicza; 1646: in eodem Zapressichye sive Losnicza judicatu Berdoch; loco veteris curiae Lusniczensi; 1720: diruti castelli Lusnicza (Krivošić 1992, 1997). Inside is the Chapel of Holy Cross. 48 Mentioned 1745. Inside is the Chapel of St. Joseph. 56 A n đe l ko Đ e rme k 26: The Church of St. George, Gornja Stubica (45°58´25.30˝ 16°00´48.60˝) 49 27: The Church of Holy Cross, Cirnik (SLO) (45°51´44.50˝ 15°38´10.85˝)50 The reconstructed central point of the study area: 28: Babožnica-Vučinka in Lug (45°52´51.05˝ 15°49´24.30˝) POSITIONS OF THE SUN In this paper, the algorithm that can calculate azimuth and elevation of the Sun at any time from 2000 BC to 6000 AC will be used (Reda, Andreas 2008). It accounts the effect of refraction, which has a significant impact at sunset and sunrise (0.5667° at the elevation of 0°). The sunrise and sunset will be defined as a moment when the tip of the Sun passes the horizon, so the radius of the solar disk which is 0.267° must be accounted. The assumption is that mutually visible sacred points may have been deliberately aligned along directions of sunrise or sunset on some specific dates: solstices, equinoxes or some other. Until 4 October 1582, the algorithm counts the days according to the Julian calendar. The Julian year is longer than the Astronomical year. It accumulates one additional day every 128 years, which is in total five days from 600 AC – 1240 AC. That fact needs to be taken into account regarding the Christian feasts in a time of Christianization. ALIGNMENTS OF 3 POINTS Three points aligned along some line will be called a triad in this paper. The expected number of triads (M) in twodimensional random sets of points depends on the tolerance angle, the number of points and the shape of the area. The formula is: N N ( N − 1)( N − 2) λε M =  λε = 6 3  (1) , where: M is the expected number of triads; N is the total number of points; ε is the tolerance angle in radians (0°≤ε≤1°; in the ideal case, the highest angle in every triad is 180°, under tolerance of ε it must be at least 180°-ε); λ is the shape factor (λ=1/3 for a square-shaped area) (Kendall, D. G., Kendall, W. S. 1980: 383). Standard deviation (σ) we can calculate according to the formula:  N  N − 2   N  N − 3  ( µ − λ2 )ε 2 + 3  (ν − λ2 )ε 2 σ = M (1 − λε ) + 3   3  2   3 1  (2) where μ=0,1127406182 and ν=0,1343209876 for a square-shaped area (Kendall, D. G., Kendall, W. S. 1980: 384). In the next analysis, we will examine whether the observed numbers of triads (x) for various angle tolerances (ε) in the study area meet the significance level of 0.05. It is evident that standard deviation according to formula (2) is very close to the standard deviation of Poisson distribution: σ ≈ σ Poisson=√M (Tab. 1) which means that the Poisson distribution is a good approximation. The formula for the cumulative distribution function of the Poisson distribution is: x CDFPoisson ( x; M ) = ∑ i =0 M ie−M i! (3) From the results (Tab. 1) it can be concluded that the observed numbers of triads (x) for various angle tolerances (ε) considerably exceed their corresponding estimates (M), but neither of them meets the significance level of 0.05 (5%). Consequently, we cannot reject the null hypothesis at this stage of research (meaning that the observed numbers of triads are the result of randomness). The best P-value of 0.071 in the case with ε=20´, indicates that the observed 9 or more triads, on 49 Mentioned 1209. Built by count Vratislaus of Acha (Aliud predium etiam V(ratizlaus) comes predictus habet nomine Zlubiza, ubi edificauit ecclesiam sancti Georgii) (CD III: 91-95). 50 Probably from the 17 th century. 57 T he D i s t rib u t i on of p re - Chri s t i a n S a cre d S i t e s in t he Z a p re š i ć a re a expected num- observed standard de- standard devia- angle tolerance ber of triads ac- number of viation accor- tion of Poisson (ε) cording to (1) triads ding to (2) distribution (M) (x) (σ) (σPoisson) 2.52 5.04 7.56 10.08 12.61 5 9 11 13 18 1.61 2.30 2.82 3.33 3.76 1.59 2.25 2.75 3.18 3.55 10´ 20´ 30´ 40´ 50´ cumulative distribution P-value of Pois- function of Pois- son distribution son distribution (values≥x) (values<x) (CDF) 0.888 0.929 0.857 0.784 0.911 0.112 0.071 0.143 0.216 0.089 Tab. 1 Expected and observed number of triads, standard deviations, cumulative distribution function values and P-values of Poisson distribution for different values of angle tolerance (ε) (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) average, occur in about 7.1% of random distributions, or in other words, this number of triads occurs on average once in 14 random distributions. Undoubtedly, the majority of the triads in our study area has appeared by chance because not all of the 26 points are pre-Christian in origin. However, despite that, we cannot yet rule out the possibility that some of the triads are the result of intention. We can test the triads with some other independent methods. It is possible to calculate if any of their azimuths coincides with some important sunrise or sunset dates. The angle tolerance (ε) of 20´ gives the best indication of intention. Therefore, we will test that case. We can observe that the shape of the overall mythical structure can be partially discerned by the detected triads because some of them coincide with it: 13-5-8, 6-8-7, 1-11-2 (Map 4). It is evident that their azimuths mostly correspond with the sunset/sunrise azimuths of two equally distant periods from the vernal equinox: 7 - 13 February and 24 - 27 April (Map 4 and Tab. 2). One such triad is 13-5-8 with the azimuth of 69.6°/249.6°. It goes along St. Catherine (13), St. George (5) and St. Dorothy (8). St. George is mentioned 1361, St. Dorothy 1630 and St. Catherine is also, judging from their architecture, from the 17th century. It is a fascinating fact that the line in continuation, even goes over another church of St. George located in Gornja Stubica which is outside of the study area and which is one of the oldest documented churches in the area (mentioned already 1209) (Fig. 8). All objects are positioned very precisely along the line with a length Map 4 The triads inside the study area under condition ε=20´ with sunrise/sunset dates (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) 58 A n đe l ko Đ e rme k triad 13 – 5 – 8 6–8–7 15 – 13 – 21 19 – 2 – 21 3 – 23 – 2 10 – 20 – 8 0 – 9 – 20 1 – 11 – 2 25 – 5 - 22 direction azimuth 13-5 13-8 5-8 6-7 6-8 8-7 15-13 15-21 13-21 19-2 19-21 2-21 3-2 23-2 3-23 25-22 25-5 5-22 69.41° 69.59° 69.64° 71.18° 71.22° 71.10° 101.18° 101.20° 101.20° 110.89° 111.07° 111.18° 67.80° 67.83° 67.61° 8.53° 16.26° 25.04° 96.99° 97.02° sunrise horizon angle 0.30° 0.55° 0.85° 1.00° 7.03° 2.45° 2.65° 2.45° 2.72° 3.72° sunrise date 27 Apr 24 Apr 25 Apr 01 Mar 25 Feb 07 May 07 May 07 May 12 Mar 14 Mar sunset horizon angle 0.56° 0.51° 0.51° 0.45° 0.39° 0.83° 0.83° 1.36° 0.04° 0.04° sunset date 10 Feb 13 Feb 13 Feb 08 Apr 27 Apr 07 Feb 07 Feb 08 Feb 31 Mar 31 Mar Tab. 2 Sunrise and sunset dates (2014) of azimuths that are defined by all possible combination of two points for every triad in Map 4 (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) Fig. 8 Terrain cross-section between 6 churches situated along the line with azimuth about 70°/250°. The numbers in brackets are the heights in meters and below are the years of first mention (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) of 21.3 km and with an offset not greater than 5 m. We have good reasons to believe that the churches of St. George with the feast on 23 April, and St. Dorothy on 6 February had not appeared along that line by accident. The sun algorithm tells that the azimuth of this triad coincided with sunrise on 23 April in the period from 700 AC – 880 AC and with sunset on 6 February in the time from 800 AC – 950 AC. A surprising coincidence is that in the intersecting period from 800 AC – 880 AC the area experienced the first wave of Christianization. The pre-Christian sites dedicated to the old gods and goddesses aligned along this midseason sunset/sunrise direction may have gotten their Christian substitute patrons precisely in the 9th century. It is also interesting to note that both churches of St. George are below the line of sight, by which it was probably meant that young fertile male divine character comes at the beginning of the fertile part of the year from an underground cavity. SUNRISE AND SUNSET DIRECTIONS OF PAIRS OF POINTS Beside triads, any combination of two points defines an azimuth. A total number of such azimuths we can calculate by the formula: (4) N·(N-1)/2 T he D i s t rib u t i on of p re - Chri s t i a n S a cre d S i t e s in t he Z a p re š i ć a re a 59 In the study area with N=26 sites according to (4), there are 325 directions. Diagram showing the distribution of their azimuths has frequency peaks at the azimuths of 70° and 110° (Fig. 9). Those azimuths define midseason sunrise or sunset dates (23 - 30 April or/and 6 - 13 February which correspond to the St. George and St. Dorothy feasts). If we exclude the pairs of sites without mutual visibility, then we are left with about 164 azimuths. Their diagram (Fig. 10) shows that the majority of them coincides with the sunrise and sunset span of possible azimuths (the grey area). Maybe we should not be surprised by that because the landscape features (the Krapina valley stretches in N-S direction) dictate E-W direction. However, the intention is indicated by the fact that the frequency peaks occur at the specific midseason sunrise or sunset dates. Fig. 9 Frequency diagram of azimuths of all possible combinations of Fig. 10 2 points inside the study area (325 lines). The inside bars are proportional to the number of lines with the azimuth step of 1° and the outside bars are proportional to the number of lines with the azimuth step of 5°. Frequency maximums appear at the azimuths of 70° and 110°. They coincide with the midseason sunset/sunrise dates. (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) Frequency diagram of azimuths of mutually visible combinations of 2 points inside the study area (164 lines). The inside bars are proportional to the number of lines with the azimuth step of 1° and the outside bars are proportional to the number of lines with the azimuth step of 5°. The dates correspond to the sunrise/sunset azimuths under the horizon angle of 0°. The grey area of azimuths corresponds to the sunrise/sunset span of possible azimuths. Dashed lines correspond to the extreme moonrise/ moonset azimuths in major lunar standstill years assuming the horizon angle of 0° (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) Assuming the horizon angle of 0°, azimuth which coincides with the sunrise on 23 April is 71°, and the one which coincides with 30 April is 67.65°. The expected number of lines with such sunrise and the sunset span of azimuths is then: 2·164·(71.00°-67.65°)/180° = 6. In the study area appear 19 such sunrise/sunset lines among the 164 lines with mutual visibility, which is three times more than expected (Tab. 3). Assuming the Poisson distribution, the cumulative distribution function and corresponding P-value according to formula (3) are: CDFPoisson(x<19, M=6)=0.9999824; P-value=0.0000176. Calculated P-value is well below even the significance level of 0.01. Therefore, we can be quite sure that significant number of midseason azimuth lines did not appear as a result of coincidence. A corroborating evidence comes from a fact that the orientations of sanctuary buildings in some cases coincide with the corresponding midseason azimuth lines. These are St. Nicholas → St. Magdalene (2→16), St. Vitus → St. Dorothy (17→8), St. Vitus → St. Peter (3→4) and St. James → Zatinice (21→11) (Map 5). We can conclude that the azimuths lines which define the midseason sunrise or sunset dates marking in this way the beginning of the fertile part of the year, indeed stand out and are proven by substantial evidence. The solstice and equinox sunrise and sunset azimuth lines are concentrated in the south-west part of the study area (solid and dotted lines on Map 5; Tab. 3).51 One of them is the line which starts at the Chapel of St. John in Jablanovec and ends at the Chapel of St. Mary in Pušća (9→6). The second solstice line works in both directions (at the summer solstice sunset and the winter solstice sunrise), looking from the church of St. Vitus in Javorje or the Chapel of St. Leonard in Donji 51 The solstice lines 9→6, 14→3 and 23→4 were oriented precisely in the direction of solstice sunset and sunrise (error<0.02°) only until the 14th/15th century. The present inaccuracy is also negligible (+0.15°). However, the solstice line (3→14) was oriented precisely in the direction of solstice sunset only until the 7th century. Today error is about +0.32°. 60 A n đe l ko Đ e rme k direction azimuth 3-23 3-2 23-2 17-18 11-21 19-24 13-8 4-11 8-7 6-7 3-22 3-9 23-22 17-8 16-2 3-4 19-2 13-9 13-7 6-9 14-3 23-11 13-19 3-11 23-4 67.61° 67.80° 67.83° 68.83° 68.89° 69.51° 69.59° 70.15° 71.10° 71.18° 73.83° 74.15° 74.41° 109.15° 109.29° 110.16° 110.89° 110.91° 70.02° 124.49° 124.79° 93.33° 92.75° 89.16° 127.22° sunrise horizon angle 2.45° 2.45° 2.65° 0.44° 2.65° 2.62° 0.30° 6.24° 0.85° 0.55° 3.50° 3.45° 3.78° 2.50° 2.13° 2.24° 7.03° 0.98° 0.30° 1.81° 0.60° 4.05° 2.88° 3.47° 2.30° sunrise date sunset horizon angle sunset date 07 May 07 May 07 May 29 Apr 05 May 03 May 27 Apr 11 May 25 Apr 24 Apr 26 Apr 25 Apr 25 Apr 13 Feb 17 Feb 13 Feb 25 Feb 11 Feb 26 Apr 04 Dec 22 Dec 21 Mar 21 Mar 27 Mar 22 Dec 1.36° 0.83° 0.83° 0.62° 0.00° 1.00° 0.56° 0.22° 0.51° 0.51° 0.23° 1.68° 1.32° 0.89° 0.84° 0.60° 0.39° 0.76° 0.53° 1.09° 0.99° 0.25° 0.98° 1.86° - 08 Feb 07 Feb 07 Feb 09 Feb 07 Feb 11 Feb 10 Feb 10 Feb 13 Feb 13 Feb 18 Feb 22 Feb 21 Feb 25 Apr 25 Apr 26 Apr 27 Apr 28 Apr 11 Feb 21 Jun 21 Jun 25 Mar 25 Mar 21 Mar - Tab. 3 The list of pairs of points with mutual visibility inside the study area that correspond to the characteristic sunrise/sunset dates (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) Map 5 The map of directions defined by pairs of points with azimuths that correspond to the characteristic sunrise/sunset dates: midseason (St. George, St. Dorothy) (dashed), solstice (solid) and equinox (dotted). On the map are superposed the satellite pictures of the sacred objects whose orientation coincide with the directions (with tolerance ±3°) (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) T he D i s t rib u t i on of p re - Chri s t i a n S a cre d S i t e s in t he Z a p re š i ć a re a 61 Laduč (3→14, 14→3), respectively. The third line which determines the winter solstice sunrise starts at Lužnica and ends at the Chapel of St. Peter in Zaprešić (23→4). It is an interesting coincidence that the summer solstice viewpoints are at the churches which have feasts close to the summer solstice: St. John and St. Vitus. The feast of St. Vitus in Julian calendar coincided with the summer solstice in the period from 1100 - 1270 AC which corresponds to the construction of the church.52 During the 17th and 18th century, this church was significant local and regional pilgrimage destination mainly for eye diseases (Huzjan 2012). St. John’s chapel was mentioned for the first time in 1630, but the village of Jablanovec has been documented already in 1340.53 Again, the building orientations of St. John (9) and Lužnica (23) coincide with the solstice azimuth lines. The equinox lines are mostly related to Zatinice hill (23→11, 11→3), indicating the importance of that point too. SACRED TRIANGLES By overlapping the midseason, solstice and equinox sunrise/sunset azimuth lines, a sacred triangle 23-11-4 (Map 6) appears by itself. It has the sacred angle of 23° (the sun zenith angle difference from equinox to solstice), the angle of 34° (the approximation of the azimuth sunrise/sunset difference from equinox to solstice at this latitude), and the ratio of the two shortest edges equal to √2. The equinox line connects Lužnica Castle (23) with Zatinice hill (11), the midseason (10 February) line connects Zatinice hill with the Chapel of St. Peter (4) and the winter solstice line connects Lužnica Castle and St. Peter. It follows that this triangle determines the winter and autumnal infertile quarters of the year. 54 Map 6 Sacred triangles and their relations with the sunrise/sunset azimuth lines on the characteristic dates: equinox (dotted), solstice (solid bold) and midseason (dashed) (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) The line which connects St. Peter’s Chapel (4) with the Church of St. Vitus (3) is oriented towards sunrise at 13 February and sunset at 26 April connecting in this way the mentioned infertile triangle with the fertile sacred structures. If we take into account also the points: 27 (the Church of the Holy Cross, Cirnik - SLO) and 28 (the centre of the overall mythical structure at Babožnica) there also appears E-W axis 11-3-27 and several new characteristic sunrise/sunset azimuth lines. By overlapping the sunrise/sunset directions on the significant calendar dates the second sacred triangle 27-3-14 which has the angles of 23° and 34° and the ratio of the two shortest edges about 1:1.39 again appears by itself. It consists of the Church of St. Vitus (3), the Chapel of St. Leonard (14) and the Church of Holy Cross (27). We can determine winter and summer solstice, vernal and autumnal equinox and four midseason dates: 9 February, 1 May, 12 August and 30 Octo52 It was mentioned for the first time in 1334 AC (MHZ II: 89), and according to that, it was probably built 50 or 100 years before. 53 Mentioned as “possessiones Jablanovch et…” (CD X: 593). The connection with St. John confirms the toponym Ivanec from 1342: “possessio Iuanch vocata inter possessiones Jablanouch et Zuursia vocatas” (CD XI: 4). It is the name of the village situated just south of Jablanovec, below Zatinice hill. 54 There is a brook near Lužnica with the same name. It can come from *longъ but also from “lug”: lye made from ash. In such way, its dirty infertile waters contradict the clear waters of the stream Bistra (meaning a clear water) at Babožnica that symbolise fertility. 62 A n đe l ko Đ e rme k ber with the help of its sunrise/sunset azimuths. It is a repeat of the similar triangle 3-11-28, along with the same E-W axis, but with different third vertex (at Babožnica). The line 11-28 determines the summer solstice sunset azimuth, and the line 11-3 determines the equinox sunset azimuth. This triangle defines fertile half of the year, and we can connect it with the fertility rituals at Babožnica. It is not the only one. Triangle 4-28-6 has an almost identical shape and extent, but is rotated clockwise for about 73° around the point 28. None of its sides defines any sun azimuth, but its internal angles are sacred, because they correspond to the angles which the sun makes in a season, either at the zenith (23°) or the horizon (34°). The triangle 9-28-6 with the side 9-28 defines the equinox sunset and with the side 9-6 the summer solstice sunset. The point 28 represents the locus of the sacred triangles defining the fertile half-year. MOONRISE AND MOONSET DIRECTIONS OF PAIRS OF POINTS The Moon paths are extremely complicated compared to the Sun ones. Therefore, this topic will be touched here only partially. The azimuth of moonrise/moonset varies with the Moon’s nodal period of 27.212 days, and at the same time with the lunar standstill period of 18.6 years. At the minor lunar standstill the Moon changes its declination during the nodal period from +18.5° to −18.5°. At the major lunar standstill, which happens 9.3 years later, his declination changes during the nodal period from +28.5° to −28.5°. The extreme major lunar standstill azimuths possibly also played some role among the Old Slavs. The azimuth of the Moon at moonrise depends on the Moon’s declination (δ) and the observer’s geographic latitude (φ). We can calculate it as follows: (5) A = arccos (sin δ / cos φ) The azimuth of the Moon at moonset can be calculated by simply subtracting the moonrise azimuth from 360°. The error caused by the effect of refraction and the Moon’s half-diameter is about the same as in the case of the Sun. In the area of Zaprešić during the major lunar standstill (under the horizon angle of 0°) the moonrise azimuths according to formula (5) circulate during each nodal period from about 90°-43° to 90°+43° and moonset azimuths from about 270°+43° to 270°-43°. Diagram of azimuths of mutually visible pairs of points (Fig. 10) shows the opposing frequency peaks outside of the sunrise/sunset span of possible azimuths. After accounting the actual horizon angles, their azimuths of about 311° and 131° can be a sign of moonrise/moonset extreme azimuths at major lunar standstill periods. The most interesting such direction is Zatinice hill→St. George in Pušća (11→5). Looking from Zatinice hill the azimuth of St. George is 312.25°, and the horizon angle is about 0.4°. At the major lunar standstill, this horizon angle gives the extreme azimuth of about 312.4° for the moonset55 (the moment when the tip of the lunar disk sets below the horizon angle of 0.4°). It is practically in agreement with the mentioned direction. Direction 10→6 (Kameni svati - St. Mary in Pušća) is a repeat of the same direction. The mentioned direction connects the sanctuaries of the fertile male and female characters and coincides with the firebolt line of the overall mythical triangle shaped structure. If that is not a result of pure coincidence, then the concept of fertility appeared here fascinatingly connected with the Moon.56 DISTRIBUTION OF DISTANCES Even a superficial analysis of distances between sacred sites reveals some regularities. For example, in a triangle 3-146 the sides, 6-14 (6080 m) and 6-3 (6072 m) are almost the same, and the side 3-14 is long ¾ of their length (4567 m). The length 12-3 (6524 m) is equal to 12-6 (6522 m). The length 12-13 (4339 m) is long ½ of 13-10 (8683 m) and so on. Regularities mentioned above probably appeared as a result of pure coincidence, but they also could be a consequence of the use of a rope for measuring the distances. We will test if mathematical analysis would reveal something more about them. The procedure is to count the distances that are some multiple of a module D (Fig. 11) and then calculate the probability of such distribution for every module in some range. If the points are intentionally spaced with some common module, the method will reveal it, but we should be aware that false positives are also possible. The probability P that a distribution of N points in a 2-dimensional plane contains a certain number of distances between points which are some multiple of module D we can calculate according to the binomial formula: 55 According to www.mooncalc.org for the years 2005 and 2006 or ssd.jpl.nasa.gov/horizons.cgi. 56 Detailed analysis of other possible moonrise and moonset directions I will leave for future research. I will only mention an interesting case which is linked with the Church of Holy Cross in Sveti Križ (12). It is situated on a dominant hill (310 m) with archaeological finds from Early Iron age. There is the intersection point of a triad 0-3-12 (Susedgard castle-St. Vitus in Javorje-Holy Cross in Sveti Križ) and tetrad 27-12-16-18 (Holy Cross in Cirnik -Holy Cross in Sveti Križ-St. Magdalene in Marija Magdalena-St. Florian in Krajska Ves). They both are in coincidence with the extreme declination of moonrise/moonset at the major lunar standstill. T he D i s t rib u t i on of p re - Chri s t i a n S a cre d S i t e s in t he Z a p re š i ć a re a P = q N−n p n ⋅ 63 N! n!( N − n )! (6) where: N is the total number of distances (according to (4) N=25∙26/2=325), D is a module in range from 100 m to 3725 m, T is the tolerance (±10 m), n is the number of distances that are some multiple of D, p is a probability that distance is some multiple of D (p=2T/D) and q is a probability that distance is not some multiple of D (q=1-p). Fig. 11 Arithmetic sequence of module D with tolerance T. The distances that ends inside the bold segments satisfy the condition (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) The result of (6) given for all modules (D) from 100 m to 3725 m is a bar graph in which the most unlikely modules have the highest values (Fig. 12; Tab. 4). The least probable module occurring in the analysed area with P=1/20455 is long 2170 m (this is the probability that precisely this module (2170 m) appears by chance). In the control sample of 200 distributions of 26 points distributed randomly inside square area acquired by a quantum generator of random numbers, 57 the probability of occurring any module with P≤1/20455 under the same conditions is about 1/10. The meaning of this is that the usage of any module in the study area is not proven since the probability of 1/10 is unconvincing. However, if any module was used, then it most likely was a module which has something in common with 2170 m. Detected modules are not unrelated since Fig. 12 Logarithm scale bar graph of the reciprocal values of probability for distances in the study area that are some multiple of a corresponding module D which can be in the range from 100 m to 3725 m with the step of 1 m and tolerance T=±10 m. Ordinate represents log(1/P) for every module D on the abscissa. The modules that have lower than expected number of distances, are excluded (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) 57 The used quantum random bit generator (QRBG121) developed at Ruđer Bošković Institute in Zagreb is a fast non-deterministic random bit (number) generator whose randomness relies on intrinsic randomness of the quantum physical process of photonic emission in semiconductors and subsequent detection by photoelectric effect (Stipčević et al. 2007; Stevanović et al. 2008). The random sequence of numbers with the range from -32768 to 32767 is obtained with the help of QRand application (http://random.irb.hr/index.php). The pairs of values (x,y) for every point are obtained from the samples with the absolute values less than 32000 using the formula: abs(sample)%16000. 64 A n đe l ko Đ e rme k expected num- measured num- module ber of distances ber of distances D (m) that are a multi- that are a multi- 2170 1085 1438 1860 620 2231 1239 248 3720 ple of D (p∙325) 3.0 6.0 4.5 3.5 10.5 2.9 5.2 26.2 1.7 ple of D 12 17 14 12 22 10 14 41 7 distribution probability P 1 / 20455 1 / 10172 1 / 6071 1 / 5228 1 / 1698 1 / 1615 1 / 1527 1 / 763 1 / 601 multiples of relation with 2170 m 1 1/2 6/7 2/7 36 / 35 4/7 4 / 35 12 / 7 multiples of 31 m 70 35 60 20 72 40 8 120 0.3333 m (Carolingian foot) 2∙21∙31∙5 21∙31∙5 12∙12∙30 3∙12∙31∙5 12∙31∙5 2∙3∙3∙12∙31 2∙12∙31∙5 2∙12∙31 2∙3∙12∙31∙5 Tab. 4 The most improbable modules in the study area that are in the range from 100 m to 3725 m with the step of 1 m and tolerance T=±10 m and their relation with the basic modules equal to 31 m and 0.3333 m (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) Fig. 13 The detail from Fig. 12. A bar graph abscissa is sequenced with a step equal to 31 m (2170 m / 70). Modules that are multiples of 31 m stand out (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) the majority of them (2170 m, 1085 m, 1860 m and 620 m) are harmonics of 310 m or 155 m. 58 The multiples of 31 meters stand out in the lower part of the probability bar graph (Fig. 13). They can be efficient units of length if measurements were carried with the help of a rope. The majority of distances mentioned at the beginning of this section are the multiples of 31 m. 59 The factor 7 and its multiples (7∙20, 7∙21, 7∙28, 7∙30, 7∙40) stand out in these cases. It is possible to discern the triangle 13-7-1 (St. Catherine – Three St. Kings - St. Martin) with the sides: (7∙6, 7∙7, 6∙6) ∙310 m from the map that shows all distances which are some multiple of 310 m (Map 7). It largely coincides with the overall mythical structure triangle 5-7-1 (St. George - Three St. Kings - St. Martin). It was created by shortening the line 7-13 to the point that it became equal to the line going from the point 1, making almost the right angle at the point 5 (88.2°). The line 1-13 is long 360∙31 m. The number 360 we can correlate with a solar year. The lines 1-5 and 7-5 are of the same length: 352∙31 m (10914 m and 10918 m). The number 352 we can correlate with a lunar year. The Sun and the Moon certainly played a key role in the determination of the fertile and infertile calendar cycles. Factors 31, 12, 7, 5 and 3 frequently appear if a basic module was equal to 0.3333 m (Carolingian foot - Pes Drusianus) (Tab. 4). It is possible to link these numbers to some form of a calendar. The calendar which is solar and which consists of 12 months, has to contain a certain number of 30-day months and 31-day months. The summer half-year is about five 58 The primary module of 0.51667 m (a cubit) that I detected in my previous articles (Đermek 2012; 2013) amounts to 1/60 of 31 meters (Đermek 2012; 2013). Its length is 31/20 of a Carolingian foot long 0.3333 meters. 59 The lengths of 6080 and 6072 m correspond to 6076 m=7∙28∙31 m, 4566 m corresponds to 4557 m=7∙21∙31 m, 4339 m corresponds to 4340 m=7∙20∙31 m, and 8683 m corresponds to 7∙40∙31 m=8680 m. The distances 6522 m and 6524 m correspond to 6510 m=7∙30∙31 m. T he D i s t rib u t i on of p re - Chri s t i a n S a cre d S i t e s in t he Z a p re š i ć a re a 65 Map 7 The map of distances that are some multiple of 310 m (2170 m/7) with tolerance T=±10 m. The triangle 1-7-13 stands out. It is in relation with the triangle of the overall mythical structure 1-7-5 (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) Fig. 14 A solar calendar with fertile 31-day months and infertile 30-day months and with the Christian feasts that are important reference points in a folk year (prepared by: A. Đermek 2016) days longer than the winter half-year, so a year has to have five or six 31-day months and seven or six 30-day months (5∙31+7∙30=365; 6∙31+6∙30=366). It follows that 31-day months have to be concentrated in the summer half-year. The summer half-year and months with 31 days may have been regarded fertile and the winter half-year and months with 30 days infertile (Fig. 14). 66 A n đe l ko Đ e rme k The concept of happy and unhappy or good and bad months was known among the Celts. 60 Such symbolic was applied even to smaller calendar units. The waxing period of the Moon was perceived fertile and suitable for planting and sowing. It can be concluded that the accurate and favourable combination of the Sun and the Moon positions indeed was vital for the survival of the Old Slavs that were dominantly agricultural communities. Consequently, that was expressed through their spatial mythical structures and calendar. CONCLUSION Presented analysis shows that the pre-Christian “signal” really can be observed in the study area. “The noise” caused by the unknown number of irrelevant points surely lowers the pre-Christian “signal”. However, we are fortunate that cultural context “resonates” with the mathematical results and strengthens them significantly, thus reinforcing the probability of the intentional setting to the point that we can be quite sure of it. Anđelko Đermek Jablanovec, Stubička ul. 280 HR-10290 Zaprešić andjelko.djermek@zg.t-com.hr 60 The lunar calendar from Coligny had happy or good 30-day months called M(AT) and unhappy or bad 29-day months called ANM(AT) (from the Welsh mad and anfad) (Maier 1997: 77). 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Vitomir Belaj, Juraj Belaj Around and below Divuša: the traces of Perun’s mother arrival into our lands Scientific paper The paper begins with the authors’ recapitulation of the basics of the old proto-Slavic religion, of everything that has been known about supreme deities; about what is presently surmised about the earliest history of the Slavs: where they appeared (the question of the “proto-homeland”); in what ways they shaped their way of life (culture) and, above all, their worldview. Among other things, the authors demonstrate that the Slavs preserved traces of the Indo-European supreme god reconstructed as *Dyēus pH2ter. They assume that he also had a female counterpart, the god-bearer Djeva, Diva. In the process they discovered a tripartite spatial structure of the type conceived by the still unbaptized Slavic groups while they were settling new territories and assuming control over them (Pleterski 1996: 180; Belaj, V. 1998; 2006; Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2014). They were governed by the assumption that in the Banovina region, too, the priests created a “diorama” in the landscape, which they used, while performing important rites, by showing and narrating myths, to interpret the most important myths, vital for the survival of the community and the authority. They showed that also in that place the toponymy contains traces of a pre-Christian mother of god, concluding that in the area of the Una river she appeared as Divuša. Key words: Divuša, Slavs, Slavic mythology, Volhynia, Slavic ethnogony, toponymy Task This paper builds on our previous work, in which we were looking into whether in the Sisak Diocese there were any traces of the worship of a pre-Christian Slavic mother of god, the goddess Mokoš. Our quest was not entirely fruitless (Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2017), on the contrary, it raised certain new questions—above all regarding Divuša—which we shall try to answer in this paper. At the beginning, we shall remind our readers of the basics of the old proto-Slavic faith, of what has previously been known about the supreme deities; of what is today supposed about the earliest history of the Slavs, where they appeared (the question of the “ancient homeland”), in what ways they shaped their way of life (culture) and, above all, their worldview. Also, about what is known about their migration from their proto-homeland, and about that what they carried with them. In the process, we were also looking for tripartite spatial structures that had been conceived by the still unbaptized Slavic groups while they were settling new territories and assuming control over them (Pleterski 1996: 180; Belaj, V. 1998; 2006; Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2014). We were governed by the assumption that also here the priests created a “diorama” in the landscape, from which, while performing important rites, by showing and narrating myths, they could interpret the most important myths, vital for the survival of the community and the authority. And finally, we concluded in which way Divuša appeared in the area of the Una river. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 69–92 70 V i t o mir Be l a j , J ur a j B e l a j Old Faith First we have to bear in mind that a people’s linguistic structures are closely connected with their faith, and that the two fates usually follow parallel trajectories. Just as the proto-Slavic language (psl.) had at one point diverged from the proto-Indo-European (pie.), so was the mythology of the earliest Slavs created from the proto-Indo-European mythology. In this process—naturally—it was subjected to outside influences and internal changes. The basic “skeleton” of mythology consists of the main gods and tales of their deeds. In a nutshell: the foundation for comprehending the world around us is perceived as the result of the dynamic tension manifest from mythical narratives about the struggle between the regulating cosmic principle that creates and then regulates the World from the primordial chaos on the one hand, and the destructive chaotic disorder trying to destroy the created Order and to turn it back into Chaos. To put it more shortly, this is a dichotomy between the Cosmos and Chaos, between Order and Disorder. These principles were personified and imagined as divine personalities. Among “nostratic” linguistic communities—and the case is also similar with a number of other ancient religions all over the world—the religious pantheon is presided over by a male being, the Creator of the entire ordered world. He himself was born by Mother Earth, with whom he begot all the other gods (he is the All-Father), has children with her, who are therefore brothers and sisters to each other, and they in turn also have their own children, that is, the All-Father’s grandchildren. Some names of individual pie. deities have been reconstructed. In fact, the names of these gods were from the beginning the appellations of some of their individual aspects; epithets or even nicknames. Theonyms (names of gods) were descriptive names, which started their existence as appellatives (general nouns) and only gradually became personal names. Comparative study of religions imposes a logical idea that already the pie. Creator must have had an adversary, the Envier, sometimes a brother, often in an animal form, who steals his brother’s wife (as well as many other things), bringing Disorder and Death into the sacred Order. The Mother—certain indications suggest—is at the same time their sister and wife/lover. There couldn’t be any other way, considering that they were the first beings to inhabit the world. Such an incestuous love triangle is repeated in the second generation of gods, where the thunderer fights his brother for their sister’s affection (the sister is often named the same as the mother, or she may even be the mother herself). This pattern is reiterated with younger gods, for instance, in the case of the twin brother and sister, who bring fertility to the World. Comparative linguistics succeeded in reconstructing the Creator’s name on the pie. level as *Dyēus pH2ter (written more simply as: *Dyeus1 P’ter). We can find him in different variants in most Indo-European peoples: he is Juppiter (< Jovis pater), Iuve patre, Dei-pátrous, Ζεύς πατήρ (modern Greek Δίας), dyáuṣ pitā́ (द्यौष् पि ता), Debeses tevs. In some languages this two-part name has dropped the second part, and sounds, for instance, *Tiwaz, Dēuos, deus, Dievas, Dievs, Deiwas... and can simply mean “god”. In some mythologies the supreme god (pie. *djeus p’ter) has “retired”, becoming a “deus otiosus”, idle god, as researchers humorously refer to that type of gods. He merely observes the World he has created, but which is now managed by his children and grandchildren. Sometimes he even relinquished his name to his son, and at other times—for instance, among the Slavs—he was forgotten almost without trace. The descriptive name of the pie. thunderer, the Creator’s son, was reconstructed as *per(kw)u-no-, “the one who strikes (with thunderbolts)” and can be recognized in the names Parjanya, Perkūns, Perkons, Perenda, Pärun. Slavic written tradition knows him as Perun, Perunъ. His most important adversary was *Welnos. His name is derived from pie. *wel-, from which also stem words denoting fur, wool, hair, also pasture, meadow, land of the dead. This is the psl. *Velesъ. The mother may have been documented as *PltwiH2 MéH2ter, literally “Earth’s Mother”. This name is preserved only in the old Indian Pṛthvī Mātā, प थ ृ व ् ी माता. However, also in other ie. languages she is always the mother (Terra Mater, Δημήτηρ/Γημήτηρ, eorþan modor, Zemes māte). In the Russian folklore she appears as the “Mother Moist Earth” Мать Сыра Земля. These names mark the Earth as a progenitor, seminated by the Heavenly Father with his semen, the rain. This, without a doubt, was one of her most important aspects. In the incipient phase of agriculture, somewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean and South-west Asia, a little over 10000 years ago, it was women who were first gathering and later also sowing/planting plants. This led to the equation between the fertility of the earth and female fertility, whereby women became responsible for the success of the harvest. Over time the notion of the Great Mother Goddess developed, so the Hellenes started referring to Kybele, Κυβέλη of Asia Minor as 1 In Anglophone literature, in which “j” is read as “dʒ”, it is written Dyeus. A round a nd be l o w D i v u š a : t he t r a ce s of P e run ’ s mo t he r a rri va l in t o our l a nd s 71 the “Great Mother” Μητέρ Μεγάλη, and the Latins would later call her Magna mater. As the consort of the Heavenly Father she is the mother of his sons, so we could imagine her at his side as *djewa mater, the “Mother of the Gods” (Belaj, V. 2000; 2002). Indeed, we find this syntagm in the dative case in one of the oldest Greek texts: “to the mother of the gods”, matere teija (ma-ta-ra ta-i-ja). She is the god-bearer, the pre-Christian θεοτόκος, and her name was written down as Diwija (Di-wija). This is the female form of the archaic form of the name Diwijos, “Zeus”. From the male name *Djeus were derived the female names Diana (Diviana), Deana, Tana, Devona, Divona. Although it is presently generally assumed that the supreme god of the Slavs was Perun, the facts contradict this assumption. If the Slavic mythology was developed from the Indo-European mythology, we ought to conclude that it might also hide traces of the pie. “supreme god”, called *djeu(s) p’ter. All the more so because the early Slavs diverged from the proto-Balto-Slavic language group in the mid-1st millennium B.C. at the earliest, while the Balts still preserve in their oral (folklore) tradition a living memory of the Perkun’s father named Dievas, Dievs. His psl. name may have sounded something like *Divъ,*Děvъ. The sources do not describe Perun as a creator and an all-father. The earliest source speaking of the proto-Slavic belief in the 6th century, before their first groups crossed the Danube and thus became the Southern Slavs, Procopius of Caesarea, is not sufficiently precise: “They believe in one god, the creator of lightning, who is the sole ruler of everything…”,2 in which it is easy to identify the thunderer Perun. In this one can really see Perun’s supreme rule over various “gods to which they attribute fields, forests, sorrows and joys” and similar, it is as if he had already entirely taken over the position of the previous creator, however, his name is not mentioned, and neither is there any trace of fatherhood of any sort. Around 1170 Helmold recorded that the Slavs (more specifically, the Wagrians, who lived between Lübeck and Kiel), in addition to various other gods, also know a god who rules in Heaven. But he, Helmold goes on to state, according to Slavic belief, deals only with celestial matters, while everything else is the concern of other gods of his blood (Helmold 1868: I, LXIX). This is obviously the old God Father, the Creator, alive in his glory. This means that he is the father, and the other gods (including the thunderer) are his children and grandchildren. This piece of information was readily neglected by latter evolutionary interpreters of the psl. religion, since it did not fit into their evolutionary schemes of the history of religions. That the proto-Slavic *Děv/*Div is not a recent scholarly reconstruction is testified by the all-Slavic adjective divlji (wild). At first it signified that what belongs to Div, i.e. God, and lives freely, in contrast to that what belongs to man and remains closely connected with the house. And one can “pȉtati”, or fatten, domestic animals – hence the term “pitom”, or tame. These are certainly psl. forms, strongly bearing witness that they were derived from the pie. creator’s name *djeu(s) p’ter, and indirectly also that the Slavs (same as the Balts), or at least their linguistic ancestors, must have known his name. Russian philologists Vyacheslav Vsevolodovich Ivanov and Vladimir Nikolayevich Toporov (1965: 173), discussing the opposition home ÷ forest, associated with the latter a number of mythological beings, ill-disposed towards humans, due to which they tried to reconstruct the relation between forest and Div or Diva and dive, however, all of those are folklore characters that might be transformations of pre-Christian gods. These are no longer gods. The case is the same with the Ukrainian div from a popular curse recorded in the vicinity of Kyiv (Ukr. Київ, Rus. Киев): щоб на тебе див прийшов, “may a giant come to you” (roughly meaning “may a giant possess you”). With the help of old records about pre-Christian beliefs mentioning Див and Дива, as well as “through comparison with an Iranian variant of the evolution of a corresponding Indo-Iranian conception”, they tried to penetrate into deeper chronological layers and to reach out to high gods. They mentioned a paragraph from the translation of the epiphany sermon by St. Gregory the Theologian: “they offer a sacrifice to these gods… Mokoš, Diva, Perun, Hrs, Rod and rođenice (fate fairies), vampires and bjereginje (presumably coastal fairies)”,3 so they assumed that “once Div belonged to one of the higher levels of RS [ie. levels of religious system], while later… he moved to lower levels and became identified with lesser hostile forest spirits.” The translator of another text by St. Gregory4 inserted a note: Oвъ Дыю жъреть а другыи Дивии, “This one sacrifices to Dij, and the other to Divija“ (Aničkov 1914: 94). At the first glance we have in front of us the first pair of pie. gods: *Djeus – *Djewa(na). However, it is more likely that Дыю is in fact the adopted modern-Greek form Δίας for Zeus. 2 Θεὸν μὲν γὰρ ἔνα, τὸν τῆς ἀστραπῆς δημιουργὸν ἀπάντων κύριον μόνον αὐτὸν νομίζουσι εἶναι καὶ δὺουσιν αὐτῷ βόας τε καὶ ἱερεῖα ἅπαντα. (The Gothic War [Bellum Gothicum] III, 14). 3 Тѣмъ же богомъ требоу кладоуть и творѣть и словенскый языкъ виламъ и Мокошы, Дивѣ, Пероуну, Хръсoу, родoу и рожeници, oупиремь и берегынѣм и Переплутоу… (Aničkov 1914: 76). 4 Бесѣда Григория Богослова объ испитаніи града. 72 V i t o mir Be l a j , J ur a j B e l a j Ivanov and Toporov drew attention to the fact that Eastern Slavic texts were familiar with Div (male, Дивъ, in singular) and Diva (female, дивы, in plural): the former is connected with such terms as “above”, “superior”, “dry”, and the latter with “below”, “inferior”, “wet”. Divъ still belongs to the order of the high gods, whereas dive, on the other hand, already belong to a group of lower-order female mythical beings (several beings with similar features, usually without personal names). By elevating Div to the level of Mokoš, Perun and Hrs, they attributed him to the generation of the children of Djeus P’ther’ (but never mentioning him at all). This would represent the next step in the reconstruction of his history, however, they never even tried to take it. By analogy, the same should apply to Diva, too. The author of the first real record of a theonym among Western Slavs, in which we can recognize a female deity as the pair of the male *Diva/*Děva, was the Polish historian Jan Długosz,5 who wrote about the Poles in his Historia Polonica, in the second half of the 15th century, that “since their origins the Poles had been idolaters [worshipers of idols, i.e. “pagan“ gods], and honoured a multitude of gods and goddesses, for instance, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, Pluto, Diana and Ceres, and fell into the error of accepting the beliefs of other tribes and peoples”. No such description of original pagan belief exists for the Czechs, who were Christianized earlier (Długosz 1964). Cosmas of Prague (1045-1125) depicted the Slavic pantheon by analogy with that of Rome, writing that the pagan Czechs worshiped Jupiter, Mars and oreads, hamadryads etc., but he never mentioned Diana (Cosmas of Prague 2009). This high goddess, at first the Mother Earth, was identified in the Balto-Slavic tradition with the Sun, which makes her ambivalent: during one period (summer) she is dry, fiery, residing in the Heaven with Perkun. Traces of this are found also among the Slavs (Katičić 2011: 17). During the other, opposite period (winter), she is moist, wet, resides down besides Veles, so then her name is Mokošь. She is sometimes called also Vela, Vila, Baba. It is likely, same as Mokoš, that these were at first merely attributes of the Mother Goddess. Perun’s adversary, pie. *Welnos, in the proto-Slavic mythology becomes *Velesъ. In the Eastern Slavic mediaeval texts he often appears as Volosъ, *vel- and *vol- in this meaning appear to be synonymous. But if we know the etymology of that name, as well as that among the Balts he is known as Velnias, Velinas (Lithuanian), Velns (Latvian), then the form Volosъ is presumably younger than Velesъ. Reconstructed fragments of the Slavic mythical tradition position Perun and Mokoš on one side, and Veles on the other side of the big mythical water called Dunaj. Traces of this are found also in Croatia. This was probably an old name for the Dnieper. The Belarusians around Mogiljev/Магілёў until recently referred to Дняпро as Дунай/Dunaj. The Dnieper, which flows below the city of Kiev, was probably the border beyond which foreigners lived. This assertion is corroborated by the linguistic analysis of hydronymy of the Upper Dnieper Basin by Vladimir Nikolayevich Toporov and Oleg Nikolayevich Trubachyov (1962), as well as by Trubachyov himself (1968). The authors presented the southern and south-eastern border of Baltic hydronyms, which showed that the boundary between the Baltic (Lithuanian) and Slavic was sharp, and that the Slavic migration into the Baltic territory ran from south towards north. Besides, the territory of the earliest Slavic hydronyms was at the southern edge of the Baltic ones, next to the Pripyat river. Slavic hydronyms on the right (western) bank of the Dnieper River typologically predate the names on the left (eastern) side, suggesting that after the stabilization of the Slavic linguistic group there followed a migration from the west across the Dnieper eastwards. It was at that time at the latest that the notion of the Dnieper/Dunaj as a border towards foreigners may have been created. This is also the area where around 200 B.C. the Zarubintsy Culture came into being. This is further substantiated by archaeological finds. The Dnieper demarcates several archaeological cultures, marking the border between different human groups. As an illustration may serve a small map by Boris Alexandrovich Rybakov (1979), with which he tried to show how archaeologists placed peoples/tribes described by Herodot (specifically: the Budini, Neuri, Melanchlaeni, Scythians plowmen, Scythians farmers, Androphagi). This map is a construct: rather than depicting a realistic situation in Herodotus’ time 2500 years ago, it features the opinions of different contemporary archaeologists, which Rybakov summarized on this map (Map 1): 5 Jan Długosz/Longinus (1415–1489) was a Polish chronicler, the author of the important work Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae (written between 1455 and 1480), published in two volumes in 1701 and 1703 under the title Historia Polonica Ioannis Dlvgossi sev Longini Canonici Cracoviensis in tres tomos digesta. A round a nd be l o w D i v u š a : t he t r a ce s of P e run ’ s mo t he r a rri va l in t o our l a nd s 73 Map 1 The location of distinct tribes along the Dnieper River (Rybakov 1979, redrafted by Janko Belaj) The Slavs “The Slavs” are a linguistic group of peoples, a people speaking one of the Slavic languages. Today, most serious researchers accept the idea that the Slavs indeed cannot be considered to have existed “since times immemorial”, but were formed as a distinct group in not such a long past through the mixture (stratification) of two previous groups. This happened somewhere beyond the Carpathians, in the hilly region of Volhynia and the muddy lowlands of Polesia. This idea was put forward in 1970 by Vytautas Mažiulis, who showed that the Western Baltic (Prussian) and the Eastern Baltic dialects (present-day Lithuanian and Latvian) are genetically much closer to each other, as well as to Slavic languages, than thought before. Once, long before the beginning of the 2nd millennium B.C., these dialects had still formed part of the linguistic communication community6, the former “ocean of Indo-European dialects”, from which later developed the proto-BaltoSlavic, proto-Germanic and Indo-Iranian linguistic communities. The proto-Baltic community (“Balto-Slavic”) acquired its own distinctive form only around 2000 B.C. Almost simultaneously, in 1971, studying the territories where Slavic hydronyms were documented, Max Vasmer tried to extract the areas of Ugric, Iranian and Baltic substrate names, arriving at the conclusion that the zone south of the Pripyat and west of the Dnieper was the territory in which the Slavic languages must have developed (Vasmer 1971: 101–249, 251–534). In 1986 Jerzy Okulicz looked at “old European” hydronyms from central and southern Poland and inferred from them traces of pre-Germanic and pre-Slavic “original inhabitants”, which he identified as the Veneti. A part of these natives (Veneti), in Okulicz’s opinion, flew eastwards to escape the invading Germans, to the territory of the Balto-Slavic Milograd 6 I.e. communities of people able to communicate between themselves in a common language without additional learning. 74 V i t o mir Be l a j , J ur a j B e l a j culture, giving rise there, in the south-west, to the Zarubintsy culture (ukr. зарубинецькa культурa) around 200 B.C. (Okulicz 1986: 14–18). In 1989 Georg Holzer tried to interpret the process of separation of Slavic dialects from proto-Baltic dialects as a consequence of imports from another, unknown, but also Indo-European language. He put forward the language of the Cimmerians, who were destroyed by the Scythians in the 6th century, as a possible source (Holzer 1989). In 1993, Hanna Popowska–Taborska pushed the period when the languages were reassorted a quarter of a millennium further in time, which served the scholars to reach different conclusions.7 These conclusions were presented by Andrej Pleterski in 2013: The arrival of the “Veneti” primarily to the territory of the Balto-Slavic population of the Milograd culture and its periphery is possibly that structural cause which left consequences also in the language of the inhabitants of the newlyformed archaeological culture (Pleterski 2013:14). In recent times (in 2001) Florin Curta has complicated things considerably. Relying on old, mostly Byzantine sources from the period between AD 500 and 700, he tried to show that the history of the Slavs and the Antes began only as late as c. AD 500. Amidst specific military and political circumstances, Byzantine authors “started introducing names such as Slavs and Antes in order to conceive a process of group identification taking place north of the Danube border. The Slavic ethnicity has thus revealed itself as a Byzantine invention.8 This would mean that before that time there had been no Slavs at all (meaning the people who spoke a Slavic language and who were aware of their identity). Only owing to the emergence of military political entities, the dialect of one group (or several) became—so Curta asserts—a lingua franca of sorts in Eastern Europe, spreading among a number of tribes which the Byzantines started calling the Sclaveni or the Antes. The notion of the Slavic language as a lingua franca spread around by soldiers and merchants in the areas they visited seemed very attractive, and there are still those who actively promote it today. It appears that Radoslav Katičić also subscribed to this opinion (2017: 200): This author sees no reason why he shouldn’t agree with this lucid opinion. This means that the Slavic is Baltic, separated from the latter in an idiosyncratic way. And this separation was historically caused by the fact that the protoSlavic language became the general language of conversation in the multi-national area ruled by the Avars. This had permanently marked and shaped the Slavic language group, while the culture of the Avar authority did not include writing. However, it still cannot explain “the expansion of the Slavs” (this, too, it seems, belongs to the group of “politically incorrect” terms), at least not in all aspects of that term. Such a lingua franca may have contained words for concepts that soldiers and traders would encounter. But it certainly couldn’t have encompassed all the concepts from other situations in real life. Just an example: in the ancient world of the Slavs, weaving was a female occupation. Weavers were proud of their skill and covered up their occasional mistakes. Such places, barely perceptible (and thus not readily discussed) both Croatian and Polish peasant weavers called blizna. Not one merchant, not a single soldier would learn such words by themselves, nor would they transfer them, for instance, from Poland to Croatia. They were “transferred” by women who participated in the “relocation of the Slavs”, which supposedly never happened. The lexical content of the living culture of the ancient Slavs before their separation refutes Curta’s conclusions. As if Curta before our eyes were writing a new historiographic myth about them (Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2018). Negative answers to such considerations were not in short supply either. Suffice it to mention the 2009 and 2013 works by the Ljubljana scholar Andrej Pleterski, and the 2010 work by the Ukrainian scholar Maksim Žih. The latter mocked Curta: “in summary, we could say that F. Curta’s works are frequently structured on the principle leading “from (an a priori) concept towards sources”. We may add that Curta’s way of thinking is suspiciously similar to the stadial theory of the Soviet scholar Nicholas Yakovlevich Marr9 (see: Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2018). 7 In the 21st century, Jürgen Udolph put forward his conclusions, based on hydronymy, about the areas in which specific linguistic groups were formed from the proto-Indo-European “territorial dialects”. The territory of formation of the Slavic linguistic group ought to be sought, in Udolph's words, north of the Carpathians, in southern Poland and western Ukraine (Udolph 2010; 2015: 173), merely corroborating what had already been known a long time. 8 Curta 2001, on the unpaginated page preceding the title page: Because of these military and political developments, Byzantine authors began employing names such as Sclavines and Antes in order to make sense of the process of group identification that was taking place north of the Danube frontier. Slavic ethnicity is therefore shown to be a Byzantine invention. 9 Nicholas Yakovlevich Marr, Russian Николай Яковлевич Марр, Grusian ნიკოლოზ იაკობის ძე მარი (1865-1934); his father James Marr was Scottish, and his mother was Georgian; from 1908 he had published serious philological works in which he showed similarities between Semitic-Hamitic, Caucasian and the Bask languages. In 1923 he developed the so-called Japhetic theory on the emergence of language, also called the “new linguistic doctrine” Новое учение о языке. According to it, all the languages in the world are based on “four elements” - the exclamations sal, ber, jon, roš, from which, through different developmental phaes/stadia (instead of division into different languages), languages develop following the rules connected with social development. They all develop following a “unique glotto-genetic process”, with the speed of changes being the only difference. Thus, for instance, the German language is nothing else but a transformed Slavic language. This theory was authoritatively refuted by none other than Yossif Visarionovich Stalin himself in his work Марксизм и вопросы языкознания (1950). A round a nd be l o w D i v u š a : t he t r a ce s of P e run ’ s mo t he r a rri va l in t o our l a nd s 75 In addition to the fact that Curta’s conclusions cannot withstand a logical critique, they are also based only on selected evidential material he necessitated in order to infer the conclusions he had already made in advance. The oldest known source mentioning the Slavs is Claudius Ptolemy’s magnum opus “Geographical Guidance”, from as early as the first half of the 2nd century!10 Here, in the sixth book, 14th paragraph, there are the mentioned Σουοβηνοί: “The entire north part of that Scythia in the vicinity of unknown lands is inhabited by the Scythians, referred to by the common expression as Scythian Alani and Suoweni and Alanorsi, while lower from them there are the Saitiani and Massaii [Masageti] and Sueboi…“11 Only as late as four centuries later, in the 6th century, the Roman-Gothic historian Iordanes12, in his “History of the Goths” described the Veneti people, which is divided into the Sclaveni and the Antes: …ab ortu Vistulae fluminis per inmensa spatia Venetharum natio populosa consedit, quorum nomina licet nunc per varias familias et loca mutentur, principaliter tamen Sclaveni et Antes nominantur. … “…from the source of the Vistula river, through a vast area, there live the populous people of the Veneti, whose names are presently changed from one clan and place to the next, but who are still primarily called the Sclaveni and Antes…”. (Jordan / Iordanes 2014). Only after that did the Slavic name appear in other Byzantine documents, in the form Sclavenoi, which Curta takes as his starting point. The name *Slověne In 1980 Ivanov and Toporov dedicated an extensive paper to ancient Slavic ethnonyms, in which they mentioned Ptolemy’s Souobene (Ivanov, Toporov 1980: 14-18). The Greeks did not tolerate in their language the initial consonant cluster sl-, σλ-, and they also did not clearly distinguish the sounds l and b, λ and β. Besides, their alphabet does not even have a letter corresponding to the Latin “v”, so Greek writers used the letter beta: β, for the sound “v” which they heard in words of non-Greek origin. If we know that, then we may read the name that Ptolemy wrote in the form Σουοβηνοί13 as the Sloveni. Later they transformed the Slavic name into Σκλαβηνοι, which was then adopted by the Romans in the form Sclaveni, Sclavi. This form would then solidify due to popular etymology, which associated the name Sclaveni with the Latin word sclavus, “slave”, which would result, for instance, in the Italian form Schiavoni. Besides, comparative Slavistics clearly showed that the form Slaveni (with the vowel “a”) is younger than Sloveni (with the vowel “o”). In most Slavic languages there is no form with “a”, for instance among the Slovenians, Czechs and Slovaks (Slovani, Slované, Slovane), Poles (Słowiane), Serbs and Macedonians (Словeни), Ukrainians (Слов’яни), and even in those peoples which in their present-day litterary languages have “a”, like the Croats (Slaveni), Bulgarians (Славяни) and Russians (славяне), older forms with “o” were confirmed: „Slovinci, Slovenci“ among the Croats, Словѣне amnog mediaeval Russians and Bulgarians. Therefore, we can reconstruct the proto-Slavic form *Slověne with complete certainty, so any derivation of the Slavic name from a word denoting the term “slave” is rendered pointless. Curta, it would seem, failed to observe this. However, this enabled Ivanov and Toporov to search for the origin of the meaning of the name *Slověne in the IndoEuropean stem *s(w)e/obh(o)-. From this also various other Indo-European tribes derived names for themselves, for instance, Germanic tribes such as the Suebi (present-day Swabians), Suíar (Swedes), Semnones, Suiones; also Italic, like the Sabines, Sabellians, Samnites (Otrębski 1947). The Slavs are not alone. And the Indo-European root *swobh- signified that what for the speaker is “his/hers”, that which belongs to the speaker. The name derived from that root would mean primarily, if we accept that etymology, “We, who are together our own, who understand each other”. That name is not an exonym like “Sclaveni”, as the Greeks and Romans called them, but an endonym, the name the Slověne called themselves. This etymology makes comprehensible also other expressions that are semantically interconnected in different ways, which further reinforces the etymology itself. From the Indo-European root *sṷobh- was derived also the Slavic word 10 We used a Greek text from the Claudii Ptolemaei Geographia, edited by Carolus Fridericus Augustus Nobbe, Lipsiae 1845, Volume II, page. 124 (line 10) and the Latin Geographia Claudii Ptolemaei (from 1408 or 1407, translated by Jacobus Angelus in Florence, transcription Codex Valentinus, created between 1460 and 1477). 11 Κατανέμονται δὲ ταύτης τῆς Σκυθίας τὴν μὲν πρὸς ἄρκτους πᾶσαν ἐγγὺς τῆς ἀγνώστου οἱ κοινῶς καλούμενοι Ἀλανοὶ Σκυθαι, καὶ οἱ Σουοβηνοί, καὶ Ἀλανορσοί, τὴν δὲ ὑπὸ τούτοις Σαιτιανοί, καὶ Μασσαῖοι, καὶ Σύηβοι, καὶ παρὰ τὸ Ἲμαον… (Γεωγραφιϰὴ ὑφήγησις VI, 14), or, in Latin translation: Colunt aut hanc scytham omnem uersus septentrione[m] prope terram incognitam qui communi uocabulo Alani Scyte nominatur & Suobeni & Alanorsi. Partem autem que sub ins est Tenent Setiani & Massei & Syebi & juxta Imaum montem Tectosaces. 12 Documented also as Jornandes, Jordanis, Iordanes, Iordanis; † after 552. 13 However, in typesetting the text in the name Σουοβηνοί the letters „υ“ and „ν“ were replaced, resulting in a new name: Σονβηυοι (Ivanov, Toporov 1980: 14–18), which would read as “Sonbeui“. This did not have any repercussion on the rest of their text, but probably did have as a consequence that almost nobody paid any attention to their interpretation. 76 V i t o mir Be l a j , J ur a j B e l a j *svoboda (preserved in that form, for instance, in Slovenian, Czech, Slovakian, Polish, Russian), which in certain languages appears also in the form sloboda (Croatian, Serbian). For Russians, свобода has the same meaning as the Croatian sloboda, while слобода meant “village, settlement”. The Russian sloboda is in that case one’s own territory, the territory where one is on his own, which nicely corresponds with the Sanskrit word (likewise derived from *sṷobh-) sabhá, which means “assembly of village municipalities, a congress”, and to a degree also the German word Sippe “clan” (i.e. “those who are together their own”). This allows a reconstruction of a very old meaning of the name *slověne as “a tribe of the free, of their own people”. If this is so, this is at the same time also a community of people who speak the same language, which is conscious of its slověne identity and knows that to them the other people are foreign. Today we can conclude with a fair degree of certainty that the “Proto-Slavs” separated from the Balto-Slavic group that archaeologists convincingly recognize in the Milograd culture (Belarus. Мiлaградская к.). The territory of the Milograd culture comprised the area stretching to the present-day cities Minsk (Мінск), Mogilev (Магілёў ) and Kiev (Kyjiv), while in the southwest it stretched to the river Styr (Ukr. Стир, Rus. Стыр). This is the area of today’s Polesia and Volhynia. This had been the area of the Balto-Slavic languages into which foreign elements may have penetrated, which led to the formation of the Zarubintsy culture and the separation of one (south-western) group of the Milograd Balto-Slavs from their core, and the “emergence” of the Proto-Slavs. Here, in Polesia and Volhynia, was where the Slavs were conceived as a nation conscious of its identity, with its own language and name. Those were the ones “Who were together their own”. We shall add that this was also the area in which the particularities of their worldview were formed. With the Zarubintsy culture the archaeologists are already on firm ground, this is the earliest Slavic culture. There could not even be an earlier Slavic culture in the first place (Pleterski 2013: 15). The territory of the Zarubintsy culture geographically corresponds with Polesia and Volhynia. Polesia (Ukr. Полісся, western Polish Полíсьсе, Belarus Палессе) is an area of the Pripyat marshes between Ukraine and Belarus, and on the outside it stretches also into Poland (Polesie) and Russia (Полесье). The inhabitants of Polesia refer to themselves as the Polješuki (полешуки). The area between the Carpathians and the middle Dnieper is the ancient Volhynia (psl. *Volynь, Polish Wołyń, Ukrainian Вeлинь, Волинь, Russian Волынь). Geographical Polesia partly overlaps with the historical concept of Volhynia. Around the mid-1st century AD the Zarubintsy population suffered a severe crisis, as borne out by the archaeological record. In the 2nd century AD the Goths invaded from the east, while in the 3rd century it was superseded by the Kiev culture (from Kiev north-eastwards in the basin of the Upper Dnieper and the Berezina rivers). To the south, on the other hand, the Chernyakhov culture extended across the Dniester (Ukr. Дністер) to the Lower Danube. The Slavs started extending the territory they identified with. In the 5th century three related cultures developed, which everyone today agrees represented early Slavic cultures: the Prague-Korchak, Kolochin and Penkovka cultures. They were spread by the migrating Slavic populations during the 6th-8th centuries. The territory of the early Prague-Korchak culture corresponds to that of the Zarubintsy culture, with the core in Volhynia.14 The bearers of that culture lived in small, unprotected villages next to waters or swamps in lowlands; in groves next to watercourses, in river meanders, which provided protection. Up to ten families would reside there at any one time, and some of those places contained earthen fortifications (offering refuge against the enemy). Small rectangular (15–20 m2) dwellings were mostly sunk into the ground and had post-and-wattle walls, with a clay or stone oven set in a corner. Wheat-storage pits lay nearer or farther away from the houses. The economy was based on arable farming (simple ploughs, draught animals: horses and cattle, cereals: wheat, barley, rye and oats) and cattle breeding (horses and cattle, pigs, sheep and chickens). Their material culture was very poor, for instance, they used hand-made pottery with simple ornamentation (“Prague-type pottery”). Burial urns, when they used any, were also made in this way. Often—it appears—they simply placed the ashes of their cremated members into the earth in wooden boxes or even without anything at all, by simply putting the ashes into holes dug in the ground. It is also possible that they scattered the ashes into rivers or some other holy places. These are possible interpretations for the lack of observed Slavic cemeteries from that period. Carpenter and blacksmith tools and weaving accessories complement the picture we have formed of their life. Pottery is the most readily recognizable element of the Prague-Korchak culture. This type was initially named the Prague-type pottery (Borkovský 1940). Later on it turned out that its origin was actually in the trans-Carpathian (as viewed from Prague) Korchak (Корчак) culture, which was named “Prague” on account of that pottery, and which today is usually referred to by the compound name of the Prague-Korchak culture. Owing to the finds of Prague pottery we can follow the traces of the migrations from the core of that culture south of the Pripyat river along the Carpathians until Western Slovakia and the contiguous edge of Moravia, and further into the Prague Basin and the valleys of the Elbe and Saale rivers to the 14 For early Slavic cultures, see: Pleterski 1990: 35–44; 2013: 7–32. For Zarubintsy culture in particular, see: Pačkova 2016: 371. A round a nd be l o w D i v u š a : t he t r a ce s of P e run ’ s mo t he r a rri va l in t o our l a nd s 77 Map 2 The map summarily depicts the sites that yielded elements of the Prague culture (A) and territories of other contemporary cultures: B – territory of the Sukow-Dziedzice culture, C – Penkovka culture, D - Ipoteşti-Cândeşti culture. Presence of some elements of the Prague culture in those areas (B, C, D) is the result of sporadic immigration. Line E marks the frontier of the Roman Empire and Byzantium. The stripe extending the length of the Dinaric watershed into the Alps is somewhat enigmatic. The map was adopted from the Sedov (2002) and here it was only minimally changed for the requirements of this paper. Such black dots (A) would today be much more numerous (redrafted by Janko Belaj) Havel river (Map 2). The latest research has shown that in front of the Moravian Gate an arm separated from that direction southwards into Slovenia and through Western Croatia through the Una valley until northern Dalmatia (Guštin, Pavlović 2011; Bekić 2016). This realization demands a new verification of ethnological attempts to, observing certain specific features in the peasant culture of the western (mostly Kajkavian) southern-Slavic lands, point to the possibility to reveal different strata and directions of imigration from the north (Gavazzi 1960; Belaj, V. 1970). The mythical content of Volhynia As early as 1974 Ivanov and Toporov, discussing the confrontation between the Thunderer (Perun) and Dragon (Veles), or—as they called it—the “fundamental myth”, connected with it the entire territory from the Carpathians to the Dnieper. Here, on one side, is Perun’s mountain, which is up above, dry, and on the other side, down below are Veles’ lowlands, wet, marshy. Ivanov and Toporov “inferred” this proto-Slavic variant of the narration of that conflict from toponyms and their distribution in the landscape (Ivanov, Toporov 1974). The Carpathians are on the other hand merely one part of the mountain range stretching from the Rhine to eastern European steppes. Some mountains are connected by the names of similar meaning, all of which pertain to thunders or, in other words, to the pie. thunderer *Perkwun-o. Specifically, in Celtic it is realized as Ἀρκύνια (ὅρη), in Latin as Hercynia (silva) 78 V i t o mir Be l a j , J ur a j B e l a j (present-day Harz), in Germanic as Firgunnea (middle high German Virgunt), and in western Slavic as Krkonoše/Karkonosze. Here one can also include the Greek name Κεραύνια όρη for the Carpathians.15 All of those are thundering, sacred *per(kw) un’s mountains. At the same time they were also wooded, as borne out by the attributes such as (Hercynia) silva, (Teutoburger) Wald, (Český) les. Often the words gora, šuma, les, g(v)ozd simultaneously cover the terms “high elevation on land” and “tree-covered land”. These binomial mountain names may be contracted into a single one, with the meaning “forest”, so here we may tentatively include also the Croatian name Gvozd and the Czech Šumava (perhaps also the Serbian Šumadija). The Greeks were also familiar with the name Καρπατης ὅρος, “Carpathian Mountain” (Ptolemaei III., 5, §15), which matches the names for the Carpathians documented by Arabic authors, e.g. al-Idrisi (a travel writer from Morocco, 10991165 or 1166)16 as “the K(a)r(a)k(ū) mountains“, which could literally mean also “Krak’s mountains”. This in turn matches the name of the Polish mythical hero named Krak, as well as the oikonym Kraków (with the literal meaning: “that which belongs to Krak”). In the roots *Kark ~ *Krak we may observe a possible doublet (equivalent synonym). There are also differently shaped, but nevertheless related names of Perun’s mountain. In Hittite texts appear expressions such as hekur pirwa, “Hekur (of the god) Pirwa” (Pirwe <*per(kw)uno) and Hulana (“Wooly [river]“). The name Hulana was derived from pie. *wel-, from which was also derived the name of Perun’s adversary Veles, so Hulana would therefore be the sacred Veles’ river. We do not know whether Hekur Pirwa and the Hulana river were spatially connected, but we do have such an opposition clearly expressed in the case of the Russian Novgorod: Perun’s monastery (Перынский монастырь) ÷ river Volhov (Волхов) (Katičić 2008: 115). The mythical meaning of the name Carpathians stands in clear opposition with the name of the lowland stretching from the Carpathian slopes until the Pripyat (Ukr. Прип’ять, Bel.: Прыпяць) and the Dnieper. This is the old *Volynь. The name of the fifth rapid (cataract) of the Dnieper, which the Ukrainians today call Волинскiй прах, is similar. Procopius from Caesarea recorded it in his work De Bellis as βουλνηπράχ, Vulneprah. Its second old name is Гадючий (Gaduči, i.e. “belonging to gad”), a snake. And the dragon was defeated by Кыйь, a mythical hero who built Kiev (one of three brothers). Even his name points to the Thunderer’s weapon Кыйь < *kyjь „mallet“. Bουλνηπράχ extends the doublet *Vel-, *Vol- to include also *Vul- (like in the Celtic word Hulana).17 South-east of Volhynia lies an area whose name is derived from *dol-: this is Ukrainian Подiлля, Russian Подолье. The opposition gora ÷ (po)dol (mountain ÷ lowland) matches the oposition Perun ÷ Veles (Katičić 2008: 125), so the name Podolje is semantically equivalent to Volhynia both in the geographic as well as in the mythological sense. Polish tradition about the earliest history of Kraków relates how Krak built his town (Kraków) on the Wawel mountain (old Polish Wąwel). At the foot of the Vavel Rock there is the cave Smocza jama (Dragon’s pit, cave) in which lives Smok Wawelski (Wawel < *vel-.), a man-eater. This tradition, much like the name (Wawel < *wel-.), establishes a firm connection of that entire toponymic complex with the mythical figure of the Thunderer’s adversary. A 10th-century note by the Arabian travel writer al-Mas’udi18 was recorded before 947: One of those tribes [Slavic] had once, in the beginning of time, ruled over the others. Their ruler they called Mažd.k, and the tribe itself was called W.l.njana. This tribe was long ago succeeded by all other Slavic tribes.19 Temporal modifier “at that time” (a formula in the Latin Bible is: In illo tempore), invoked by al-Mas’udi, denotes a mythical pre-time, time of the creation, time when people, peoples and their names were created. The Volhynian tribe, which “at the beginning of time” lived in Volhynia, was in its beginnings the tribe about which myths spoke. This is a fragment of one of the Slavic origo gentis, “the origin of the clan”, which legitimizes the authority of the ruler by calling upon partly 15 In Greek, the change of the initial consonant p > k gave rise to Zeus’ nickname Κεραύνιος (“He who strikes with thunderbolts”, Ζεύς Κεραύνιος), which means that the numerous Ceraunian mountains can be categorized as belonging to Perkun. Κεραύνια ὄρη was also the name of a mountain located north of mainland Greece in Epirus and on the other side of the Strait of Otranto in Magna Graecia. This was also the name used for the Urals and the eastern parts of the Caucasus. These are all forms that were ultimately derived from the pie. root *per- “strike, hit”, and they clearly denoted mountain crags which Perkuno/Perunъ strikes with thunderbolts. This naming occurred before the collapse of the European branch of the Indo-European languages, and cannot be attributed to later languages. 16 Al-Idrisi, whose full name was Abu Abd Allah Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn Abd Allah ibn Idris al-Idrisi ( ‫هللا دبع نب دمحم نب دمحم هللا دبع وب أ ‏‬ ‫يسيردإلا سيردإ نب‬‎ , around 1100–1165), in his work Mushataq fi ikhtiraq al-afaq (‫قافآلا قارتخا يف قاتشملا ةهزن‬‎ , „The Pleasure Excursion of One Who Is Eager to Traverse the Regions of the World“). 17 The myth of the three brothers is universal. We find it in the Old Testament (Genesis 9, 18). See also Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2014: 46, 47. 18 Al-Mas’udi, full named as Abú 'l-Ḥasan ʿAlī bnu 'l-Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī al-Masʿūdī (~ 890 – ~ 957). 19 According to: Třeštik 1999: 71–85; Třeštik 2003. See also Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2014: 61-62. A round a nd be l o w D i v u š a : t he t r a ce s of P e run ’ s mo t he r a rri va l in t o our l a nd s 79 mythical events. According to folklore traditions, once, in the beginning of time, there lived in Volhynia Velety, Voloty, giants of some sort. Later on, “the entire people of the Volots” went to kurgans (burial mounds), so today they live underground;20 in the context of proto-Slavic mythology they now reside with Veles/Volos. Before the 9th century the town Volinj, Velinj (Волинь, Волин, Велинь, Polish Wołyń; this is a masculine name) was created in Trans-Carpathian Volhynia at the confluence of the Gučva river into Western Bug, as the centre of tribal authority before the annexation of Volhynia (the province name is feminine) by the Kievan Rus’ State around 981. It was destroyed during the Tatar invasion in 1240. The Carpathian mountains and the area of Volhynia, the names Kij and Kyjiv, as well as Krak and Kraków, Dnipro as the frontier, as well as the “knowledge” about the Veleti/Voloti were important elements of the conscience, the worldview basis for the “shaping” of the proto-Slavic “proto-homeland”. From this proto-homeland different Slavic groups embarked in search of new areas for living. This included not only soldiers but also groups of peasants with their whole families, and women (mothers) are the ones who preserve the “mother” tongue in families. A group of people called Dulebi arrived in southern Bohemia at the turn of the 6th and 7th centuries as Doudleby (the name of the market town Doudleby nad Orlicí near Budějovice reminds us of them), and a part of them arrived in Croatia as Dulebi (the oikonym Dulepska and hydronym Dulepski potok near Vrbovec). Buzhans are preserved among the Croats in the name of the mythical heroine Buga and the family name Bužan. A part of the Croats also settled in (north-eastern) Bohemia, and another part separated from them and continued farther south, where they formed the nucleus of present-day Croatia. Toponymic traces of the early Slavs in Croatia were presented in 2009 by Vladimir Peter Goss in his paper about a three-headed (or four-headed?) sculpture of a pre-Christian god, discovered in Vaćani near Skradin (Goss 2009: 42–44). The migration of the Slavs in that area was recently discussed by Mladen Ančić, who interpreted the arrival of the Croats in Dalmatia as a consequence of Frankish politics agains the Avars. For him, the Slavic ethnic groups mentioned in the sources should be considered merely as the more or less temporary alliances of military bands, and certainly not as peoples in the early mediaeval context (Ančić 2000). Be as it may, parts of ethnic groups from Volhynia (including the Buzhans, Duljebi and Hrvati/Croats) migrated to new homelands, carrying with them from their proto-Slavic core also the particularities of their “Volhynian” worldview (their ethnic names, myths of the origin of the world, people, peoples, rules, as an important part of their ethnic identity), they mixed between themselves as well as with the populations they encountered, and created new realities from those elements. Although those bearers of the Croat name who went south had not passed through Bohemia themselves, we can still observe the Bohemian area as an intermediate station in these migrations. Replicating the worldview from the Tr ans-Carpathians It is high time we cautioned that it is important to distinguish the features typical only of the Volhynian population from pan-Slavic ones. Typical Volhynian toponyms are connected with the name of Volhynia itself, and with the mythical heroes Kij and Krak. Wherever else we may encounter them, we are justified in assuming they were brought from the ancient Volhynia. However, the names such as Perun, Volos and Mokoš, as well as toponyms derived from terms such as *trěba, zmija, igra and similar, were a pan-Slavic cultural property, and may have been brought from any Slavic province. This is also true for toponyms derived from *děva (“virgin”), as well as for the story of the ruler and three sons: it is almost universal and by itself says nothing about its origin. Toponyms derived directly from the name Veles, instead of Velinj/Volinj were not included here either. We put forward an overview21 of the distribution of “Volinj”-type toponyms spread after the migration: ● Velinja, Volynja. Although upon the subjugation of Volhynia to Kiev the entire tribal administration and tribal identity also disappeared, people to this day use the name Волинь for the entire territory of Polesia, Полісся, from east of Lublin in Poland to Kiev. The provincial identity has remained and is expressed in the names of administrative units. The linguists use the term Volhynian for the dialect spoken from the eastern edge of Poland to Zhytomyr (Волинський говор). As early as the first half of the 19th century Volinj (Волинь) or Velinj (Велинь) was also the name of the village at the location of the tribal town (Cinkalovski 1984: 212). Today its name is Gródek, and the town itself is in an “archaeological condition”. In Volhynia there are almost no other toponyms derived from that base, however, the immigrants preserved that 20 The Irish tradition (Lebor Gabála Érenn, “The Book of the Taking of Ireland”) also mentions aes sidhe, “people from [burial] tumuli”, a divine people that in the mythical times flew below ground to escape the immigrants. 21 This overview of place names (provinces, settlements, human groups) was made according to the indices of the programmes Google maps and opetstreetmap.org, various atlases and the toponymic dictionary by Oleksandr Cinkalovski (1984). 80 V i t o mir Be l a j , J ur a j B e l a j name and used it to name their settlements in new homelands. We find it in most Slavic countries. In Russia, these are, for instance, the small river Волин and hamlets Волын in the Ryazan Oblast, near Novgorod, in the Orenburg Oblast along the Ural. In the Czech Republic there is the Volyň peak (Ger. Toter Mann, 875 m), in southern Bohemia the town Volyně, below which flows the Volyňka river, and there is also a village of the same name in the Ore Mountains (Krušné hory). In Croatia, on the other hand, one finds a village by the name of Volinja (Upper and Lower Volinja) in the Pounje region. In Slovenia north-west of Celje there is a town called Velenje (German Wöllan) and the hamlet Velunja on a brook of the same name. Related names such as Wolina are found in Poland near Stalowa wola, Wolinia on the Łeba river and Wołyńce south of Siedlce. ● Veljun, Велю́нь is the name of a village in the Rivne (Рівненська) Oblast along the river Gorinj (Горинь)22. In Belarus and in Croatia in the Kordun region and above Senj there are villages called Велюнь, Veljun. The Polish town Wieluń is called Велюнь in Russian texts. The form Wieleń appears more frequently: there is a Wieleń along the Dunajec river, a Wielen is also found in north Germany in the vicinity of Kiel near Uelzen in Holstein. Two other oikonyms in Poland might belong to this series: the village Włyń near Sieradz and the town of Wleń in the west of Silesia. ● Volynka – a settlement and a river. In Belarus there is a hamlet Валынка above a river called Вaлинка. Three Vołyńce are found in the north-west of Poland, and there is also a village called Волынка in Ukraine, on the left (eastern) bank of the Dnieper. Close by there is a village called Волосківці (rus. Волoсковцы), which is reminiscent of Volosko, a village below Mount Učka in Croatia. Hamlets called Вoлынка are located in Russia near Kursk and Yaroslavl, as well as in the far east near Perm, in Bashkiria and near Krasnoyarsk on the Yenisei river. ● Kyjov. Among the Eastern Slavs, besides the name of the city of Kiev, there are no such toponyms. In Bohemia, the oikonym Kyjov appears as the name of a dozen hamlets. There are also the ruins of a burg Kyjov in a forest west of Plzeň. In Slovakia there are two villages called Kyjov, and there is also a 821 m high peak called Kyjov in the east. The village Kijevo is found in Croatia in northern Dalmatia, as well as in Bosnia and Herzegovina near Sanski Most and south of Sarajevo. Kijev Do is a village in the hinterland of Slano in Herzegovina. Several peaks and hamlets called Kij are scattered around Slovenia, and there is also one near Kragujevac in Serbia. In Kosovo, the Slavic oikonym Kljevë (Serb. Kijevo) is located north of Gjakovë. ● Krak. In Poland, his name is found in the city of Kraków, the second largest city in that country. There are a dozen villages and hamlets with that name in Poland. There are also settlements called Krakówiani, Krakówek, Krakulice. Karkówo is situated near Stargard Szczecinski, while Karkówka lies north-east of Sandomierz. Such oikonyms are encountered also in Volhynia: Кракув near Volodymyr-Volynskyi and Кракн between Kiev and Poltava. In north-east Germany one finds the villages Krakow, Krackow and the town called Krakow am See near Rostock. In the Czech Republic, Krák is found in the settlements Krakov, Krakovec in the Rakovník district north-east of Plzeň, while Křakov is a village near Domažlice. In Slovenia, Krakovo is an old southern suburb of Ljubljana, Krakovski gozd is a forest north of Kostanjevica na Krki, and there is also a village near Sevnica called Krakovo. In Croatia, a forest near Vrbovec is called Krakovo. Here we should also add the town of Krapina. ● Krok is a hamlet in the Kępno county, 50 km west of Wieluń. The mythical Krokův hrád in Bohemia near Zbečno is only mentioned by Cosmas. ● Djewa. We shall also try, in keeping with the title of the paper, to follow traces pointing to the ancient psl. supreme gods called *Děv/*Div and *Děvana/Divana or *Děva/Diva, derived from pie. *Djeus – *Djewa(na). It would be difficult to separate them from the names created from the term “djeva, djevica” (“girl, virgin”). They may be taken into consideration for this discussion only if they are associated in the landscape with the names of other gods. In Belarusian Polesia there are oikonyms Дивин, Дивинське, in the south of Lithuania Dieveniškės, in Ukraine there is Дивень, Дивин. In Polish Pomorze an arm of the Oder river near Wolina is called Dziwna/Dievenow, while the settlement on the confluence is called Dziwnów. In Bohemia the name Děvín is borne by several peaks (310 m south of Prague; 550 m near Věstonice; 421 m near Liberec), a pond near Jindřichův Hradec, in Slovakia, Devín is the name of a small town near Bratislava, a peak (554 m) in the White Carpathians and a village near Banská Bistrica. Devin is also found in northern Germany near Stralsund. Several peaks in Slovenia bear the name Devin (double peak 792 and 787 m, Stari trg pri Ložu; 1088 m, Ilirska Bistrica; Devinski hrib 853 m near Vipava), the villages Devina near Slovenska Bistrica, Duino/Devin north-west of Trieste, the brook Devina (springs out near Šmartno on the Pohorje Mountain and draining into the Polskava near Pragersko), and a village 22 This hydronym has a deeper meaning which equals that of the name Volynka, which is etymologically connected with Veles. In narrations documented in the territory of Belarus and Ukraine, Veles appears also as Zmaj Gorynič, Змей Горынич (Ivanov, Toporov 1974: 171). A round a nd be l o w D i v u š a : t he t r a ce s of P e run ’ s mo t he r a rri va l in t o our l a nd s 81 called Devina above it. In Croatia, there is the Diviška ridge above Baška, 1.5 km long and around 470 m high, with a Diviška pond below it; there are also the Divić peak in the Lika region, a hamlet called Divoš near Ernestinovo, and the Divna cove on the Pelješac peninsula. A similar name is found below the Bogočin hill near Unešić: a cave called Divina pećina. Divić grad is a peak in Central Bosnia; Divič is a 1842 m high peak above the Rama lake on the Čvrsnica mountain. A hamlet called Divič is near Zvornik, and a village called Divin is situated near Bileća in Herzegovina. In Bulgaria, Девин is a small town south of Plovdiv. a) Settlement in south-west Bohemia Slavic-speaking ancestors of today’s Czechs started immigrating to Bohemia from the east as early as the 6th century, however, it was only the second wave, which arrived in the first half of the 7th century, that left sufficient traces to allow us to build a picture of them. It is recognizable on account of the Prague pottery, and they arrived in Bohemia from the Middle Danube. One of the immigrant groups carried with it the name “Czechs”, settled in the Czech Basin, gathered the surrounding groups and organized an early feudal state, spreading its name to the entire population. It is somewhat surprising that in southern Bohemia, which abounds in “Volhynian” toponyms, there is almost no Prague pottery at all. We can at present only guess about the reasons for this. The situation is the same in the broader area around the confluence of the Oder river, where in the 7th century appeared the Sukow-Dziedzice culture, although it has to be said that it is very similar (and closely related) to the Prague culture in Bohemia. In the new homeland they placed mythical figures on their new places, and they presented events in the new space. They also defined place names to remind them of their own homeland, Velinja/Volinja (Volhynia). However, they also introduced other elements of their old worldview, for instance, the motif of the royal father with three children, only—unlike the Poles—they called him Krok, and the town in which he lived they called Krokův [hrad]: Inter quos vir quidam oriundus extitit nomine Crocco, ex cuius vovabulo castrum iam arboribus obsitum in silua, que adiacet pago Stybeczne, situm esse dinoscitur. (Cosmas of Prague 2009: III. chapter) “Among them was a man called Krok, who gave the name to the town overgrown with trees in the forest, located near the Zbečno village.”23 The Dulebi inhabited southern Bohemia, where they were called Doudleby. There in the wooded mountain of Šumava (Bohemian Forest) they could see a Thunderer’s mountain. In the meander of the Malša river south-west of Budějovica, there is a village called Doudleby. In their territory there is no—at least on Sedov’s map (Map 2)—sites with Prague pottery. Southern Bohemia is all somehow “Velessy”. There, below the Bohemian Forest, in the Šumavské podhůří, one finds several interesting oikonyms, and there are also old and “newly-composed” traditions. There are also dragons (but not cave-dwelling and man-eating ones), and dragon mountains; some mountains are hollow, so the army sleeps in them, or their halls are filled with treasure. Interesting toponyms include Baba (plateau), Podolí, Třeštilka, Morsko oko, Divišov, Divoš and Divišovský potok, Volyně above Volyňka, Podlesí, inhabited by Podlešáky; some settlements (earthen fortified settlements) were centres of pre-Christian districts; Volyna also yielded Prague pottery and a sacred triangle. Here is detailed information. North of Horažḋovice, near Maňovice one finds a statue of a dragon/drak. Nearby is a village called Velešice, and an elevation called Baba, V Babě. Eighteen kilometres to the east lies the small town of Blatná, and there is also the Hadí hořa (“Serpent mountain”) in which spí rytířské vojsko, “an army of knights is sleeping”. The name Velešice is presumably derived directly from Veles rather than from Volinja. South-west of Horažḋovice, above the small town of Sušice, the Svatobor peak rises to the height of 845 m. Its position and name inspired imagination that somehow since the 18th century created the entire concept of the proto-Slavic sacred grove in which, as it is said today, they worshiped Perun, “the god of the military and thunder”. We can still add that at the foot of the Svatobor lies Mořské oko24, a “bottomless” well, while south of Svatobor runs the Volšovka stream, with a village of Volšovy on its banks (as well as Staré Volšovy). The village of Divišov lies on the right bank of the Otava river, and next to it is the Divišovský potok. These names are loaded with mythical connotations. The drak Indiosek of Kladruby is a new phenomenon (19th century) in the landscape, even its author is known. However, above Kladruby there is also a hill called Divoš, and in the vicinity one finds also Volenice. South of Strakonice the small town of Volyně rises above the Volyňka river. It features a fortress on a hill, which today 23 Zbečno is a village above the Berounka river, 35 km west of Prague. 24 The hydronym Morsko oko is documented also in the Međimurje region. Below Pernjak, Perjak (a part of the Sv. Urban village; the name Pernjak is seriously reminiscent of Perun) there is a small pond overgrown with shrub, called Morsko oko. See Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2014: 392. 82 V i t o mir Be l a j , J ur a j B e l a j accommodates a museum. Volyně is the centre of an area that was once called Podlesí, “Below the forest”, hence the name Podlešáky for its inhabitants (comp. in Ukraine the name Полісся, полешуки). Archaeological finds (specimens of Prague pottery) stored in the municipal museum in the old fortress bear testimony to a Slavic settlement from the 7th century. The earthen fortification was probably the centre of a tribal district which may have consisted of 22 settlements of Šumava. We have not seen the charter, nor its transcription. The settlement acquired town privileges in 1299. The town was divided into four quarters: the centre around the main square with the town hall, Hradčany next to the hrad, část kostelní (the part around the church), Podolí on the other side of the Volyňka river. We can easily recognize the early Slavic organization of space, in which the nucleus of the urban settlement was formed. The prefect’s (commander’s) grad is above, “on the hill”, somewhere below is Podol, usually next to water (across the water); (in Kiev, Perun’s statue stood above, on холму внѣ двора теремнаго, “on the hill outside the court with a porch”, while Volos’ statue was below, in Podol next to the Počajna stream). Here opens before us the proto-Slavic pattern of organization of space next to proto-urban settlements. The names Podlesi, Podlešáky may have easily arrived from the “proto-homeland”, “in a block” together with the name Volyně. František Teplý, an archivist and local historian of Volyně, described that river and asserted that it begins near Bohumilice (north of Vimperk/Winterberg) by the joining of the Spůlka (previously Stařica) and Třeštilka (Teplý in Království Česke 1911: IV, 182). Shaking (thunders) is Perun’s job. The toponymy of Šumava itself is problematic. At the beginning of the Middle Ages the entire land was settled by the Slavs, who gave their own names to everything they saw in the landscape. However, the high mountainous areas around Bohemia (Ore Mountains/Erzebirge, Krkonoše/Riesengebirge, Šumava/Böhmerwald) had from a long time ago been overgrown with thick forests, and they remained mostly uninhabited. The Slavs only named the more prominent parts of the land from a distance, there was no Slavic micro-toponymy there. Until the 14th century there were also no historical data nor archaeological finds that would bear witness to permanent settlements in those forests, including the Šumava. When the state was organized, these lands were populated by smugglers and criminals, and only later, in the second half of the 13th century and during the 14th century, feudal lords started systematically settling German colonists, who brought into those desolate lands their own, Germanic names. When today in the area of the true Šumava (from Kout na Šumavě to Vyšší Brod) we encounter Czech toponyms, we must assume that they were either created during the 19th century via translation from German, or were invented anew in the Czech spirit. This was happening during the period of the rising of the Czech national awareness. This process was reinforced after 1918 in the sovereign Czechoslovakia, and was completed after the banishment of the German population (the so-called Beneš decrees) in 1945 and 1946. Naturally, we cannot exclude the possibility that occasional Slavic toponyms may have remained here and there. Nevertheless, the maps created before the World War I feature almost exclusively German names. These are the German names of possible mythical contents, with their Czech translations: Schwarzer Berg / Černá hora, Schwarzer See / Černé jezero, Teufelssee / Čertovo jezero, Schwarzbach / Černý potok. They indeed may once had had mythical meanings and refer to “black” and to something like “devil”. But we do not know anything more about them. We cannot penetrate deep enough to reach the old Slavic layer. The oronym Svarog, Svaroh is particularly prominent. This is a peak on the very border between the Czech Republic and Germany. It is not difficult to “recognize” in Svaroh the name of the proto-Slavic god Svarog. On all old maps this peak was marked as Zwer Eck, Zwergeck B[erg], “Dwarf’s mountain”. Towards the end of the 19th century its name started to be written as Zwercheck, which would mean “Transverse angle”. Today Zwercheck is the standard German form. On the Czech side, the name Svarog started appearing only as late as the first half of the 20th century. This name was positively documented only in a single Russian chronicle (the so-called Chronicle of John Malalas,25 and then also by the writers who used it) and indirectly through the diminutive Svarožić, which presumably denoted Svarog’s son. However, Czech scholars26 had not encountered the name Svarog in the Bohemian Forest until the 20th century (and they did search for Slavic theonyms), so we may assume that it was created only during the Germanization of the frontier territory. Svarog does not feature in 25 Ioannes Malalas (Ἰωάννης Μαλάλας, around 491 – around 578) from Antioch: Χρονογραφία, translated into Church Slavic in the 10 th century, probably in Bulgaria; its parts were later incorporated also into Russian chronicles. Later on, probably in the 13th century, one of the copyists, under the year 6622 (i.e. 1114 AD) inserted a paragraph in which Malalas’ notes about ancient Greek gods were enriched by analogies with gods of the Slavic pantheon. Among other things, he compared Hephaestus with Svarog (Сего ради прозваша ̀и богъ Сварогъ…, “due to this they named him the god Svarog”). That is all. 26 We primarily think of Jan Peisker, who thought that the name of the god Svarog was obscured under the present-day names Tvarog and similar (in his Mistopisná studie). He found it as the name of the hamlet Woraschne near the Cistercian monastery Hohenfurth/Vyšší Brod above Vltava. In 1598, this name was documented in an urbarium written in German language as Dworazne. However, the dean Bernhard Ortler († 1826) recorded in the memorial of his parish that the urbarium from 1552-1576 was written in Czech, so—lest they should perish—he recorded several old names, among other things, for Woraschne he used the Czech name Tvarožná. Peisker, very bravely, interpreted the unconfirmed oronym Tvarožna (hora) as Svarog’s name. Naturally, he searched also for the toponym Svarod, but he did not find it. He also did not find Tvarog in Bohemia itself, but he found him in some other Slavic countries (Peisker 1883). A round a nd be l o w D i v u š a : t he t r a ce s of P e run ’ s mo t he r a rri va l in t o our l a nd s 83 the 1911 monumental description of the Bohemian Kingdom27 either: in that work the peak appears only by the name Zwergeck (p. 312, 316). Vratislav Václav Tomek (1927)28 published a folk book Šumavské pověstí lidu českého (“Czech Popular stories from the Bohemian Forest”) written on the model by Alois Jirásek (1851–1930), an author of historical novels. Jirásek’s Staré pověsti české (“Legends of Old Bohemia”) have been published in countless releases to this day. Tomek’s Šumava swarms with names of “pre-Slavic gods”. Tomek’s stories cannot be considered reliable sources. Nevertheless, in the first of his stories taking place in Šumava, he wrote Tu také rozprostírá mohutné své svahy hora Svarog, obyčejně zvaná Zwerek, “Here, Mount Svarog, commonly called Zwerek, spreads its mighty slopes”. Tomek committed there a small, albeit ugly mistake: in Czech, the original Slavic sound “g” became “h” (and this is how it is written, whereas the original “h” is written “ch”), while he took the Russian name Сварогъ and relocated it to Šumava, forgetting to change “g” into “h” in the process. His “Czech” Svarog is not from Šumava, he stole it from the Russians. However, in Krušné hory, between the town Jöhstadt (on the German side of the border) and Kadaň, there was once the village Volyně, located around 3 km south-east of Výsluní. In historical sources it was transcribed in different ways: in 1352 Wolaw, 1405 Wolow, 1431 Wolynye, 1446 in Wolyny, 1519 Wolyni, 1543 w Wolinie, 1562 Wohalw, 1608 Wohla 1608 (Profous, Svoboda 1957: 607). The village lay on the southern slopes of Krušné hory, along the upper course of Volyňsky potok (Wohlauer Bach). To the north-east is the Třebíšský potok (Triebischl), to the west Hradištský potok (Radiser Bach). Volyňský vrch (Hundskoppe, 727 m) rises to the south-west, and Lysá hora in the north-west (Reischberg, 875 m). The names Volyňský potok and Volyňský vrch (Hundskoppe, 727 m) complement the oikonym Volyňe. The hydronym Hradištský potok indicates the presence of an earthen fortification, and indeed, mere three kilometres south of Volyňe on that stream there is the village called Hradište (Germ. Radis). Here is repeated the spatial picture we already saw in southern Bohemia: the small town of Volyňe (once the centre of an early mediaeval district), its Hrad with Hradčani, and the Volyňka flowing below. In Krušné hory, in addition to Volyňe one finds also Lysá hora (Reischberg), an oronym loaded with mythical connotations. In folklore traditions of different Slavic peoples not only are Lysá hora, Łysa Góra, Лиса Гора etc., places associated with mythical events (and where rites of “native faith” are renewed, like for instance in Kiev), but on some of them ancient written sources and archaeological finds corroborated their former cult significance (compare this with Kiev’s Lisa gora and Polish Łysa Góra in Góry Świętokrzyske).29 Třebíšský potok is named after a former village that lay around a kilometre and a half north-west from Volyňe. It is first mentioned in 1431 as Tribussle, then in 1446 as in Trzybissle, in 1543 w Trzebyssle, 1519 Trybyssli, 1562 Triebissel, 1608 Trywisel, 1787 Tribischl, 1846 Tribischel (Profous, Svoboda 1957: 359). On today’s maps it is marked as Třebiška. This name is possibly derived from the verb *trěbiti, “sacrifice”, potentially meaning “the place of sacrifice”. Czech toponyms in this part of Krušné hory reveal that here, at one of the easiest passes through Krušné hory, the Slavs lived as far back as the Early Middle Ages, before the German colonization. These Slavs were probably a group of the Sedličani or Lučani, which towards the end of the first millennium integrated into the mediaeval Czech nation. During the Middle Ages, they were linguistically overlain by German colonists, so that after World War II this area remained completely desolate, and the possible older tradition was extinguished completely. The recorded toponyms remained the only witnesses. The people who brought in themselves the “Volhynia worldview” from ancient Volhynia and wove it into their new homeland, present-day Bohemia, obviously continued to move onwards. In the 7th century they penetrated north-westwards along the valley of the Elbe river until they reached the approximate area of Magdeburg. They are revealed in the archaeological artefacts, above all in the mentioned so-called Prague pottery, but also in the entirety of their way of life (culture). At the edge of this movement, in today’s Brandenburg province, near the very city of Brandenburg, there lies the village municipality of Wollin. At the first glance, there is nothing much more to it except its name. However, the city of Brandenburg lies on a junction of ancient roads, so at that place we could surmise an old Slavic earthen fortification. Besides, there is a stream called Verlorenwasser (“The Lost Water”) flowing through the municipal territory. In the context of the Elbe, “lost waters” are geological phenomena in which a watercourse suddenly disappears in the ground. Such a natu27 Království Česke, 1911, Praha, naklada Pavla Körbra. Under that title a number of authors processed in several volumes the entire area of the then Kingdom of Bohemia. South-western Bohemia was dealt with in the 4th volume. We pointed out the authors of paragraphs that described the places we were dealing with. Prag, naklada Pavla Körbra. 28 Vratislav Václav Tomek: Šumavské pověstí lidu českého. 1927:116-118, published as an e-book in 2014 in Volary. Here we cite the e-book pagination. V. V. Tomek (Bohutín 1868 – Prag 1933), author of Šumavské pověstí (Stories from the Bohemian Forest), should not be confused with Václav Vladivoj Tomek (1818 – 1905), a Czech archivist and historian. 29 The name Lisa gora literally means “bald mountain”, a mountain with bare peaks. In Croatia, this function have the oronyms Plješivica, Plešivica, after the Kajkavian adjective plešast, “bald”. 84 V i t o mir Be l a j , J ur a j B e l a j ral phenomenon was exploited by the believers of the ancient Slavic faith to depict the narrative on an aspect of the fight between the Thunderer with the Envier: the latter steals waters (causing draught on the Earth), whereupon the former hits him, forcing him back to where he belongs, liberating the waters and re-establishing the holy order. Further north-west towards Szczetin/Stettin lie the villages Wollin, Penkun (an ancient Slavic settlement surrounded with earthen ramparts, “grad“) and Krackow, formerly with a nobleman’s palace. The site yielded early Slavic finds from— allegedly—6th century. When we connect Wollin, Krackow and Penkun, we get a triangle with an angle between 20° and 23° and sides with the ratio 1:1.3.30 One finds Wolins also in Poland. The best known is the city of Wolin, where the Oder drains into the Baltic Sea. It lies on an island of the same name, divided from the land by an arm of the Oder, called Dziwna in Polish (Germ. Dievenow). Wieleń Pomorski near Krzyż Wielkopolski also merits mention. This density of “Volhynia”-type toponyms in the territory of ancient Pomorie speaks of the close connections of the population of this area with Volhynia, which might reach deep into the ancient times of Ptolemy31. He knew of a people called Veltae (Οὐέλται; Ptolemaei III. 5. §22), which in his time lived east of the Baltic Veneti. Some associate the Veltae with the early mediaeval Slavic groups of the Veleti and Lutici, which lived in today’s north-east Germany around the confluence of the Wisła. Apparently, the Veleti and Lutici (Wilzi) were not tribes, but tribal alliances: known as the Veleti in the 8th and 9th centuries, and as Lutici/Wilzi from the end of the 10th century until 1163. While the early mediaeval Veleti may be connected with the Veltae, the Lutici or Wilci seem to have Veles-sounding names: Russian chronicles title Veles as лютый зверь, “mad/wild beast”, and also wolf, вьлkъ, is Veles’ wild beast, “hrt”. These are pan-Slavic features. And if there had been no so-called Prague culture in their area, then we are entitled to surmise a kind of previously unknown cultural currents and processes at the beginning of the Christian measurement of time, which brought here “Volhynia”-type names with the stems *vel- and *vol, and possibly also *krak-, *krok-. b) Copying into today’s western Croatia Contemporary sources are mute on the penetration of the Slavs towards south. Until recently, archaeology was ignorant about it, too. Only ethnology was trying, observing certain specific features in the peasants’ culture of the western (mostly Kajkavian) south-Slavic areas, to point to the possibility to discover different layers and directions of immigration from the north (Bratanić 1951; Gavazzi 1960; Belaj, V. 1970). The problem with archaeologists was that the Prague-Korchak settlements were small, of pit-house type, and located in terrains archaeologists were unaccustomed with as regards the usual positions of old settlements. These were located neither along the roads or in the open, on elevations, but rather— like in the Polesia to this day—situated in lowlands, scattered in groves next to watercourses, in river meanders, in protected areas. Only in the most recent times have the finds been published which may be attributed beyond doubt to the Prague-type pottery, and which would have to belong to the earliest wave of Slav immigrants in Croatia. The “vesicular” pottery, as it is also called on account of its appearance, was derived from the Prague culture, and owes its appearance to the addition of small particles of charcoal to the clay mixture before firing (Bekić 2016:181). In 2004, among several finds discovered at the Stara ves field near Nedelišće, which can be reliably dated from the beginning to the mid-7th century, there were also a few fragments that undeniably belong to the Prague-type pottery (Bekić 2012: 21–33). Luka Bekić summarized his conclusions with the following sentence: Considering that occasional related finds have recently been identified in Austria and Hungary, and in northern Slovenia in particular, we can suppose that the wave of immigration of Slavic tribes in Croatia towards the end of the 6th century arrived through the Moravian Gate across Burgenland, Vas and Zala provinces to Prekmurje and Međimurje and farther. (Bekić 2012: 27) New perspectives opened into the earliest history of Slavic immigration. Bekić: These finds of the earliest pottery of Prague type have opened the possibility to corroborate historical sources on the early Slavic migration in Slovenia and western Croatia. We can also hope that many more such finds would be discovered in future excavations. (Bekić 2012: 27) And indeed, the latest archaeological excavations by the Institute of Archaeology in Gora in the Banovina region, carried out between 2008 and 2011, proved this (Belaj, J. 2011). Small fragments of 7th- and 8th-century pottery found in the fills of Christian graves, as older material, indicate the existence of a pre-Christian settlement, lowering the beginning of Slavic presence in Gora to a period predating Christianization. 30 In Croatia, the corresponding triangles are: Central Istrian, Pag, Brckovljani and Vodice triangles. 31 Κλαύδιος Πτολεμαῖος, Claudius Ptolemaeus, ~85 – ~165. A round a nd be l o w D i v u š a : t he t r a ce s of P e run ’ s mo t he r a rri va l in t o our l a nd s 85 In Luka Bekić’s opinion, the grave fills yielded a few fragments of the so-called vesicular Slavic pottery, made by hand or on a slow-rotating wheel, which belongs to the “pagan” horizon of the 7th and 8th centuries (Bekić 2016: 47, 48, sl. 24, 285, T. 72: 1, 4, 7), i.e. the time of the migration of the Slavs to the area of the Mura, Drava and Sava rivers. The finds from Gora, alongside Brekinjova kosa near Bojna, south of Glina, are the southernmost finds of vesicular pottery of the DravaMura-Sava group discovered so far (Bekić 2016: 105). And now we can add to these tangible “archaeological” elements also certain elements of spiritual culture, namely those which we called the “Volhynian” worldview. These elements (and we shall include in the discussion only those that are undoubtedly Volhynian) follow the direction of the southern movement of the “vesicular” pottery. ● The Krapina myth We associate with Krapina the narration of three brothers, Čeh, Leh and Meh. The author of the oldest known record is the Polish chronicler Boguchwal (†1253)32 according to whom the Pannonian prince Pan had three sons, Lech, Rus and Czech, who emigrated and founded three kingdoms of the same names. Boguchwal was probably inspired by the Kievan myth about three brothers, Kjy, Schchek and Khoryv, and one sister, Lybed’ (recorded by the Russian chronicler Nestor, 1050-1113). Other chroniclers and historians followed in his footsteps, retelling, varying and adding to the story of the three brothers. Václav Hájek from Libočany (†1553) compiled a review of the previous interpretations. He was the first to locate the brothers in Krapina (Hájek z Libočan 1819). The first Croatian writer to mention Krapina was, so it seems, Juraj Rattkay (1652), calling upon Bohemian chronicles, Annales Bohemorum. The sister was first mentioned by Johann Christoph Jordan in 1745. In 1740 he visited Krapina in order to see for himself the scene of the narration of the legendary brothers, owing to the “uninterrupted tradition” he himself heard there: Traditio perpetua accolarum fert, his tribus (montibus) tres reges fratres, quos et Czechum, Lechům et Russum nominant, quondam separatis castellis insedisse, sed rixa inter illos ob sororem oborta in alias terras a se invicem recessisse. (Jordan 1745: P II. c. 14 §. 33) “Uninterrupted tradition has it that on these three [hills], in separate castles, once upon a time lived three royal brothers, known by the names of Čeh, Leh and Rus, but who left for foreign countries due to the fight that broke out between them over their sister”. These stories were checked also by Ljudevit Gaj, and in 1851/2, while he was working on his autobiography Vjekopisni moj nacrtak…, he wrote: In these three towns three brothers, by the name of Č e h , L e h i M e h , once ruled. These brothers were of royal blood of our people, and had a sister by the name of V i l i n a . After she betrayed her brothers to the Roman commander, Vilina fled before them: …first she flew to Dupljača in Strahinje, and from there she fled to Jame above Župnica, which still today are called Ljubine, or Vuline jame, named so because there lived fairies, who took their namesake under their protection. (Gaj, 1875: XX) Petar Skok—it would seem—succumbed to popular etymology when he interpreted the origin of the name Krapina from the word krap (“freshwater fish, carp”) as a metathesis from psl. *korpъ, which would be of pre-Indo-European origin (1971: 179). This interpretation can indeed be heard among local population, with the rationale that there are many kraps, carps, in the Krapina “river”, apparently forgetting that the Krapina stream flows far from the town of Krapina. The river flowing through Krapina is called Krapeščica or Krapinica, and 17 km to the south it drains into the Krapina, which arrives from the east, from Podrute. In 1999 Željko Tomičić accepted the interpretation by Giacomo Devoto, who interpreted the name of the god Krapuvis, documented on the so-called Iguvine Tablets in Umbria (Tavole di Gubbio), as a derivation from the old Mediterranean word krap/krep, Latin arx, meaning hrid, “rock “ (Devoto 1967). In Tomičić’s opinion, the word krap acquired the suffix –ona, as often happened in the Mediterranean circle (Aenona, Albona, Flanona and similar), becoming Krapona in this way (1999: 51-53), so he put forward a hypothetical conclusion: …we can suppose that the oronym krap (Croatian hrid), with the suffix –ona, otherwise common in the broad area around the Mediterranean, formed the interesting oikonym Krapona. However, the original meaning of the Latin arx is not “hrid” (rock), but fortress. It can be associated with rocks only via the concept “fortress built on a mountain”. It derives from pie. *ark- “something that is encircled, protected”. And the “old Mediterranean” words krap/krep (predominantly oronyms) derive from proto-Indo-European root *karp-, like the Croatian word škarpa (a morphological form in karst areas) and the Albanian karpë, “rock, stone”. These words are in turn connected 32 The authorship of this chronicle is disputed. Chronica longa seu magna Polonorum seu Lechitarum (better known in the 20 th century as the Kronika Wielkopolska) is attributed to the 13th century bishop of Poznan, Boguchwał II, however, it seems that it was (re)edited and continued by Godzisław Baszko, a 13th-century curator of the Poznan cathedral. 86 V i t o mir Be l a j , J ur a j B e l a j with the Greek (actually probably Thracian) name for the Carpathians: Καρπατης ὅρος. In 1974 Ivanov and Toporov, as we already mentioned in the chapter on Karpati, connected the name Καρπατης ὅρος with the Arabic name “Mount K(a)r(a)k(ū)“33, i.e. “Carpathian mountains”, which might also literally mean “Krak’s mountains”. We shall therefore try to put forward another possible interpretation of the name Krapina. It does not annul the Devoto – Tomičić etymology, but rather places this name into an entirely new and unexpected context. In the case of Krapina, the first syllable Krap- reminds of the names Krok and Krak, so we can think of a metathesis from Karp-. Just like Kiev and Krakow lie high, above a cave or caves (печéри, Smocza Jama), so the town of Krapina stands atop a rocky hill above a small but impressive cave pivnica. Ivanov and Toporov, as early as 1974, discussing the confrontation between the Thunderer and Dragon, connected the name of the Carpathians K(a)r(a)k(ū) with the pie. word *karkus “oak” (comp. Russian дуб карколист, дуб корьков, and oak is associated with the Thunderer) and assumed the pie. doublet *Kark – *Krak (Carpathians – Kraków).34 And the name Καρπατης ὅρος may have been created through a metathesis of consonants from *Perkw -. Ivanov and Toporov do not discuss Krapina, however, by analogy it can be easily connected with the name of Carpathians, beyond which lies the “Croatian proto-homeland”, and through them also with the mythical Krak and Kij (Ivanov, Toporov 1974: 173-177). While it is true that we don’t have a written record of the Dragon-slaying motif, we still have the three brothers – the progenitors of three clans/peoples, three (partly mythical) towns; a rock with a cave called— according to Ljudevit Gaj—Vulina jama. Gaj’s name for the sister was simply Vilina. Could it be that there is a Vulinja jama (cave) hiding in Krapina? If we recall the Dnieper Vulineprah, the story of the Krapina brothers becomes more serious. Through fragments of an old tradition and local toponymy (west of Krapina, near Škarićevo, there is a watercourse called Dunaj) we see the outlines of the Volhynian perspective of the world, in which the orientation elements are the mountains called Karpati, the Dunaj stream near Plemenšćina (which in the beginning of our written history may have been the border between the Pannonian Slavic Duchy and the Frankish realm), between them a grad on a rock with a cave, all spiced with the tradition of three brothers and a sister. The Krapina pattern in its essence matches better the Kiev (Volhynian) one than either Polish or Bohemian. ● Krakovo and Dulepska. South-east, near Vrbovec, lies Krakovo. This is a forested part of an insignificant gentle ridge rising above the stream called Dulepski potok. Downstream lies a village called Dulepska. The highest point on the eastern parallel ridge is the elevation called Višegrad. North-west from Krakovo lies the village Pogančec, and further to the west is village Dvorišče. It is probable that a segment of the large tribe of Dulebi settled in this area. Their leader may have had a court in Dvorišče. Krakovo, Pogančec and Višegrad are points whose sides form a triangle with an angle of 23°30’, whose two sides have the ratio of 1:1.4. These are the remains of the sacred spatial construction of immigrants from—ultimately—Volhynia (Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2014: 381-384). ● Toponymy below the Kupa. Further south, below the Kupa, there are only a few toponyms reminiscent of the preChristian period. In that area the older population has remained only here and there, later strengthened by returnees from Kajkavian areas, however, to a large degree it was settled by new Orthodox immigrants. Here we cannot really expect to find traces of the old Slavic faith. Nevertheless, a triangular structure was discovered near Gora. In Gora, there was a spring near the church, and above Gora there was a Grad. The line that connects these two points almost exactly follows a meridian (the deflection is mere 59’; the case is similar with Ivanec, Zagreb, Strožanci, in Biskupija and on the Pag island), which points to the idea that the local landscape was structured as a sacred space even in preChristian times. On Grad we should expect the Perun’s point, near the spring that of Mokoš, while next to grad there should also be a Sun’s angle of around 23°27’. Veles’ point then ought to be located on the other side of the river Šanja. Indeed, an arm of the angle we can follow by sight from Grad towards south-east to the distance of 1435 m. There the terrain becomes steeper towards south, and the Topolčica stream below it is not visible. There is a Sun’s angle near Gora, two sides of the triangle have the ratio of 1 (the side Grad – church) : 1.6 (Grad – edge of the Topolka, visible from Grad), and one side follows the meridian. This, for example, is the ratio in the triangle at Biskupija near Knin (Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2014: 317–325). On the Josephine map the Topolčica is called Tersztina Bach, and south of it is marked the barren-land name of Trstine. However, King Andrew’s 1209 charter contains an older form: Treštenik! Andrew determined the borders of the land that belonged to people from Gora: …prima meta a publica strata que vulgo via exercitus dicitur et tendit ad Treztenic, dehinc quoque dirigitur ad viam antiquam… (Smičiklas 1905: 85). “…the first mark from the public road the people call via exercitus [military road] and reaches Treštenik, from here straight to the old road35…“ Treštenik in turn is a place where the Thunderer strikes with his thunders and beats Veles. On a 1:25000 map this stream 33 This is how they are recorded in the 12th century by Al-Idrisi. 34 This is a consequence of an ancient Indo-European linguistic phenomenon, the so-called floating vowel gradation (Schwebeablaut). 35 Stari drum (old road) is the name of the barren land south-west of Gora. A round a nd be l o w D i v u š a : t he t r a ce s of P e run ’ s mo t he r a rri va l in t o our l a nd s 87 is marked with a broken line, which means that it flows only occasionaly. We have already mentioned the watercourse called Verlorenwasser when we discussed Wollin near Brandenburg. In Croatia, the mythical interpretation of the seasonal disappearance of water was documented at Veles, a peninsula near Novi Vinodolski (Katičić 2008: 314–326). Also, east of Split, below the Perun hill flows the Žrnovnica river, which prior to the building of the dam on the Cetina river also used to dry up at times. On Krk island, below the eastern slopes of Veliki Treskavac and Mali Treskavac hills there are numerous springs of the Suha Rečina stream, which occasionally goes undergrand near the Šuraje hamlet. Here we apparently have a minor tripartite spatial structure (“rural”) from which we can infer the narration of the fight of the great gods Perun and Veles over water and the pre-Christian god-bearer next to the well by the church of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2017). Mediaeval documents mention in the old Gora county toponyms whose meaning is similar: Pernik (fort; village Perna, stream Pernica, from psl. *pьrati “to beat”) and Mogoš (1211, land: terra Mogos). It would be difficult to disregard the possibility that terra Mogos might be “Mokoš’ land”. And regarding Pernik there is an interesting note by Radoslav Lopašić (1895: 111): Pernik is perched atop a cave, and below the grad there is a mill on the Pernica stream… The grad hill has a hollow belly. The cave is entered from the west, and walking through narrow and wide rooms in the length of 100 metres and more one exits by the other door on the north side. Reports on the Mogos plot do not specify its location. Today there are no traces of it. Judging by the order in which the land plots were listed in the 1211 charter, that land may have lain between the Glina and Petrinjčica rivers. The land Mogoš from mediaeval documents could hardly be connected with Pernik. However, east of Pernik there are toponyms Bare, Blatuša, Dolovi, Mokro polje - all of them potential places of the encounter of Mokoš and Veles, lying up to 4 km from Pernik. It is quite probable that Pernik formed part of a sacred spatial structure further west from Topusko. The situation with the toponymy grows in complexity in the area of the Una river. There one finds the old small town of Kostajnica, above which rises the Djed hill (215 m), perhaps the place of the last residence of the old god (Perun’s father?), and to the west rise the slopes of Mount Zrinska gora. This mountain was named after the town Zrin (from the verb zrȅti, “becoming ripe”). This may have been the place from which the supreme deity watched (closely monitor) the events unfolding in the province. To the west of Kostajnica, toponyms marked on maps include Babina Rijeka (village, stream), Babin brijeg, Babino brdo, Pernice (peaks). Through the valley flows the Veleška rijeka (“Veles’ river”; next to it is the Veleško polje, “Veles’ plain”), and on its banks are the villages Donja (Lower) and Gornja (Upper) Velešnja. There is also the Krivaja potok (Krivaja stream) and a barren land called Krivaja36. There Perun and Veles are nicely blended, in the presence of their wife/lover Baba! A little farther the Una river is the village Volinja (so we have here both the names derived from *vel- as well as from *vol-), there is also Volinjski jarak, there flows Volinjska rijeka, and on the other side of the Una there is Volinjska kosa. A few more kilometres to the south there is Divuša, and next to it the Divuša rijeka stream drains into the Una. ● Grmeč and Plješivica. The area of the old Gvozd extended southwards at least to Plješivica, and opposite this mountain on the other side of the Una river there is Mount Grmeč, which probably carries in its name the meaning a “thundering mountain”. These two mountains stand opposite each other not only in terms of space, but possibly also in their meaning, i.e. Perun ÷ Veles. On the right side of the Una is Grmeč (Crni vrh 1604 m), whose name reminds us of the thunderer’s activity, thunders. With Grmeč are connected stories about a big dragon snake, which—they say—lives in a cave, and every year visits her sister on Klekovača (south of Grmeč, Velika Klekovača 1962 m; Čulinović-Konstantinović, 1989). On Sebastian Münster’s maps it is marked by the name Tüfel gartn, literary Germ. Teufels Garten, “Devil’s garden”. Between Plješivica and Grmeč, on the right side of the Una river, below Krakovo hill (571 m) and Mount Ljutoč 941 m in Bosnia, there lies the Krakovo hamlet. And further south there is the settlement called Kijevo, above which, on Mount Kozjak, there is a 1206 m high peak called Bat. The complex of “Volhynian” toponyms is becoming increasingly clearer. Conclusion – interpretation of data (Volinja, Volyňe and Волынь; Divuša) The names such as Volinj, Kij and Krak, and finds of the Prague or “vesicular” pottery bear witness that at least a part of the population of today’s Croatia (and nearby Slovenia) most certainly immigrated from Volhynia. The reader has certainly observed that also toponyms were mentioned which are associated with the reconstructed supreme proto-Slavic divine couple: *Děv/*Div and *Děvana/Divana or *Děva/Diva. This came most to the fore in the chapter on Divuša. 36 One of Veles’ characteristic features is that he is disorderly, kriv (wrong), doing krivine (wrongs), in contrast with Perun, who is prav (right), making pravinu (rights)… 88 V i t o mir Be l a j , J ur a j B e l a j However, in the area between the Kupa and Una it was clear that the discovered data were very fragmented and rare. The pictures we surmise in the stretch from Međimurje to the Adriatic Sea will sharpen our comparisons with analogous situations in other Slavic lands, above all in southern Bohemia and beyond the Carpathians, from where individual Slavic groups had departed during the migration of the Slavs starting from the 5th century onwards. These groups carried with them their names, their dialects and their perspective on the world (myths about the origin of the world, people, peoples, rulers, were an important part of ethnic identity). In their “proto-homeland” they were situated between Perun’s mountains and the great Dnieper (formerly Dunaj; it was the border of the tribes of Volhynians, Buzhans and Dulebi/Dulibi towards Veles’s world). A little to the south there extended the territory of the “White” Croats, likewise documented in the sources, which places also the “original” Croats along next to Volhynia. All of them had their own relationship with the landscape in which they shaped their worldview, they considered themselves a distinct linguistic entity, they are “We, who are together our own”, Slověne. Those others, who speak differently, are čudъ. And the toponyms Karpati and Volinja and the “knowledge” about the Veleti/Voloti were important elements of consciousness. They formed mythical traditions (more precisely, adapted the old ones) about legendary dragon-slaying and people-saving heroes, in which Kyj and Krak acted as the Thunderer’s hypostases. They defeat the Serpent/Dragon. Here the ruler has three children (in different combinations), the dragon lives under the settlement in a cave, pit (Smocza jama under Krakow’s Wawel, Kiev’s пещерe, peščere). This world they carried in themselves during their migrations. In the process they mixed with others, abandoning some of their own elements and adopting something from the “foreigners”, sometimes creating and forming new ones. These emigrated Volini, Dulebi, Buzhans, Croats, were no longer identical to those beyond the Carpathians, but we can recognize their roots by the preserved features that appear at some places in dense clusters. The more there are different “Volhynian” toponyms found together, the greater the probability that these assumptions are correct. A comparison of these elements will enable us to reach conclusions, and here we will be helped by the following overview table: elements: Kyjiv Volynь Volyně (above Gučva) (s. Bohemia) settlement on a settlement on mountain a mountain grad (fort) nobleman’s court Volynь Hrad, Hradčany Nearby outside the fort gallery of divine (court) statues ? settlement Kyjiv Volynь river (Dnipro, Počajna) (Bug, Gučva) Part of settlement gora (mountain) province Šumava Gora elevation above Volinja (Banovina) Divuša Zrinska gora Zrinska gora Grad - - church church - ? Volyňe Gora Volinja Divuša Volyňka, (Šanja) Třeštilka Treštenik Volinjska rijeka Divuški potok Подíл Podolí - - - Полісся, Podlesí, полешуки Podlešáky - - - Gora The core of the organized space is the defensive fort, *gordъ. This may have originally been simply an enclosed space (*gorditi = “enclose”, e.g. a garden). This was the prefect’s land, and even a symbol of his authority. There is nothing like this in the case of Divuša and Volinja near Una, however, we believe that careful research would yield traces of enclosed settlements, including perhaps also vesicular pottery. Sources tell that prince Vladymir has in Kyiv внѣ двора теремнаго, “outside a porticoed court”, placed statues of “state” gods; we lack written sources on other settlements, perhaps in such cases later Christian churches by virtue of their position hint at the position of pre-Christian sanctuaries. Next to the settlement or below it were formed suburbs, embryos of subsequent possibly urban settlements (urbs). Even further below the settlements, beyond the protected space, new “quarters” may be created, which mark their position in space with their name: Подíл, Podolí. Some fortifications were abandoned when the district-based system of authority came to an end, however, the suburbia maintained the names by which we recognize them now: Подíл, Podolí. Below the settlement and suburb there is generally a river which in most cases has the same name as the fort/settlement. These are Volyňka, Volinjska rijeka, Divuški potok. The names Třeštilka, Treštenik on the other hand point to the sacral action by the Thunderer. A round a nd be l o w D i v u š a : t he t r a ce s of P e run ’ s mo t he r a rri va l in t o our l a nd s 89 Outside these categories, but nevertheless significant, are the names of the provinces Полісся and Podlesí and their inhabitants полешуки and Podlešáky. We have seen that in the Hittite sacred landscape flowed the Hulana, “wooly river”, and the mountain was hékur Pirwa, “Perun’s river”. This allows us to conclude that two small rivers in the Banovina region, Volinjska rijeka and Veleška rijeka below Zrinska gora (as well as Volyňka in Šumava and in Krušné hory), were probably Veles’ rivers judging simply by their names. However, that this is not necessarily only a “Volhynian” feature is borne out by the relationship between the sanctuary and river in the case of Novgorod in north Russia: there, on the “gora” (an insignificant elevation) called Перыня was Perun’s sanctuary, while below it flows the river Волхов (Katičić 2008: 303). Here Perun and Volos are situated comfortably together in space. We can now interpret the position of Volyně in southern Bohemia: Above is the Thunderer’s mountain, from it flows Veles’ (wooly) river, and below the mountain and above the river there is a settlement and Veles’ (wooly) settlement. This pattern is visible also in Banovina. Near Gora there is a Grad, a settlement with church (and a spring nearby), below flows the Treštenik stream. The case is the same with Velešnja in Banovina. There one finds the villages Donja and Gornja Velešnja, to the south flows the Veleška rijeka stream (with Veleško polje adjacent to it), above them in Zrinska gora (this is the real Gora!) there is Pernica peak at 403 m; north of Pernica lie Babino brdo, Babin brijeg, Babina rijeka (village and stream). This is a nice example of connection between Perun and Veles, in the presence of their wife/lover Baba! Only here we are missing the sacred place and settlement. The case of Divuša is the weakest. Here we only have the village Divuša and the Divuška rijeka stream. Still, there is the (Zrinska) gora in the background. The search for the settlement, hillfort, a sacred place so far bore no fruit, because the location of the village has changed and we do not know where it was situated before the Ottoman conquests. Nevertheless, the oikonym speaks for itself. ● Divuša, mother of gods. Let us also briefly look at the name Divuša. We encountered very similar names below Šumava: Divoš is an elevation near Volenice (featuring a dragon?), Divišov is a village below Svatobor (and there are also the villages Volešnje and Volšovy and the river Volšovka). In Polish Pomorze one finds Wolin and the arm of the Oder called Dziwna/Dievenow. On Krk, at the approximate geographic width of the village Draga Baščanska, on the “moon” plateau, there is an approximately 1.5 km long ridge, around 470 m high, called Diviška. This is sufficient to attract attention. We believe that in these names (at least in some of them) there hides the name of the supreme deity of proto-Indo-European peoples, which has been reconstructed as *djeu(s) p’ter (“father of celestial light”), or his wife *djeua meter (Belaj, V. 2000), the Slavic *Divъ,*Děvъ i *Diva/*Děva Mater. Has not Divuša (feminine) above the Una preserved in her name the forgotten memory of the proto-Slavic and IndoEuropean god-bearer, the Mother of gods? But Divuša is not the same as Mokoš! If her name is really, as we believe, a trace of an older mythological stratum in which alongside Perun still exists the old Div, then Divuša is the Creator’s (Div’s) wife, while Mokoš is the Thunderer’s (Perun’s) wife. Did Divuša have in the Una basin her “Diveč”, like Grmuša had Grmeč? Was that role taken by Did near Kostajnica? Or the entire massif of Zrinska gora, on which Did as deus otiosus would peacefully sit and observe from above what was going on in the world? This repeats the situation encountered in (Zrinska) Gora, only that both are connected with different generations of gods: Divuša with the creator Div, and Grmuša with his son, the Thunderer Perun. Therefore, Grmuša would correspond to Mokoš. In both cases this goddess is the mother of gods, god-bearer, who reveals herself as two temporal (generational) aspects of the same phenomenon. In their substitution of one of these two figures, Christian prophets usually reached for the Christian Mother of God. We should therefore not be surprised to find that in Divuša in 1272 is mentioned, on the other side of the Una, a parish of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The parish and the church were destroyed during Ottoman wars, and they were reconstructed as a church of St. Catherine in 1699, and as a parish in 1805. Perhaps here in this lower chronological stratum lies the proto-Indo-European god-bearer *Diewa, the later southern Slavic Divuša, which has been overlain by the Christian Mother of God, who in turn was overlain by Saint Catherine. We also shouldn’t discard the idea that Divuša carries also a Japodian component. We think here of the Japodian divinity Thana (appearing in company with Vidas) connected with healing (thermal) waters (Topusko), compared with Diana and similar deities (Kuntić-Makvić 2003). They all share, so it seems, the common root in the proto-Indo-European concept of divine *Djeus’ wife. However, for the time being we don’t have elements to connect Thana/Diana with our Divuša. 90 V i t o mir Be l a j , J ur a j B e l a j We believe that the arguments we have put forward are sufficiently strong to allow us to assume that, first, the toponyms Volinje, Kijevo, Krakovo and similar are indeed the traces of migrations from the earliest homeland of the population which had shaped the proto-Slavic language in Volhynia, and, second, that the toponyms such as Divuša, Divišov are connected with an older generation of gods, the parents of Perun and Mokoš, that is, that we are indeed on the track of the arrival of Perun’s mother in our lands. Translated by Sanjin Mihelić Vitomir Belaj University of Zagreb Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology I. 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(eds.), Frankfurt/Main, 161–188. Udolph, J. 2015, Baltisch, Slavisch, Germanisch – Kontakte und Beziehungen aus der Sicht der Onomastik, Early Germanic Languages in Contact, Amsterdam, Philadelphia, 39–74. Vasmer, M. 1971, Schriften zur slavischen Altertumskunde und Namenkunde, Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. Žih, M. [Максим Жих] 2010, К проблеме этнического самосознания ранних славян: по поводу работы Флорина Курты, Международный исторический журнал “Русин”, No. 1 (19), 59–77. Marko Smole Sacred Slavic Triangle in the Upper Kupa and Čabranka Valley: A Story about Pre-Christian and Christian Landscape Sacralisation Professional paper The Upper Kupa and Čabranka Valley, with the mediaeval Osilnica and partially Gerovo communes, is usually considered to be a remote area. By determining the place of the alleged settlement of Slavic immigrants in Čačič, lying above the valley, we have defined the main points of the triangular Slavic mythological structure in the landscape. Based on the sanctuary of Our Lady on Sveta Gora (Holy Mount) and other toponyms, we have traced a regular sacred triangle of almost perfect proportions, including the sun’s angle. A question is raised whether Perun’s point on Kraljev vrh (King’s Peak) may be associated with the Slovene mythological figure of Kresnik, Perun’s son – his governor in the local community and the first king. We presented a hypothetical process of Christian occupation of the sacred Slavic landscape through impressing of the dominant bivalent ideology of Christianity (good – evil, west – east) in the former pagan space, followed by a complete crossing of the space (heaven – earth, north – south). In the reconstruction, we have completely respected the sun’s angle and the meaning of the confluence of the River Čabranka as a symbolic place of crossing. Reflections about the hypothetical mythological local hero Petar Klepac (locally named Pitr Kljepc) are presented on the basis of two different stories about how he acquired his supernatural power: through his active role in the battle between oxen – Kresniks – or following the encounter with a fairy in a green grove. A question is raised whether these different stories are the result of different Slavic groups meeting at the same place, in the sanctuary of a female deity. In the subsequent centuries, they shared the same sanctuary with the Gottschee Germans, with the people from various parts of Carniola and Gorizia as well as with the people from the coastal Kvarner area. Key Words: Slavic mythology, Kupa, Kolpa, Čabranka, Osilnica, Gerovo, Petar Klepac, Plešce Introduction Over the last years of active site research in the border area of the Upper Kupa (locally named Koupa) and Čabranka Valley conducted by Etnološka zbirka Palčava šiša, a private research and local cultural heritage interpretation project, we have been working mainly in the culturally connected area along the Croatian and Slovenian state border. In this area not much material evidence survived after the tragic Second World War destruction, when, in 1942, most of the buildings on both sides of the valley were burnt down, along with their contents. The majority of material heritage was destroyed and nearly a quarter of the population lost their lives in the fascist concentration camps. Post-war strong depopulation has continued up to present day, many settlements were abandoned or just a few older people have remained living there. On the other hand, the common trans-border cultural island remained evident even after all these disasters. Unfortunately, the common origins of the population and older history were mostly removed from the surface also because of different national interpretations or emphasis in the official Croatian and Slovenian history, but the common dialect spoken and the common cultural heritage are still binding people together on both sides of the border. In more than ten-year-long fieldwork, which was mostly related to the ethnology and cultural relations research, we have observed that many facts collected from the area or remained in situ were not directly consistent with the (in fact po- Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 93–103 94 M a rko S mol e orly) documented data from the official archives or even with interpretations in the literature (Smole 2008), which mostly did not take into account a common trans-border character of this cultural island. For this reason, we were forced to think much more interdisciplinary and to rely much more on oral information than it is usual in such researches. It is a fact that the population existed here in the area for centuries, on the border between the various manorial estates, lands or states, not so far from bigger centres (Kvarner Bay in Croatia and Middle Slovenia – former Duchy of Carniola). Major centres of influence were in fact only a day’s walk away or less. Therefore, the connection with the outer world was in fact never so difficult. But it was also evident that, during some historical times, the area had been insulated from the surrounding environment or from the transport routes passing just near by. In such an environment, not many facts were able to be documented throughout history, since the serfs obtained their subsistence in the ways which were often only half legal, although tolerated by their landlords. The land was not rich and was limited, so people who lived there had to make additional earnings out of the bordering position of the area, to be able to subsist. It is evident from the documents that church-borders were also not very strict, priests often operated in the neighbouring parish areas. For this reason, it is necessary to study church and other documents from both sides of the border to get a realistic view. The Gotschee German settlers, who were colonising this area from the middle of the 14th century, translated some old toponymic names into their language or just named the land according to their needs. In the 17th century, Zrinski landowning family established an iron works in Čabar, which was yet another reason for the half legal immigration, mainly from the Duchy of Carniola. In the 18th and 19th century, many people from upper regions moved to villages situated lower in the valley, which were in those times connected to newly built roads. Many people left the area after closing of the iron works in Čabar and went to new settling places which were offering them better chances of survival. For this reason, there is not much evidence or narratives left, for example about the traces of older trade caravan routes, about the active role of the local people in trading or at least in trading goods transportation, etc. Many preserved narratives are also taken from the older contexts and are sometimes hard to understand. The marginalisation of the area in the eyes of the Slovenian and Croatian central authorities has continued up to present day. After the Second World War, the area on both sides of the border was frequently described as a culturally impoverished space, but a detailed field research is presenting a different and much more interesting picture of the material and intangible cultural heritage. For example, the trans-border local dialect, spoken around the Čabranka and Kolpa Valley, is protected as an intangible cultural heritage in both countries. Many information and fragmented narratives were collected during our research work from the people in villages, including those related to folk stories linked to the space of the valley. Although some of the stories seemed strange at first, they enabled valuable interpretations afterwards. After a study of the basic Slovene and Croatian literature in the field of sacred spaces last year, we were able to get a totally new basis for interpretation of nearly forgotten narratives which were, together with toponyms, presenting an interesting, at least hypothetical view of the researched space in ancient times. Sacred Slavic triangle There has been little information so far about the researched area from the time before the late Middle Ages. The only official information was about the existence of the not yet completely located Roman trade routes, crossing and connecting at Babno polje. One of the routes was linked to the connection Emona – Tarsatica and another was possibly continuing over the hills along the River Kupa (in Slovene language named Kolpa or locally Koupa) towards the present-day central Croatia and Bela Krajina. On Vražji vrtec Hill above the village of Prezid some archaeological evidence could be found of the existence of a pre-Roman settlement, but no further connection route traces towards the seaside or the Kolpa Valley have yet been discovered. For this reason, we do not know much about the life in the Upper Kupa and Čabranka Valley in the early medieval times. We have started our research with a terrain search for the basic place in the area, which could be suitable for the farmer settlers. From our building heritage research activities (Smole 2013; 2014; 2016) we have already known that the most interesting area for early settlers in the valley was a gently sloping plateau on the neck between the Čabranka and Kupa above the Osilnica village. It is lying on the sunny side of the valley and is protected from rivers and creeks. There are strong and constant water sources present. All these natural conditions are favourable for the cultivation of grains. From there, it is possible to control the opposite side of the valley while being protected from the North by high mountain walls. And from there, the hypothetic first Slavic group would also have been able to establish its own sacred space in accordance with their tripartite mythological structure, consisting of three main gods: Perun – Mokoš – Veles (Pleterski 2014; Belaj, Belaj 2014). It was very important also to find some other confirmation to locate the possible place of their original settlement. S a cre d S l av i c t ri a n gl e in t he Upp e r K up a a nd Č a br a nk a Va l l e y: a s t or y a b ou t p re - Chri s t i a n a nd C hri s t i a n l a nd s c a p e s a cr a l i s at ion 95 There was a story told among people (Osilniška dolina št. 4: 10) in which it was explained that the church in Čačič was the oldest church in the valley and that all people from both sides of the valley were buried there. Acc. to the literature, it has already been explained that the settlement name Čačič was indeed derived from the Slavic name (Torkar 2010), and it seems that it is the only settlement still bearing the name of Old Slavic origin. Searching for the funeral path from the valley, we have found a toponymic name Počivaunik – very similar to the names Počivalo or Mirilo, always present on the border between the mythological space of the living and the space of the dead (Hrobat 2010: 115). The funeral procession would stop there with the body of the deceased to rest. Especially because there is a place on the other side of the River Kolpa with a mythological entrance to the underworld – Žrnek as it will be explained later. Fig. 1 Reconstruction of the hypothetical funeral path from the Čabranka Valley to Čačič burial ground (narrow). It is connected with Dimovec „witches - souls circular dancing“ Hill, (the circle arrows), and three-stone structured water source in Žrnek From the position of the Čačič settlement, having wide views on the area, we could continue our investigation of the (once) sacred space of the valley acc. to the sacred Slavic triangle theory (Pleterski 2014). The most chaotic area starts on the east side, with the Loška stena complex, named also Firštov rep (Duke’s Tail). There is a story present among people, according to which an angry hunter was there shooting at the sun or church on Sveta Gora and for that reason, he was turned into stone (Primc 1997: 95-110). All this may also be considered to be a remnant of an old mythological tale, explaining a conflict between the Slavic goddess and god, where she took away his power. The petrified hunter, locally named the Petrified Man (Okamneli mož), is a stone column, appr. 6 m high and 2-3 m wide, placed on the slope below Firštov rep. On the other side of Firštov rep Hill we have observed many toponymic names related to the possible meaning of the area; with hill crest Rajštovec (in the Gotschee German dialect, Reiste – a chaotic, not yet arranged spinning material), Volčji potok (Wolf’s Creek), Kobila (Horse Hill), Krokar (Crow), etc. All these names are somehow related to the world of the Slavic god Veles, where Jarilo – son of Mokoš and Perun – was tending wolfs during the winter in the shape of a horse. On the front side of Firštov rep, there are ridges named Baba (Woman) – lying below and Mož (Man) – lying above Firštov rep. Both could be related to the mythological battle between the three gods. Firšt (Duke, hypothetically in the shape of a dragon) is directed towards Mož (Man) to defeat him, but he cannot succeed. 96 M a rko S mol e Fig. 2 Loška stena – Firštov rep (Duke’s Tail), a stone massif in the middle, the tail in his name is indicating the orientation of the mythological beast Veles – as a dragon, he is climbing to fight Mož (top on the left). Baba, lying below, is involved in the mythological battle too. The picture was taken from the Čačič position. In the far right, we can see another (possible) replica of Firštov rep – Kuželjska stena. Therefore, the world of Veles is continuing far away. The Petrified Man (Okamneli mož) is standing on the slope below Firštov rep and is not visible Sveta Gora (Holy Mount) is lying on the other side of the river representing a border between two worlds. It is a hill with a still active pilgrimage church dedicated to Our Lady. Pilgrims used to dance there in the honour Our Lady (Kmetijske 1860: 219; Troha 1932: 20-25; Smole 2009). This hill is situated between the village of Mali Lug on the West (acc. to narratives, there was a lake once) and a strong creek source in the valley on the East. The church is perched on the top of the steep stone wall, which could be regarded as a place of a “virgin jump” (Šmitek 2011: 219-240). There is another strange narrative related to Sveta Gora and the cave with a circular-shaped entrance on the south-east side of the hill. It tells that a mother, hiding there from Turks, ate her baby and for this reason, the walls of the cave are still red from the blood (told by B. Čop, Plešce, 1978). All these are somehow also characteristics of the sacred places related to the Slavic goddess Mokoš, although the location of the church on Sveta Gora is not directly lying in a wet area. But on the other hand, there is often a lot of high humidity in the air during the winter, because the wet air from the south and cold inland air are mixing there. Fig. 3 Sveta Gora and Kraljev vrh, viewed from the Čačič settlement position. Behind Kraljev vrh, Snežnik (Snow Mountain) is hidden. The hills are lying on the opposite side of the Kupa and Čabranka rivers, Firštov rep is lying behind the viewer S a cre d S l av i c t ri a n gl e in t he Upp e r K up a a nd Č a br a nk a Va l l e y: a s t or y a b ou t p re - Chri s t i a n a nd C hri s t i a n l a nd s c a p e s a cr a l i s at ion 97 Fig. 4 The sacred Slavic triangle and toponyms related to the dramatic mythological battle and the world of god Veles behind Firštov rep: Kraljev vrh (top of the hill) – Okamneli mož (the stone column) – Sveta Gora (the church): appr. distances between locations 8.6 km – 5.8 km – 3.9 km (acc. to Google Earth Pro, 7th February 2017) We also had a hypothesis regarding the third point in the sacred triangle – with especially prominent name of Kraljev vrh (King’s Peak), which stood out from other toponyms not only by its name, but also considering the fact that, in the folk stories, it was always represented as an important and often mentioned hill. This is due to it appearing dominant and imposing when viewed from the valley, being covered with forests, with grasslands on its top, and with many water sources and streams flowing towards the valley. There is also a folk story preserved which was written in the 19th century, telling that a king stayed on the hill when a hostile army tried to attack him. The hill got its name after the king stayed there. The enemies did not succeed to climb up the hill and defeat the king. Petar Klepac – a local folk hero, an illegitimate child with a poor mother from the neighbourhood of Sveta Gora, rescued the king in a battle against a much stronger enemy (Ljubljanske novice 1846: 200). This narrative is representing another link between the hypothetically mythological stories, places and figures in the area. When we connected three points: Sveta Gora, Okamneli mož and Kraljev vrh, we got a sacred triangle acc. to Pleterski’s theory (Pleterski 2014), with the so called sun’s angle of appr. 22-23 degrees and relationships between two sides of appr. 1.48 (the estimated location of Kraljev vrh Peak, measured acc. to Google Earth Pro, was once again confirmed on the topographic map). More exact measurements could be done on site, when corner points would be defined in situ. It is important to mention that all three sacred places can be seen from the same position, from the ridge in front of the Čačič settlement, but also one from each another. All these characteristics allowed the explanation of the mythological story from the area of the presumed Slavic settlement. Petar Klepac, a mythological hero Up until now, we have mentioned one of the stories about Petar Klepac when we were discussing Kraljev vrh. But among the local people, many other stories are present. His name is locally pronounced as Pitr Kljepc, in the standard Slovene language, as Peter Klepec. He was a small and weak shepherd boy who got the supernatural power so that he could defeat all the enemies. He was known to the locals as an honest and hard-working man, loyal to his landlords. He was always helping local people. He got his supernatural power from the fairies or in some other mystic way. The oldest story written about him (Rudež 2010) is related to his power, which he acquired in a battle between two Kresniks (mythological beings, mostly known among the Old Slovene communities, they represented a local substitute for Perun and the first king (Šmitek 2011: 139)). 98 M a rko S mol e From the position a little bit higher above Čačič, behind Kraljev vrh, another, much more majestic mountain, named Snežnik, can be seen. It is covered with snow throughout most of the year. Therefore, this much more dominant mountain was perhaps originally considered to be the Perun’s mountain and Kraljev vrh was in fact only a sacred space of his local substitute, possibly regarded as the hill dedicated to Kresnik. It was also a hill where Petar Klepac defeated the enemy to help his king. There are also other stories about how Petar Klepac got his supernatural power when he met a fary/fairies lying near the lake in Mali Lug and saved her/them from getting burned in the sun (Primc 1997). There is yet another interesting fact related to Petar Klepac, perhaps based on the differences as to how he got his power. His origin was never agreed between the local people. They still disagree: is he belonging to the medieval Osilnica village or to the village of Mali Lug (it was a part of Gerovo, another neighbouring medieval commune). Considering this conflict, we could conclude that centuries ago, two Slavic communes (named župa) existed in the neighbourhood of Sveta Gora, both of them sharing and honouring the same sacred space of Mokoš on the hill, but also sharing Petar Klepac as a mythological hero. These variations of the story could originally distinguish these two groups between each other and their understanding of Petar Klepac. Black snake – dr agon tr ansformation During the spring and summer of 2016, we collected some other interesting stories from people in the Razloge village, which lies on the slope above the source of the River Kupa. These stories were important because they could help us to understand a little bit more about the world of Veles. There are stories present there about a big black snake (told by Z.Tomac, Aug. 2016). They appear in the area starting in Žaga on the Krašičevica Creek and ending at black rocks near the Hrvatsko village, under Dimovec Hill. The story related to Žaga tells that a rich foreigner, who built a water-driven wood cutting saw there (abandoned in the 19th century), brought a firmly-locked wooden box with him. It was forbidden to open it, but some of his workers were too curious and they disobeyed. They found a big black snake in the box, which (subsequently) killed and ate all the workers, one by one, and hid their bones in the graves lying in the nearby grassland. Thus the rich man lost all his people and had to leave the place, but the black snake could still be found in Krašičevica Creek. Dimovec Hill is interesting for its sunken top in the shape of a kettle, where, acc. to tales, witches were dancing in the circle on their way to Klek, a mountain in Croatia, for their meetings. On one side of the hill there are stories about people who were able to see into the underworld of dead souls (people and animals), but also a tale about a girl, enchanted into a snake when she rejected her bridegroom, waiting there for her saviour. On the other side of the hill there is also an interesting water source named Žrnek (supposed to be a Slavic name for a hand-driven mill), where water is coming out through a light grey lime stone, then flowing over a stratum of green stone (very rare in the area) and continuing as a waterfall over the black rocks. There is also a story about a small evil spirit (locally named šratel), living there and disturbing people or drawing them under the water. It is an interesting fact that the black snake from the stories is coming into the valley from the direction of Risnjak Hill. Is there also some mythological meaning to this hill? Could it be the birth place of Veles? Dimovec Hill, with its black stones and surrounded from three sides by the river, could perhaps be considered to be a cyclical, border place between life and death (as in Mencej 1997: 185). Even more so because there is another story present among people, explaining that there was a cave near the Kupa, appr. 500 m above the Hrvatsko village, to which once two oxen fell. Their remains were later found coming out from the hill on the other side, in Žrnek. This narrative could be regarded as evidence of the possible mythological path completing the imaginary circle around Dimovec Hill. It is also explaining the journey of Veles from one side of the hill to another, avoiding the Hrvatsko village area where people are living. The passage through the hill is perhaps also related to Veles’s shape transformation (snake – dragon). Considering all this, it was possible to hypothetically reconstruct the Slavic mythological space of the valley. Most of the land cultivating farmers would be living in the Čačič area. It is evident that the sacred triangle of the Čačič community was also related to at least some sacred spaces of another community in the Gerovo (or Mali Lug) surroundings. It is possible that it was related also to some older sacred spaces or at least sacred points, situated around the Kupa source. Some relations with older cults, perhaps brought along with herdsmen groups from the seaside area to the Kupa source, are possible. There is a story set there about a wedding in Razloge, visited by a wolf and his fox girlfriend (Osilniška dolina 1995, No.4: 4), which ends with their hatred towards each other, but also some other stories about fairies, father and son watching them in an unacceptable way, etc., which are partially presented in the next section. S a cre d S l av i c t ri a n gl e in t he Upp e r K up a a nd Č a br a nk a Va l l e y: a s t or y a b ou t p re - Chri s t i a n a nd C hri s t i a n l a nd s c a p e s a cr a l i s at ion 99 Fig. 5 The hypothetical transformation of the black snake on the way from Krašičevica Creek, travelling along the Upper Kupa, undergoing a transformation during the passage through Dimovec (hill with dancing souls on top), and coming out from Žrnek water source in the shape of a dragon. In this shape, Veles is prepared to fight against Perun on the other side of the River Kupa and it is climbing using his (its) tail – Firštov rep, to the peak named Mož (Man) Desacr alisation or resacr alisation of landscape in the Christian time It seems that the old pagan religion with its sacralisation of landscape was active also for centuries after the Christianisation. The oldest churches in Osilnica and Gerovo were documented in the 14th century, but there are also some documents indicating that at the end of the 16th century there was a strong serf-reformation movement named “Nova štiftarija” present in the valley (Mikuž 1974). According to our investigation of the building heritage, the village of Padovo, given its layout with a central east-west oriented house in the middle, and its direction towards Firštov rep (the sun is rising behind it), might be a settlement of their brotherhood (Smole 2014: 98-108). Novi štiftarji were relating Christianity with some older pagan practices, for example they were celebrating and following the sun along the hills etc. When we checked the position of the most remarkable churches, we have observed that they were set out in a very regular pattern. The main sacred space, even after the Christianisation, remained to be Sveta Gora, where, acc. to some oral evidence, a sacred space of some other earth goddess, perhaps a predecessor of the Slavic goddess Mokoš, was situated. The other church, built across the River Kupa in Ribjek, exactly on the east side of the Church of Our Lady, is dedicated to St Egidius. Today it is the oldest church building in the valley. A patron saint against fears, mental illnesses, etc. (Wikipedia 2015) was to bring order into the chaotic world of the (previous) god Veles around and behind Loška stena, Firštov rep. The third important church in this pattern was built above the River Kupa source, where (perhaps), acc. to stories, some older cults – related to this young god’s marriage – and fertility rituals were celebrated. A story is set there about fairies dancing on the water and about a father and son who fell into the depths of the earth, because they were looking at them from the mountain (told by Z. Tomac: June 2016). The church in Razloge is dedicated to Our Lady’s Immaculate Conception. The forth church in the pattern was located high up from and directly to the North of Razloge. It is a church of the Holy Spirit in Žurge. These four churches are forming a regular rhombus, with four sides appr. 6 km long. The east-west and south-north cross-connected churches are crossing or blessing the space of the valley, the crossing point is situated in the Osilnica Valley at the location of the Čabranka outfall into the River Kupa. The orientation of the church building on Sveta Gora is also indicative: when praying to Our Lady on Sveta Gora, one is turned with the back towards Kraljev vrh (a hill 100 M a rko S mol e formerly dedicated to Perun) and is looking at the same time in the direction of Our Lady’s Immaculate Conception place (earlier perhaps a sacred place of an even older fertility cult). We do not know when a cross pattern of churches was completed, perhaps in the 18th century, when the church on Sveta Gora was reconstructed; also, the church in Žurge has the inscription on the bell gable indicating the year in the 18th century when it was built. All of the churches were built before 1763, when the first Austrian military survey produced the first detailed maps of the area. Churches on Sveta Gora and in Ribjek are supposed to be much older. Sveta Gor a pilgrimage origin At the end, we also have to say few more words about Sveta Gora (Holy Mount). Beside facts presented before, there is some evidence from the stories that this sacred place is much older than the Christianity in the area. Celebrations were held there for many centuries; they would last from the early spring to the end of autumn and were always related to dances. About these dances very little evidence in the Croatian documentation or literature is present. Writers in the Slovene 19th century newspapers, more or less, derided the dancers maintaining that such dances were a ridiculous remnant from pagan times. It seems that Sveta Gora sacred place was for many centuries shared between different local pagan communities, Catholic German colonisers and other Christian society members from the neighbourhood, but also between preChristian and pre-Slavic cult practices from the Kvarner Bay hinterland. From there, the pilgrim dancers were coming by foot, staying on the hill for a few days, among large beech and lime trees, praying and dancing in the honour of Our Lady (Kmetijske in rokodelske novice 1860: 219). Fig. 6 A cross west-east, south-north, formed by four churches, bringing order into the former pagan sacred space in the Upper Kupa Valley (figure from the Pajnič 2015) S a cre d S l av i c t ri a n gl e in t he Upp e r K up a a nd Č a br a nk a Va l l e y: a s t or y a b ou t p re - Chri s t i a n a nd C hri s t i a n l a nd s c a p e s a cr a l i s at ion 101 According to some stories, the original sacred place on Sveta Gora (Holy Mount) would be the small, abandoned church below the hill, burnt down during the war. Some evidence also shows that this place was related to other mythological beings, such as fairies, which were reminding people about the time for planting and sowing in the spring (Kovač 1987: 32). In the church, before it was burnt down, there was a negroid sculpture of Our Lady. It was perhaps the last remains of an old Black Madonna – derived from an older Mother Earth cult, hypothetically, in our opinion, celebrated on Sveta Gora. Perhaps it could be one of the last remains of an Isis cult, brought in from the Roman seaside after the Christianisation. In the stories, the place of Sveta Gora (or at least the place of the small church below it) was also related to Črni vrh (Black Peak) on the other side of the River Čabranka. A story tells that someone was thrown by fairies to that hill (Kovač 1987: 32), and it seems that Sveta Gora could be a point forming another, not regular, sacred triangle of the present Plešce region Slavic (sub)community sacred points: Sveta Gora, Kraljev vrh, Črni vrh. Under Črni vrh (Black Peak), the River Čabranka is flowing and dividing it from the space with settlements and from the two other sacred peaks. Below Črni vrh, a river basin under black stones is situated, locally named Veriček. People were telling about Veriček that one could be sucked under the earth and, hence it was forbidden to swim there (told by B. Čop, 1976). It seems that it was once considered to be an old Slavic vyr’ja, a place with a whirlpool (Mencej 2013: 28), where, according to Slavic mythology, souls (in this case, from the Plešce community) were taken to the underworld of Veles (Belaj 1998: 194). This would be a very similar place to Žrnek near the River Kolpa where, beside its rare and more representative tripartite stone-colour structure, the same black stones are present. Its meaning is perhaps deeply related to a mythological circular movement derived from the circling of hand-mill stone and also to a circular dance of witches on Dimovec Hill. Unfortunately no similar stories linked to Črni vrh survived or have been found yet. The tripartite structure and the evidence of the pre-Christian tradition are also present in other elements. For example: the hexagonally structured St Ann‘s Church in Mali Lug is believed to be built on three columns. There is also an altar there, placed in the direction of Kraljev vrh, which is dedicated to St Elijah, possibly a Christian substitute for Perun. In Plešce, for example, people were praying for peace during the war always from the position where three churches could be seen. Conclusion The first investigation of the sacred places have already offered some very interesting and valuable results, connecting many old stories which were told among the local people in the Upper Kupa and Čabranka Valley. During the research, narratives were inter-related into a recognisable mythological pattern of the sacred Slavic triangle: Sveta Gora – Mokoš, Kraljev vrh – Perun and Firštov rep (more precisely, Okamneli mož) – Veles. In the last case, the sacred point is located on a stone column, representing Veles in a defeated position (petrified). Especially Veles’s part of the space is clearly designated by toponyms related to the mythological battle (Firštov rep, Mož, Baba) and the passage to the underworld (Rajštovec on the border, Volčji potok, Kobila, Krokar). The meaning of Sveta Gora is evident from its location between waters, from the story about a mother eating her own child in the circular entrance cave, but also from the Petar Klepac (the illegitimate son) stories, which are present there. Petar Klepac may be regarded as a possible son of Mokoš and Perun, who is fighting the enemy for his king, but is also getting supernatural power in a mythological way. Both main hills, representing Veles and Perun, are somehow multiplied in the visual remoteness: Kraljev vrh with Snežnik and Loška stena, Firštov rep with Kuželjska stena. The hypothetical sacred spaces are mostly based on the Slavic mythological roots, or at least it seems so acc. to available narratives, and are explaining the meaning of the sacred space during the Slavic paganism. Apart from that, it is evident that their sacred places were not a simple structure, consisting only of three sacred points. Especially the world of Veles, related to the transition to the underworld after death, seems to be a more complex and structured area. It seems that at least some part of the sacred space or area had to include also some older cult traditions, followed by neighbouring communities or older culture members. These practices may still be present there or they were introduced to the area at least occasionally during the seasonal celebrations (for example, by people from Kvarner to Sveta Gora or by herdsmen to the Kolpa source). It is also possible to distinguish between the basic triangle pattern explaining mythology, important for the farmer community in the central part around Osilnica, and the additional spaces, more important to the cattleman or shepherd community or a part of it (hypothetical fertility cult, higher on the Kolpa source). It is also evident that all the spaces, which are or were somehow related to some fertility cults, are situated on the borders or on the connection points with other communities: Sveta Gora, St Ann’s Church near Srobotnik and St Mary’s Church in Razloge. If we presume that Christian sacred spaces in small communities were also mostly inherited from older cultures, we could perhaps conclude that there were no direct connections (binding spaces) with the communities on the North in the time of Slavic arrival and for centuries afterwards, at least until the late Middle Ages, when larger colonisation projects started in the area. Redefinition of the sacred space in the valley by Christianity was also found to be an interesting topic. It seems that the local pagan tradition was still very strong. This fact forced the new religion bearers to use nearly the same, only ideologically adjusted principles of the space sacralisation (in fact – crossing). 102 M a rko S mol e It is indeed surprising how the stories with a hypothetic mythological basis, at least in fragments, were preserved among people for so many centuries of Christianity. But unfortunately, the time for further research is closing. Because of the strong depopulation, there are less and less people remaining in the area each year. In the small area of the River Kupa source, where we found some of the most interesting narratives related also to other practices of prophecy not mentioned here, there are only few native people left (for example, a 100 years ago, more than 600 people lived there). The knowledge of the old mythological space is slowly dying away with the last people still belonging to the local community. Fig. 7 The main Slavic sacred triangle (Čačič community) and a smaller one (hypothetical Plešce community) are sharing some points. Black half circled arrows – hypothetical soul entrances to the underground; red circle arrows – circulation of the souls on the way in and/ or out of the underworld; green half circled arrows – possible places dedicated to fertility cults (Sveta Gora, River Kupa source area, St Ann near Srobotnik) are located on the borders with other communities. Note: triangles are not drawn in proportion Our investigations will be continued during the international summer research camps, organised by the Ethnological society Palčava šiša, Plešce. We are on the right track to confirm our hypothesis with a little help from various experts, but also with the help of some archaeological evidence which could be found in the future. The most interesting area around Sveta Gora was unfortunately nearly destroyed by heavy machinery during the last 10 years – to provide parking places. Some other places were also destroyed by overpopulation in the 19th and the first half of the 20th century (for example, on Kraljev vrh, where village was located, today weekend cottages are present). Damage was caused also in the last few years by brutal forest exploitation, as a consequence of natural disasters induced by ice and bark beetle attack… Nevertheless, we will not lose faith in our research. There is still too much other hidden or at least intangible evidence throughout the space of the valley. Tales still remain, waiting to be uncovered. Marko Smole Ethnological Collection Palčava šiša Antuna Muhvića 28 HR-51303 Plešce smole.marko@gmail.com S a cre d S l av i c t ri a n gl e in t he Upp e r K up a a nd Č a br a nk a Va l l e y: a s t or y a b ou t p re - Chri s t i a n a nd C hri s t i a n l a nd s c a p e s a cr a l i s at ion 103 BIBLIOGRAPHY Belaj, V. 1998, Hod kroz godinu, Golden marketing, Zagreb. Belaj, V., Belaj J. 2014, Sveti trokuti: Topografija hrvatske mitologije, Institut za arheologiju, Matica Hrvatska, Zagreb. Hrobat, K. 2010, Ko baba dvigne krilo: Prostor in čas v folklori Krasa, Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, Ljubljana. Kovač, M. D. 1987, Plešci, Hrvatsko književno društvo sv. Ćirila i Metoda, Vinkovci. Kmetijske in rokodelske novice 1846, Ljubljana. Kmetijske in rokodelske novice 1860, Ljubljana. Mencej, M. 1997, Voda v predstavah starih Slovanov o posmrtnem življenju in šegah ob smrti, Slovensko etnološko društvo, Ljubljana.. Mencej, M. 2013, Sem vso noč lutal v krogu: Simbolika krožnega gibanja v evropski tradicijski kulturi, Založba ZRC, Ljubljana. Mikuž, J. 1974, Novi štiftarji in duhovna praksa njihovega časa, Problemi, Vol. 9-12 (141-144), 28-46. Osilniška dolina 1995, No.4, Osilnica. Pajnič, B. 2015, Starodavni mit u dolini Čabranke i Kupe, not published material, (2. November 2015), Zakrajc Turkovski. Pleterski, A. 2014, Kulturni genom: Prostor in njegovi ideogrami mitične zgodbe, Zbirka Studia Mythologica Slavica, Suplementa, Založba ZRC, Ljubljana. Primc, J. 1997, Okamneli mož in druge zgodbe iz Zgornje Kolpske doline, Zbirka Glasovi, Kmečki glas, Ljubljana. Rudež, A., Rudež J., Zima J. 2010, Od Volkodlaka do Klepca, Didakta, Ljubljana. 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Troha, F. 1932, Božje poti, Slovensko-Amerikanski koledar 1932, Glas naroda, Letnik XXXVI, 20–25, USA. 104 Jelka Vince Pallua A Newly Discovered Figurative Representation of the Mythical Baba – “Old Baba Vukoša” in St. Mary’s Church of Gračišće in Istria Scientific paper Two unique figurative representations of the mythical Baba – from Grobnik and Gračišće, Croatia – are discussed in this paper. They are the only ones in figurative form found until today. The author introduces a newly discovered figurative representation of the mythical Baba in St. Mary’s church in Gračišće, Istria. It is a drawing of a fat old woman accompanied by an inscription written in Gothic Latin letters that reads Stara Baba Vukoša/Old Baba Vukoša. Contrary to the opinion that this is a sarcastic comment about some fat woman from Gračišće, it has for the first time been placed and interpreted in a mythological context. In the inscription of Stara Baba Vukoša the author reveals the well known connection of the Baba with the supreme Proto-Slavic goddess Mokoš, as well as with Mati syra zeml’a/ Damp Mother Earth, the oldest deity in Slavic mythology. On the basis of several indicators discussed in the paper, the author concludes that the drawing of a fat woman, accompanied by this inscription, must have been inscribed into still wet plaster by some infertile woman, or a woman in need who, having preserved the “old faith”, still in the 15th century prayed for help (also) to the pagan goddess Mokoš (i.e. the primal goddess Mati syra zeml’a/Damp Mother Earth) in the votive church dedicated to the Virgin Mary, the most common Christian substitute for Mokoš. Key words: Slavic mythology, Slavic goddess, Mokoš, Baba, Mother Earth, monolith, figurative representation, Istria, Croatia An increasing number of areas in Croatia are being identified as sites where anbaptized Croats left vestiges of their most sacred mythical events. In this paper I will focus on the mythical character of the Baba.1 I will address two unique figurative representations of the mythical Baba that I found in Grobnik (in 1994) and in Gračišće (in 2012) in the southwestern part of Croatia. To my knowledge, they are the only ones in figurative form found until today. 1. Introduction The first part of this contribution builds upon my previous research on monolithic Babas published in 1995/1996 and 2004. My interest in the topic arose during field-work I conducted on the island of Krk in 1994, in Istria and on the mountain of Velebit where I found some interesting traditions connected with monolithic amorphous rocks shaped by nature called Babas. My field research began on the island of Krk in Croatia, one of the most archaic Adriatic islands. Many ancient traditions still live there, including the legend that I found in connection with all the Baba-stones – the legend of kissing the Baba. My informants told me about Vela baba/the Great baba in Vela draga and the Baba in Pucunel. The first is a large rock that looks a bit like a woman in profile, jutting out from a cliff above a chasm. The second Baba was more difficult to locate because it was not easy to single out among the rocks and dry-stone walls and deserted sheepsteads. The third Baba on the island of Krk is situated on the way to Baška. My informants told me about the legend that this rock had to be kissed when someone passed by it for the first time. 2 There is another Baba-monolith on the coastal slope of the mountain of Ve1 Besides the meaning old woman/grandmother, Baba in many Slavic languages means also a hag, an ugly old woman. 2 Recently I was informed not only about the need of kissing the Baba-monolith on the way to Baška, but of the need of kissing the wet (!) Baba. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 105 –115 106 Je l k a V ince P a l l u a lebit, also in Croatia. On a certain day shepherdesses/planinke (Gušić 1973: 14) used to leave fruit or some gift for the Baba on this rock, or scatter wheat and oil on it for health, good pasture, fertility of earth, livestock and infertile women. 3 Another Baba is known as šmrkava Baba/snotty Baba. This is a stone head on a well in Istria. Children were frightened by being told that they would have to kiss the old woman’s behind (staru babu v rit cekit) when they pass by it for the first time.4 When I began my investigation twenty years ago the Baba was not understood and proven as an aquatic goddess with water being one of her main aspects so it took me some time and effort to discover that these Baba-stones in most cases were linked with water in whichever form. Namely, little by little it came out that all “my”5 Babas, except the one on Velebit, were situated by the water (by wells, streams etc.) and that they all were accompanied by the legend about kissing the hag/ugly old woman and by the need of donating her fruit, wheat etc. Besides, the attributes wet, slimy, snotty, damp, mucous, no doubt, also pointed to the element of water and humidity – the precondition for fertility. The aquatic nature of all “my” Babas is additionally confirmed by the hydronims that I found on Krk: Pucunel from the Italian pozzo, a well and Potočina that was named after the stream/potok that runs there. 2. The first figur ative representation of the Baba – the Grobnik Baba I had to ask myself6 what these Baba-stones personify and what the meaning of the mentioned legends and practises was. After a while I was thrilled to have found the most illustrative answer during my 1994 field-work when I discovered the first figurative representation of the Baba – a very unique Grobnik Baba near Rijeka (a Croatian town situated at the meeting-place of Istria and Primorje) which is not an amorphous stone shaped by nature but a grotesque female figure carved out of live rock with a large head and emphasized feminine attributes (wide hips and big breasts) no doubt symbolizing fertility and abundance. The shape of this unique Grobnik Baba I had in front of me was a crowning confirmation that “my” amorphous monolithic Babas found on Krk, Velebit and in Istria (with the established omnipresence of water, as well as the legend about kissing the Baba and donating to her) really do represent the female figure – the female cultic substrate of fertility and well-being. Fig. 1 The Grobnik Baba (1994, taken in Grobnik by J. Vince Pallua) 3 I am thankful to M. Trošelj who was born in this region and who recently has certified that it was only women who offered gifts to Baba. 4 For more detailed reading about the field-work on the Babas that chronologically preceded the first figurative discovery of the Baba – the one from Grobnik, cf. Vince Pallua 1995./96., 2004. Due to that, I am not mentioning here other precious discoveries of Babas that were written about and interpreted later on and that were found in other areas, especially in Slovenia and in Macedonia. This is going to be done hopefully in the near future. 5 The adjective "my" ("my" Babas) throughout the paper is under quotation marks in the figurative, somehow familiar context as "my" Babas since the four babas from Istria, Krk and Velebit chronologically, as mentioned in footnote 4, preceded the discovery of the first figurative Baba – the one from Grobnik. These four Babas provided the reciprocal interpretation of the designated attributes and accompanying rituals associated with them. All other Babas after the year 1994 when the field-work was carried out, as well as the Babas out of this geographical framework, are not being cited in the paper since they were not relevant for it. An adjective "my" is used here figuratively likewise an adjective "detective" ("detective" work – footnote 10) and the notions "identity card"/"photo"/"portrait" of the Baba used throughout the article. 6 This research was carried out twenty two years ago at a time when my colleagues were not dealing with this topic so it was quite difficult to answer such questions and with no internet to make the research easier. A Ne w ly D i s c o v e re d F i gur at i v e Re p re s e n tat i on of t he M y t hi c a l B a b a – “ Ol d B a b a V uko š a” in S t. M a r y ’ s Church of G r a či š će in Is t ri a 107 Fig. 2 The Grobnik Baba (1994, taken in Grobnik by Z. Barbarić) I was positive that this really is the same phenomenon at the moment when my informants told me about exactly the same traditions that accompanied the Grobnik Baba as well. Namely, the Grobnik Baba must also be kissed when one comes to Grobnik for the first time and she too is slimy and snotty, also linked with the ever-present water being situated under the well with water pouring over her – the precondition for fertility, as already pointed out. Besides, this Baba, who has to be kissed too, is situated at the entrance (!) to the town of Grobnik being Katičić’s “Gazdarica na vratima”/”Mistress at the Gates”. Radoslav Katičić gave this name to his book published in 2011 using the “name” for Mokoš in Latvian women’s songs daine-s – “Mistress at the Gates” who stands at the crossing point from one area to another, from the celestial to the chthonic world, from life to death, summer to winter. In the same context I have presented arguments to support my thesis that the statue of Eve on the old town hall in Ljubljana in Slovenia, a symbol of town administration, is a Christianized form of “our” Baba (Vince Pallua 1995/1996: 289). Like the Grobnik Baba, Eve was a genius loci (of Ljubljana), she also had to be kissed when the town was visited for the first time.7 Besides, there is also the well situated in front of the town hall. It can be said that Eve is also the “Mistress at the Gates” (of Ljubljana), the Christianized form of that same first mother, great-grandmother, which really is the main attribute of Eve in Christianity. 3. The second figur ative representation of the Baba – the Baba from Gr ačišće in centr al Istria What I would like to present to you now is my second discovery of the figurative representation of the Baba. It is situated in “St. Mary’s church on the square”/”Crkva sv. Marije na placu” (in the local idiom “Majka Božja na placu”/”God’s mother on the square”), in the historical centre of Gračišće in central Istria being one of the most significant examples of Istrian Gothic sacral architecture built in 1425. In February 2012 I came across an internet page8 with the information that there is a drawing on a church wall representing a fat woman with long hair accompanied by the inscription Stara Baba Vukoša written in Gothic Latin letters in the Croatian language. This piece of information was just mentioned without any interpretation of what it might represent.9 Gračišće, close to Pićan, was the centre of the diocese of Gračišće, the summer residence of the bishops of Pićan. Before exploring the matter further, let me first stress that to our mythologists the little town of Gračišće is not an unknown site within the context of “Sacralisation of landscape and sacred places”, the name of our June 2016 conference in Zagreb. On the contrary, the 500 meter high plateau Perunčevac close to Gračišće (with mythological Slavic god Perun’s name in it) has already been recognized (Katičić 2008; Belaj 2009). Recently Radoslav Katičić (2008: 304–305) pointed to the need of a sacral interpretation of this holy site with Perunčevac situated on the slope abruptly lowering to the water below, opposite to Dol below it where the chthonic god Veles is seated. He also noticed the opposition of up and down 7 I am refering to it in the past tense since in the 18th century the town hall was destroyed and the statue (made by Janez Lipec, a 15th century sculptor), although somewhat ruined, was put in the town hall museum and it is still possible to see it today. 8 Available at: http://swirl.bloger.index.hr/default.aspx?tag=gra%E8i%B9%E6e 9 As indicated at the end of the blog, it is taken from Štrk–Snoj 2004: 182. 108 Je l k a V ince P a l l u a between Gologorica and Gologorički dol (gora meaning a mountain and Dol the site situated below it). Katičić identified the nearby Lug as the site of the sacred divine wedding of Perun’s son and daughter. Furthermore, within the Liburnian system of triangles, Vitomir Belaj and Juraj Belaj dedicated a whole subchapter of their book “Sveti trokuti”/”Holy triangles” (2014: 173–181) to the so called Middle Istrian triangle positioned in the vicinity of Gračišće and many nearby mythologically important sacred toponyms. There is no doubt that the oronym Perunčevac close to Gračišće, like some other toponyms, points to the traces of the oldest Croatian migration wave in this region. Gračišće was devastated during the outbursts of Avars and Slavs (594–611) and is mentioned for the first time in the Barban documents in 1199 as Galegnana. Zupanus Drasicha de Galegnana/District prefect Dražiha of Gračišće is also mentioned there (Milotić 2010: 114–116). The church of St. Mary’s, as already mentioned, was built in 1425 at the time when Gračišće was one of the wealthiest small towns of the whole county. But, being at the frontier between the Venetian Republic and the Habsburg Empire the town was destroyed by wars and epidemics so in the 16th century the Habsburgs populated it by 108 families of refugees from Bosnia, Dalmatia and Lika, as we can read in a written source left by the bishop of Pićan. He even wrote that these refugees were “in majority ancient Croats”/”mahom drevni Hrvati” (Regan, Nadilo 2012: 859). This second discovery – the Baba from Gračišće, is two dimensional, not three dimensional like the one from Grobnik. It is a drawing of a fat old woman with a big head engraved by a finger or a stick in the wet plaster of the church wall.10 But, what is fascinating about it is that this time we were supplied by the Baba’s, let me call it, “identity card” – her “photo”/”portrait” as well as her name. Namely, beside the drawing there is an inscription that reads Stara Baba Vukoša/ Old Baba Vukoša, both carved in the 15th century at the time when the plaster on the wall of St. Mary’s was still fresh, as it is visible and also testified by the academician and professor of history of art Branko Fučić (Fučić 1982: 165). Besides, there is another “identity card” left in the wet plaster below the mentioned inscription – the prints of two palms as an illiterate person’s signature known from prehistoric times. Fig. 3 The drawing of Stara Baba Vukoša in St. Mary's church in Gračišće (2016, taken by I. Žorž) This graffito is just one among many on the frescoes in Istrian churches where the faithful left their most intimate, affectionate comments. Fučić managed to find many precious frescoes and graffiti under the layers of plaster in an innumerable number of churches in Istria. He considered the frescoes to be the “sacred picture-books of the Middle ages for small illiterate people”, the “sources for ‘small history’” (Fučić 2006: 190). The following fresco from Beram can be used as an illustration. Namely, in the scene where St. Michael steps upon the devil, Fučić discovered a graffito with strict instructions of a believer: Udri, Miho!/Hit, Mike! (Fučić 2006: 303). Let us mention another graffito in Rakotule showing a desperate cry 10 The pursuit for the photograph of Stara Baba Vukoša from Gračišće lasted several years – from 2012 when I started to exchange e-mails with Miroslav Sinčić, the editor of Franina and Jurina. Namely, it was Maja Štrk-Snoj's merit, the author of the article published in this Istrian almanac (2004: 180–183) who, among other topics, mentioned and described the figure of Stara Baba Vukoša and who, as it turned out later (also on the basis of her letter to the editor), sent him the photograph of the Baba which unfortunately was not published and was lost. It couldn't be found either in several institutions in Rijeka, Pula and Pazin, the ones responsible for the restoration and conservation of cultural monument. Edvilio Gardina, a museological advisor from the Museum of Koper, a friend of Viktor Snoj, the late husband of Maja Štrk-Snoj, who was working together with Branko Fučić and Viktor Snoj during the 1983 restoration of the frescoes in St. Mary's, was not able to find this photo either. I would like to thank them all for their kindness and effort to help me in this "detective" work. Namely, several years ago this church was renovated (as was the square it is situated on) after which the figure of the Baba became hardly visible. But, Mrs. Štrk-Snoj managed to get an expert photographer, mr. Istog Žorž, to photograph the Baba as best as possible. I would like to thank them for this too. A Ne w ly D i s c o v e re d F i gur at i v e Re p re s e n tat i on of t he M y t hi c a l B a b a – “ Ol d B a b a V uko š a” in S t. M a r y ’ s Church of G r a či š će in Is t ri a 109 Fig. 4 The inscription Stara Baba Wchossa in St. Mary’s church in Gračišće (2016, taken by I. Žorž) Fig. 5 The author of an article in front of the inscription Stara baba Wchossa in St. Mary’s church in Gračišće (2016) aimed at St. Nicholas – Dai meni niki soldin, Miko, tako ti Boga!/Nicholas, for God’s sake, give some penny to me! (Fučić 2006: 308). The graffito in the votive church of St. Mary’s in Gračišće, as we will see, is also the reflection of an intimate and desperate plea for help. Later we will clearly see what kind of help. On the epigraphic monument incorporated in the upper right side of the facade of St. Mary’s church in Gračišće we can find an inscription written in Latin that the church was built and then consecrated on August 5th in 1425 by Gregory, the bishop of Pićan. It was commissioned by Petar Beračić and built by Dento, a local builder (Fučić 1960: 10). Some experts and historians of art, mostly Branko Fučić, identified three layers in St. Mary’s church. On the first, the oldest layer of the plaster, the unpainted one, we can find consecration crosses, a graffito of a 15th century trading ship and an inscription in Gothic Latin letters in the Croatian language STARA BABA WCHOSSA engraved in the wet plaster. On the second layer there are some patterns on the blue background. Finally, on the third and youngest layer we can find the frescoes painted after the church was built (and we know it was in 1425), but before 1437 when on the eastern wall on the upper red dividing ribbon under the fresco presenting the Adoration of the Magi, the glagolithic graffito of this year was engraved11 (Fučić 1982: 165–166; Šiklić 2002: 171). Seeing the evidence about the Baba from Gračišće was quite exciting. When I saw it, I immediately questioned the interpretation of the inscription Stara Baba Vukoša/Old Baba Vukoša as a “sarcastic comment about some fat woman from Gračišće” (Fučić 1982: 165; Fučić 2006: 191). I was thrilled to realize that this Middle Istrian inscription Old Baba Vukoša must in fact be Old baba Mokoša, the supreme goddess Mokoš of the ancient Slavs. Mokoš is the mother of the children of the Slavic supreme god Perun as the Virgin Mary is the mother of the son of God to whom the church of St. Mary’s in Gračišće is dedicated – “Majka Božja na placu”/”God’s mother on the square”.12 For, as we know, Virgin Mary is the most common Christian substitute for the Proto-Slavic goddess Mokoš. The inscription I had in front of me – Old Baba Vukoša – is a blend of old Baba and Vukoša. Old baba is our Baba, a hag, 11 1437, miseca maja 5. dan. Domenig pop z Boljuna/In 1437, the 5th day of the month of May. Abbot Domenig from Boljun (Fučić 1982: 166). This glagolithic graffito is one of the testimonies that Gračišće was one of the centres of glagolithic culture and literacy in Istria. 12 Mokoš as the protector of parturient women and the conductor of child-birth appears in fact as the mother (Toporov 2002: 49). 110 Je l k a V ince P a l l u a Fig. 6 St. Mary's church in Gračišće – Majka Božja na placu (2016, taken by J. Vince Pallua) ugly old woman from the first part of the paper and Vukoša must be Mokoša, goddess Mokoš! But, can Vukoša – written with “u” instead of “o” and with “v” instead of “m” – be Mokoš(a)? Katičić mentioned several toponyms and oronyms which in the sacred Slavic landscape preserved a testament to the Slavic goddess Mokoš: Mukoša – a mountain peak close to Mostar and a part of the town of Mostar; Mukoš – a peak in Rama valley; Mukušina – a hill in Popovo polje in Eastern Herzegovina etc. (Katičić 2012: 11). Therefore, Mukoš(a) is a relic form of the oronym dedicated to the Proto-Slavic goddess Mokoš. But what about the change from “m” to “v”? It is highly possible that the inhabitants of Gračišće, after the passing of centuries, were not very familiar with the name Mokoša/Mukoša and therefore changed it to Vukoša which was more articulate to them, being based on the wild animal vuk – the wolf.13 It is not difficult to change the two labial sonants – “m” to “v”. Besides, not only her name Stara Baba Vukoša, but also the figurative representation of Mokoš with big head, big breasts and long hair (Toporov 2002: 47, 48) suits the traditional perception of the goddess Mokoš. Let us remember that our Grobnik Baba also had a very big head, big hips and breasts (cf. Fig. 1 and 2).14 But, there is another more important element connected with the goddess Mokoš that can be found right next to St. Mary’s church as well as with “my” Babas – the element of water.15 Namely, one meter from its northern wall there is water, now covered by a stone plate. All my informants16 told me that here the water never dried up (“vajka je bilo vodi”) and that women used to come to it to fetch water for their laundry, most often on donkeys. As I was informed, this lovely church had to be often repaired because of a lot of humidity in it, obviously because it was built right by the water. Besides, in the cellar/konoba of the house that stands closest to the church (where one of my informants lives now), “water was always coming out”. 13 Giving the names of strong animals to children in order to give them strength is a well known folk practice, therefore also the name Vukoša. 14 I would like to thank my colleague, linguist and etymologist Alemko Gluhak for his retrospective examining of the credibility of such etymology that he finds "very plausible". His additional contribution to such an etymological derivation is the dual character of both Mokoš and the wolf representing good and evil. 15 As can be noticed throughout the paper, one of the main reasons why water (and not the two other fundamental forces of nature – sun/fire and earth also related to the Baba) is mostly mentioned in this article is the fact that the newly discovered Baba of Gračišće, as well as the first one from Grobnik presented in it, is also situated by the water that never dried up. 16 Four informants: 74, 85, 86 year old women and a 76 year old man (data collected on two different occasions). A Ne w ly D i s c o v e re d F i gur at i v e Re p re s e n tat i on of t he M y t hi c a l B a b a – “ Ol d B a b a V uko š a” in S t. M a r y ’ s Church of G r a či š će in Is t ri a 111 Fig. 7 Water by St. Mary's church covered by a stone plate (2016, taken by J. Vince Pallua) Water/moisture/wetness is the crucial element closely connected with the great goddess Mokoš whose name is derived from the same Slavic root *mok-, *mokr- meaning wet/damp/moist. Besides the apparent etymological connection with water, Mokoš, like Baba, stands close to water, an element so much needed for the fruitfulness of the agrarian cosmic cycle, but also for infertile women. Both Baba and Mokoš stand close to water, their wetness is life giving, the precondition of fertility. It is known that Mokoš was believed to be the protector of female labors, particularly spinning and weaving (with wool that has to be soaked in water). She stands by the water in the aquatic area which marks the boundary between the earthly and otherworldly, between the world of the living and the world of the dead. Thus, Mokoš is the mistress of the two worlds, she is the “Mistress at the gates”. In Katičić’s book Gazdarica na vratima/Mistress at the Gates (2011), in the section “Mokra Mokoš na močilu”, we shall find that the Russian term mokosja means “a woman of easy virtue” and that wetness associated with a woman is a sign of “slatternliness,” irresponsible sexual behavior (2011: 209).17 It should be noted that slatternly, i.e., vulgar, promiscuous behavior is also encountered to a considerable extent with Baba in the comic play Baba Went Mushroom Picking that I wrote about several years ago (Vince Pallua 2013: 231–252). It is a well known fact that after the adoption of Christianity Mokoš most often was superseded by the Virgin Mary. On the religious holiday of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary on August 15th before dawn, women used to make their way from the city gates to St. Mary’s church on their knees, a custom which was carried out until 1930 (Milićević 2002: 210). This evidence was confirmed by all my informants: it was always done “early in the morning, when it was still dark so that people wouldn’t see them”; “they would also make several rounds around the church praying stealthily not to be seen”. My informants, when asked, could not explain why this was done in secrecy. We can assume that they didn’t want other people to know about their infertility problems. 18 What is more, in the outer walls of this little church even today we can see the so called “nails of the infertile women”/”čavli nerotkinja” (mostly on the side of the wall where the drawing of the Baba and her “name” can be found and at the entrance to the church on the same side19). These have, according to legend, been driven in between the stone blocks of the building by bare hands in order to cure infertility. The custom with nails existed until the end of the 19th century (Milićević 2002: 210). My informants, as they remember being told either by their mothers, or by the mother-in-law, told me about women who went kneeling around this church and “drove in the nails with stones”/”zabijale su cveki z’ kamikom”. One of them stressed that these were not ordinary nails, but ones of great quality, often used for shoeing donkeys, therefore obviously forged, as is clearly visible. 17 But, already in 1998 V. N. Toporov pointed to such a meaning of this appellative (Toporov 2002: 48, 49). 18 I guess it would not fit the truth to assume that such folk piety, even in modern times, was directed not only to the Virgin Mary, but to some remnant, vague idea of the former fertility aspect of the pagan female patron. This, of course, would require further investigation. 19 Could this fact also be taken as an indicator that they were directed to her? 112 Je l k a V ince P a l l u a Fig. 8 "Nails of the infertile women"/"Čavli nerotkinja" (2016, taken by J. Vince Pallua) Fig. 9 "Nails of the infertile women"/"Čavli nerotkinja" (2016, taken by J. Vince Pallua) 4. Conclusion The inscription Old Baba Vukoša was obviously written by a literate person. It is nicely written in calligraphic letters and not in a hurry and crudely like the figure itself. But, upon more detailed scrutiny two palms as the "signature" of the prayer are to be found beneath the inscription. My opinion is that the drawing of Stara Baba Vukoša on the church wall in St. Mary’s church in Gračišće must have been engraved by some infertile woman, or a woman in need who, having preserved the “old faith”, still in the 15th century prayed for help (also) to the pagan goddess Mokoš in the votive church dedicated to the Virgin Mary who had substituted her. We can validly assume that the 15th century Croats must have kept alive the memory of the supreme Proto-Slavic goddess Mokoš as a helper and consoler on the very spot where Mokoš was worshipped (by the water) and where in the 15th century St. Mary’s church was built. It is understandable that it was women who remained especially faithful to the preChristian remnant of the cult of Mokoš since she was their patron. It has been scientifically proven that the identity of Mati syra zeml’a/Damp Mother Earth, the oldest deity in Slavic mythology, later blended into that of Mokoš and the Baba. What is more, we can state that within the phrase Stara Baba Vukoša/Old Baba Vukoša it is possible to trace Mokoš’s identity blending into that of the Baba.20 Therefore, in the inscription 20 Monika Kropej (2010: 178) mentioned some specific successors of Mokoš: Pehtra/Pehtra Baba, Zlata Baba, St. Lucia, Torka, Četrtka, Petka/St. Parasceve, St. Nedelja, Kvatra etc. On the other hand, Andrej Pleterski in his monumental book Kulturni genom among many other conclusions, assumes that the name Baba must be the oldest one (2014: 104). A Ne w ly D i s c o v e re d F i gur at i v e Re p re s e n tat i on of t he M y t hi c a l B a b a – “ Ol d B a b a V uko š a” in S t. M a r y ’ s Church of G r a či š će in Is t ri a 113 Old Baba Vukoša written on the wall of St. Mary’s church in Gračišće both characters – Baba and Mokoš – can be found. In fact, Mokoš, as well as the Baba, are not real personal names but attributes or appellatives which mark the oldest deity in Slavic mythology – the mentioned Mati syra zeml’a who shouldn’t be mentioned by name. This principle can also be found in the inscription STARA BABA VUKOŠA that should also not be understood as a name (which shouldn’t be mentioned), but rather as the inscription with three attributes that describe her nature. STARA BABA, the first part of the inscription, describes her as being old, very old since she is stara baba/old baba (and both “old” and “baba” denote antiquity).21 She is therefore the first and the oldest mother, the great-grandmother. 22 VUKOŠA, its second part, informs us that the personality drawn on St. Mary’s is Vukoša/Mukoša/Mokoš(a) and that, like Mati syra zeml’a, she is Mok(r)oša – mokra (wet/ damp) and therefore fertile – she is Mother earth. Let us remember here the discovered element of water as the precondition for fertility that accompany the Babas on Krk, in Istria and in Grobnik (presented in this article in sections 1 and 2). Their aquatic nature was revealed not only by the “wet” attributes (slimy, snotty, mucous) that accompany these Babas, but also by the fact that they are situated by the water – by wells, streams, puddles also reflected by the hydronims like Pucunel and Potočina (Vince Pallua 1995/1996; 2004). It is clear that also the Stara Baba from Gračišće, like others we were dealing with before, is linked with the ever present element of water. Namely, St. Mary’s church, as we have seen, also positioned by the water (cf. Fig. 7), must have been built, as already stressed, on the pre-Christian worshipping spot of Mokoš – by the water where this Goddess is meant to be. All the personalities substituting Mokoš like St. Petka, St. Parasceve, Pjatnica etc. are situated by the water. Sergej Tokarev testified that Russian women worshipped Pjatnica (the eastern Slav equivalent of St. Petka) as the substitute for Mokoš in the 20th century (1957: 119–120). Our small group that participated in the 2011 conference in Kosiv, Ukraine, had a chance to see some of the spots in western Ukraine with such practices even in the 21st century. If it is still going on in the 21st century, why shouldn’t it have been possible in the 15th century middle Istria? On the basis of the “wet” aspect of the Babas, Katja Hrobat Virloget continued with their wet qualification paying a lot of attention to the connection of the element of water in the form of atmospheric elements with the Baba’s bodily liquids in context of fertility. On the basis of two very similar testimonies from Kras/Slovenia and from Liguria/Italy (about children who were told that they kissed the snotty Baba or la vecchia maimunna when they fell to the ground) she came to the important conclusion that the snotty Baba can be nothing but earth itself (Hrobat Virloget 2010: 220; 2015: 79). In a similar watery-terrestrial context, in the ninth chapter of her newest book (2012), Emily Lyle connects the story about birth with the hero who defeats the dragon, thus releasing the waters.23 Expanding the topic, Lyle has argued that “the dragon who withheld the waters is actually the dragoness who can be identified as the primal goddess, Earth” (2012: 105–107; 2015: 1, 3). If the Baba can be conceived as the earth itself (Hrobat Virloget 2010: 220; 2015: 79), and if “the dragon who withheld the waters is actually the dragoness who can be identified with the primal goddess, Earth” (Lyle 2015: 1, 3), then we have more arguments to say that Baba is the earth itself, the primal goddess – Mati syra zeml’a/Damp Mother Earth.24 Therefore, the previously mentioned unique “nails of infertile women”/”čavli nerotkinja” (Fig. 8 and 9) can be considered as votive nails connected with the Baba, the earth itself, like the clay female figurines of similar oblong shape that used to be implanted into the earth for the same purpose – fertility.25 The two Babas from Grobnik and Gračišće are, as far as I know, the only two figurative representations of the Baba found until today. Besides, the Baba from Gračišće is the only one introduced to us by her “identity card” – her “photo” and her signed name. Contrary to the opinion that Old Baba Vukoša is a sarcastic comment about some fat woman from Gračišće, this figure, accompanied by the inscription in Gothic Latin letters, has for the first time been placed and interpreted in a mythological context. In St. Mary’s church we didn’t get just the Baba’s “identity card”, as I have called it – with her 21 Suzana Marjanić (2002: 193) wrote about Natko Nodilo's perception (already at the end of the 19 th century) of the teonym Baba which should personify the aged aspect of the Great Goddess. Since it is not relevant in the context of this inscription and the drawing of our Old Baba Vukoša, the Baba's other, young aspect is not mentioned and discussed in this paper. Much has been written about this young aspect of the Baba. It is known that the old Slavic deity Mokoš and her daughter, the young goddess Živa, whose name in Slovene folklore is often Vesna or Marjetica (Margaret) or Deva (Virgin), are Slavic parallels of the Indo-European old and young goddesses examined by Emily Lyle in 2007 (Kropej 2012: 57). 22 Cf. at the end of the section 2 of this article the paragraph about the statue of Eve on the town hall in Ljubljana as a Christianized form of “our” Baba, Eve being the great-grandmother, her main attribute in Christianity. 23 In the article published in 2012, but not in the book published in 2015, Lyle includes the well known research of Radoslav Katičić about the Slavic mythology motive – the golden key which in the spring opens the earth, as well as about St. George who, with his sword, strikes off the dragon's head thus opening the fertile period of the year. (Lyle 2015: 5). 24 In such a case the already mentioned Pleterski's assumption that the name Baba must be the oldest one (cf. footnote 21) would be correct. 25 Let me mention the similar folk practise of scratching the church walls of the Blessed Virgin in Kloštar/Blažena djevica Marija u Kloštru near Kobaš in Slavonia. Namely, if a believer takes a piece of this holy place, as it is believed, he is protected by the Virgin Mary for the whole year (Vuković 2010: 287) 114 Je l k a V ince P a l l u a “photo” and name – but we even got the information when this “identity card” was edited, engraved into the fresh first layer of the plaster – in the year 1425. Therefore, on the basis of quite a few indicators discussed in this article, we can state, let us repeat, that the 15th century Croats in Istria must have kept alive the memory of the supreme Proto-Slavic goddess Mokoš as a helper and consoler on the very spot where Mokoš was worshipped and where in the 15th century St. Mary’s church was built. Besides, it can be stated that the Baba from Gračišće, after the first one from Grobnik, is the second discovered figurative representation of the Baba and is the oldest dated Baba.26 Jelka Vince Pallua Institute of Social Sciences Ivo Pilar Marulićev trg 19 HR-10000 Zagreb jelka.vince@pilar.hr 26 Recently, on the basis of the written reference in 1703, another dated Baba was discovered by the historian Aleksander Panjek. On a map from the Vienna Archives drawn at the end of the16th century (the one from 1703 is its copy), he found the Baba drawn as a pillar, also a monolith, under the village of Tinjan near Pazin (Hrobat Virloget 2015: 59). So, the two Babas were found quite close to Pazin – the heart of Istria, both being quite old. A Ne w ly D i s c o v e re d F i gur at i v e Re p re s e n tat i on of t he M y t hi c a l B a b a – “ Ol d B a b a V uko š a” in S t. M a r y ’ s Church of G r a či š će in Is t ri a 115 BIBLIOGRAPHY Belaj, V. 2007, Hod kroz godinu. Pokušaj rekonstrukcije prahrvatskoga mitskoga svjetonazora, 2. izmijenjeno i dopunjeno izdanje, Golden marketing-Tehnička knjiga, Zagreb. Belaj, V. 2009. Poganski bogovi i njihovi kršćanski supstituti, Studia ethnologica Croatica, Vol. 21, 169–197. Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2014, Sveti trokuti. Topografija hrvatske mitologije, Ibis grafika, Institut za arheologiju, Matica hrvatska, Zagreb. Fučić, B. 1960, Petar Beračić “Fundator” u Gračišću, Bulletin Instituta za likovne umjetnosti JAZU, god. VIII, br. 1, Babić Lj. (ed.), 8–11. Fučić, B. 1982, Glagoljski natpisi, Djela JAZU, knj. 57, Zagreb. Fučić, B. 2006, Iz istarske spomeničke baštine, Knjiga 12, Hekman J. (ed.), Matica hrvatska, Zagreb. Gušić, B. 1973. Naseljenje Like do Turaka, Lika u prošlosti i sadašnjosti, Karlovac, 13–63. Hrobat, K. 2010, Ko Baba dvigne krilo: prostor in čas v folklori Krasa, Ljubljana: Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, Ljubljana. Hrobat, K. 2013, The Snotty Baba in the Landscape of Karst, Slovenia: About a Slavic Ambivalent Female Mythical Figure, Cosmos, Vol. 29, 141–171. Hrobat, K. 2015, Mitska krajina Gropade v okviru ustnega izročila na Krasu in širše, in: Nesnovna krajina Kras. Hrobat Virloget K., Kavrečič P. (eds.), Založba Univerze na Primorskem, Koper, 69–84. Katičić, R. 2008, Božanski boj. Tragovima svetih pjesama naše pretkršćanske starine, Katedra Čakavskog sabora Općine Mošćenička Draga, Odsjek za etnologiju i kulturnu antropologiju Filozofskog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Ibis grafika, Zagreb–Mošćenička Draga. Katičić, R. 2011, Gazdarica na vratima. 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Vuković, M. 2010, Pučka pobožnost u svetištu Blažene djevice Marije u nebo uznesene, u Kloštru kod Kobaša, Etnološka istraživanja, Vol. 15, 285–298. ONLINE SOURCES Moja Istra, Cvergla blog, http://swirl.bloger.index.hr/default.aspx?tag=gra%E8i%B9%E6e (12 February 2012) ht t p://w w w.najboljeu h r vat skoj.i n fo/ideje/pr i nt . php?ID=1084 (3 August 2016) 116 Lidija Bajuk Over the Mountains High, across the Waters Deep (astroethnological contributions) Scientific paper To motivate and stimulate the fertility of the soil, the resultant abundance of crops and foodstuffs, high natality rates and harmonious existence of a given tribal community in each new yearly cycle, people mimicked, through ceremonial processions, the movements of celestial bodies. They thereby symbolically stimulated the perpetuation of the regular astronomical cycles and, by developing a set of beliefs initiated a transfer of their cosmogonic-eschatological perceptions of the heavenly macrocosm to the human microcosm. The choreography of the traditional circle-dances, the melodies of the accompanying songs and the structure and content of the lyrics based on myths, a variety of oral transmission and last but not least the local micro-toponymy clearly reveal the surviving traces of the preChristian Slavic myths. These myths have been the subject of intense study by historians, linguists, anthropologists, ethnographers and other scholars belonging to various academic and scientific disciplines since the end of the 20th century. This paper is based on archival materials, publications and my own ethnographic fieldwork in Croatia. In this paper I study the transfer of the personal and collective experiences of the people of the Croatian and South Slavic areas through their peculiar folklore language, a transfer that is occurring at the diachronic and synchronic levels, from the terrestrial to the celestial and from the existential to the spiritual spheres. I observe the encounters, labeling, adapting, shaping, merging, contextualizing, and semanticizing of their experiences. Key words: divine macrocosms, terrestrial microcosms, traditional astronomical names, oral literature Ancient and Slavic cults worshipping astronomical objects echo in Croatian religious architecture, language, oral literature and traditional life and customs. The lyrics of a Croatian nursery rhyme “the sun is shining, there will be rain, the old woman is frying eggs” imply that the world was created from a cosmic paschal egg (Janković 1961: 9). Furthermore, the world is divided into Father Sky and Mother Earth (Belaj 1998: 24), while vertical objects (trees, axles, bread rackets, spindles) separate the two (Tolstoj, Radenković 2001: 374). According to folklore, the Earth was constituted from water and sand (Bošković-Stulli 1997: no. 138). The place where the domed Sky and the flat Earth touch is the end of the world (Grbić 2001: 469), inhabited by stars, giants, water spirits and the Croatian New Year’s processional kolendari, the first generation of divine cave-dwelling ogres (Vrkić 1995b: 425, 461; Franković 2011: 125). At that frontier, a treasure is buried, water flows and distinct plants sprout. All of this is possibly connected to the cataclysmic dream (san or senja in Craoatian language) from literary works (Andrić 1929: no. 356; Kren 2002: 51; Ivančan jr. 2012: no. 1), to the story about a supernatural snake at the ritual site of the cult of Igrišče located near the Senjica meadow in Kalnik, and to a local legend about the devil seen not far from the Senjar forest near the village of Kotoriba, where people still perform the traditional circle dance (kolo) to archaic melodies. In the microcosm the Sky is sacralised and represented by a peak, a treetop, a sphere or a roof, and its reflection on the Earth by a foothill, a root, a plane or a ground (Belaj 1998: 190). Within the framework of the mentioned microcosm people invoke the Sky and also pray to the Sky. The Sky is also represented on Christmas dinner table. In Burgeland the lady of the house was required to dress in fur and ceremoniously circle the table. It is interesting to note that the custom has only recently gone out of Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 117–142 118 L id i j a B a j uk Fig. 1 The Sun in Venus as painted ornament on the Ukrainian Easter egg, (Kosiv Museum of Hutsulshchyna Folk Art and Life, Ukraine) fashion (Franković 2012: 331). Among the Kaikavian Croats it was customary to dance around the table at weddings. The dances were called Otec naš ‘our Father’ or Sunce ‘the Sun’. Only after the ritual had been performed the honored guests, the bride and the groom were finally allowed to sit at the table (Novak 2007: 296–297). It is assumed that this table is an image of the ancient Pegasus constellation – which the Babylonians identified with a celestial field, ark, flood water place and the land beyond, the Mesoamerican natives with the ceremonial compounds in the realm of afterlife and the ancient Indians and Greeks with a boat, winged horses with a fishtail, and also the land beyond death. This constellation and the constellations Cassiopeia, Orion, Pleiades and Gemini, as observable in the winter sky three thousand years ago, are depicted on Vučedol pottery from the Bronze age. Vučedol pottery from that period also features the constellations Pleiades, Cygnus and Cassiopeia observable during the season of summer and the constellations Pleiades, Gemini and Fish-Pegasus observable during the autumn months. (Durman 2000: 106, 108, 110, 112). Perhaps the Pegasus constellation is also reflected on Croatian festival grounds and locations where people performed ecstatic dances (Franković 2011: 228, 247). The Indo-European horse sacrifice ritual, performed in order to prevent floods, is also connected to the Pegasus constellation (Bilić 2011: 423–424, 427, 430, 438, 455, 456). Traces of this ritual can be found in the traditional New Year, Easter and St. George’s customs of riding around villages (Međimurje, Podravina, Slavonia, Hungarian Burgenland) (Franković 2011: 189; Brdarić 2015: 75). In Lower Međimurje young locals on horseback cross a specially designated body of water (Novak 2007: 65–67). Fig. 2 Indo-European calendar on a Vučedol terrine, Croatia, 2600 B.C. (Vučedol Culture Museum, Croatia) The ritual transcends the passage of time in Croatian songs, for example, in songs about a horseman and a boat woman, in songs about a maiden whose unconventional rescuer releases her from an unlocked chest and in songs about the drowning of wedding guests on their way to the groom’s home (Žganec 1950: no. 179; 1924: no. 233; Botica 1997: no. 131). The songs may be connected to the mythical Perseus, Pegasus and Virgo-Persefone, Corona Borealis constellations observable in the spring and summer, as well as with the Perseus, Pegasus, Pleiades and Andromeda constellations, observable in the autumn and winter night sky (Andreić 2008: 67, 89–90, 93, 95, 115, 119). In Greek mythology equestrian Perseus released the lovely Andromeda, the daughter of the vain Cassiopeia, from captivity, married her, and together they won back his lost kingdom. According to the myth, Pegasus sprang from Medusa’s head when she was beheaded by Perseus, the son of the god Zeus (Poseidon) and Pegasus’ half-brother. It is important to mention, in the context of this paper and according to the myth, that Hippocrene, the sacred spring of Muses on Mount Helikon, burst forth from the spot in the ground that was struck by the hoof of the winged horse Pegasus. The spring water can be explained by the name of Perseus’ mother Danaë (Graves 1968: 183), which may be derived from the Avestan word da:nu ‘river’ and from the Ossetian word don ‘water’ (i.e. root word *deh2-nu-), and in connection with the name of the Daanans/Greek (derived from the Greek word Danaeoi, or ‘people of the water’) (Pokorný 1959: 175).1 The rainbow on one hand – in South Slavic lands, named after the Sun, the Moon, a dark cow, an old woman’s cheese mold or canvas, the ancient goddess Iris, Virgin Mary’s belt etc., and the Via Lactea galaxy on the other – named after the 1 Sincere gratitude to academician Ranko Matasović for a clarification on the source (19 April 2017). O v e r t he Moun ta in s Hi gh , a cro ss t he W at e r s D e e p ( a s t roe t hnol o g i c a l c on t rib u t i on s ) 119 solar path (godfather’s or St. Peter’s), straw path (Franković 2015), heavenly path, Roman path or pilgrims path, as well as after the Virgin Mary’s crown, belt or milk, are imagined as the bridge, seen by day and by night respectively, between the world of the living and the world of the dead. The heavenly bird flies over this bridge and the heavenly cow crosses the bridge and leads the souls of those who have died to the great beyond (Kolman-Rukavina, Mandić: 1961: 31, 33; Kale 1995: 111; Belaj 2000/2001: 275; Kale 2007; Čajkanović, Sofrić Niševljanin 2011: 28). The mythical Slovenian shepherdesses milk cows constantly on the bridge and pour the milk into a heavenly lake, making it inexhaustible in the process (Šmitek 2006: 32), while the Serbian and Macedonian magician women takes the Moon down, turn it into a cow and milk it (Kulišić 1979: 115). Under this bridge the Croatian processional well-wisher Đuro/Juro (George, the folklore supstitut of the South Slavic god Yarilo) wades through the water (Belaj 1998: 219) that was poured down by the colorful cows (Žganec 1950: 60). Fig. 3 Maria Primachenko: Hey, We’re Going to Engagement, Ukraine, 1968 (Naiden 2009: no. 27) Fig. 4 Folk crucifix with embroidered towels, Gotalovo, Croatia, 20 CE (photo by L. Bajuk, 2012) This water is the Slavic funereal Irej (Katičić 2011: 162), the celebrated Slavic Dunaj (Belaj, Belaj 2014: 53–54) whose name is derived from the Latin word Danubius/Danuvius and is probably of Celtic origin (it is assumed to be the Gallic word *Da:nuvios and compares to the Welsh name of the river Donwy, derived from the ie root word *deh2-nu- which is reflected in the previously mentioned Avestan da:nu- and Ossetian don). It is assumed that the Slavic names of the Don, Dnieper and Dniester rivers, derived from the Iranian Scythian or Iranian Allan language, contains the same i.e. root word2. The mythical rivers of ancient India, Egypt, Greece and Rome represent the spiral Eridan constellation visible in the greater part of the southern autumn night sky, in a legendary relationship to gods (Shiva Nataraja, Helios) and demigods (Orion, Phaeton). It was named for the oldest Mesopotamian holy city Eridu, located not far from the mouth of the Euphrates River, which was imagined as a mythical abyss which flooded on the first day of spring, the Persian New Year (Barentine 2016: 101). In the same way, an astral river was also conceptualized as a reservoir of underground water (White 2008: 98) in the sign of the Aquarius constellation – the Mesopotamian Sea, celestial source of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers. Three thousands years ago the winter solstice was in the Aquarius constellation. Zeus (Poseidon) struck Phaeton by thunderbolt and drowned him in this river when Phateon, driving the sun chariot of his divine father Helios (the Sun), but being unable to control the horses, brought the Sun dangerously close to the Earth (Andreić 2008: 90, 92, 99). Is this astral river the ice bound mountain river where the hero toils to break the ice in order to drink the water and pick an underground flower, or maybe the cold mountain spring on the bank of which the girl heals the wounded hero, as told in many Croatian South Slavic folksongs (Janaček-Kučinić 1985: 97, 110)? 2 See footnote 1. 120 L id i j a B a j uk Our Sun, according to South Slavic myths, is a residual celestial body of three stars and, as a result, it duly (Bošković-Stulli 1997: no. 142) resurrects in the spring, burns at the summer solstice, and weakens after Midsummer’s Day (Kren 2002: 44). It’s the sign of the Slavic goddess Mo(ra)na, the descendant of the Sky and the Earth. Her twin brother and sweetheart, Yarilo, has a moonlike and therefore trustless and adulterous appearance (Belaj 1998: 318) and he can impregnate all women with a huge phallus (Dolenčić 1952a, Ms. NZ 120a: 162). The light cast by a new moon has healing properties whereas the light cast by a full moon is dangerous (Baras 2013: 62). The inhabitants of the island of Krk call moonlight Marko (Žic 2011: 20). Women born in the moonlight on the island of Pag are said to be affected by heterochromia and as such are supposed to be able to cast spells with their eyes (Širola 2002: 91). Fairies and witches also posses the ability to cast spells with their eyes. Marko is also a hero figure in many South Slavic epics. In one he is threatened by a fairy with an army in three galleys from Michaelmas to the end of autumn for having stolen a shirt and a ring from her when she was bathing (Ivančan 1989: 59). The story reminds us of the character Prince Marko3 in a Dubrovnik dance poem, and the young Marković (Ivančan 1985: 172) who misses the companionship of three heroes in a Međimurje song (Žganec 1924: no. 240). All of these are perhaps connected to the Christian Feast of St. Mark, during which, in some Croatian areas, the fields were blessed and children received new clothes and shoes (Franković 2011: 307). Therefore, the Sun, the Moon, planets and stars were worshiped by the Slavs as well (Kolman-Rukavina, Mandić 1961: 15, 28). In Međimurje and Podravina people observed the reflections of the aforementioned celestial bodies in wells (Franković 2015). Ritual sites, such as the Sunce ‘Sun’ hill of the Ivanščica Mountain (Hrvatske šume 1999 – 2008), the Mesec ‘Moon’ hill and the Zvijezde ‘Stars’ field near the Moslavinian Popovača settlement (the Croatian word pop means ‘priest’), and the Zvijezda ‘Star’ mountain and Sunčevo brdo ‘Sunny Hill’ in Bosnia were named after these celestial bodies (Kovačić 2005: 114, 142; Katičić 2010: 203). Their eclipses, as well as the appearances of comets, were interpreted as being ominous devouring monsters (a snake, a dragon, a wolf) or manifestations of activities of witches (Grbić 2001: 470). The smudges on the face of the full Moon the South Slavs interpreted as Adam and Eve (on Christmas Eve), Cain and Abel, the God’s Mother strangling a snake, Madonna (and also on the face of the Sun), St. Michael, St. Florian, Judas, the fallen angel Lucifer, devil, cursed soul, convict, a horse head, a blacksmith who beats his wife, a thiefwoodcutter, a man sitting at a table, a sinful spinner, a bride on a golden chair, a maiden and a youngster (Möderndorfer 1946: 273–274; Dolenčić 1952a, Ms. NZ 120a: 162; Janković 1961: 158; Kulišić 1979: 45, 116; Grčević 2000: 498, 533, 534; Šmitek 2006: 160; Dronjić 2011: 155; Čajkanović, Sofrić Niševljanin 2011: 19, 21, 22; Franković 2012: 100; Kren 2015: 10), but mostly in connection with the tales about the genesis of the Milky Way galaxy (Šemudvarac 1946, as cited in Kale 2007: 181–182). The planet Venus is the nocturnal Sun (Lovretić 1990: 527) because it glows Fig. 5 Venus, the Moon and the Sun on the contiguous stone, Mesopotamia, 1100 B.C. (Kren 2002: 15) the brightest in the night sky (Andreić 2008: 24). Venus in south Slavic folklore has two designations. The planet is observable after sunset and before sunrise and it is consequently a known as the ‘Evening Star’ (Večernjača), the ‘Morning Star’ (Zornjača/Jutrenja) (Kolman-Rukavina, Mandić 1961: 29; Kušar 1993: 5; Andreić 2008: 24). Venus is the strongest among the stars (Franković 2015). The Moon and Venus are a couple (Nodilo 1981: 592; Belaj 1998: 236), too. The Roman goddess of love and beauty Venus (derived from the pie. *wen- ‘desire, lust’), the Kaikavian morning Danica/Denica (derived from the 3 The name of that figure of South Slavic epic songs, originally of one Macedonian medieval feudal lord, probably Vlach settlers brought from the Middle Balkan area to Croatia (Belaj, Belaj 2014: 296). O v e r t he Moun ta in s Hi gh , a cro ss t he W at e r s D e e p ( a s t roe t hnol o g i c a l c on t rib u t i on s ) 121 ie. *dei- ‘to radiate’ and *dejeu- → *djēus ‘celestial deity’ → ived. Denam), has a half-sister Diana, the Roman goddess of the Moon (and the Sun), animals, hunting and wells (Gluhak 1993: 138, 188). Diana is also equated to the Illyrian goddess Thana, which was the Etruscan goddess of dawn (Stipčević 1989: 62, 153–154), and to Zeus’s wife Diwija (Belaj, Belaj 2014: 290). This is how the sickle-like Venus was gradually associated with the sickle-like Moon (Goines 1995). Fig. 6 Compare the Illyrian Thana’s image and an image on the medieval Bosnian tomb (Saciragic, 2018) The refrain’s invocations in the Croatian Podravinian wedding songs danajke about the tree, the bride and the dancing Pleiades, might be connected with the Southern Caucasian Deity-Mother (Bratanić, as cited in Belaj 1998: 268, 276–277) and with other goddesses. Also connected to the deity Mother are the Croatian toponym Danajke located close to the Early Mediaeval archaeological site Koledinec in Croatian Podravina (Čimin (ed.) 2016: 79–80), and other motifs found in the Croatian New Year’s ritual chants kole(n)de, such as Jutarnja zvijezda ‘Morning Star’, košutica ‘roe’, udavača ‘a bride’ and lovci ‘the hunters’ (Andrić 1929: no. 407; Žganec 1950: no. 11, 12, 96, 102, 181; Franković 2012: 420). According to the Finnish epic »Kalevala«, the stars are made of pieces of the cosmic egg’s shell (Chevalier, Gheerbrant 1994: 814). Among some of the South Slavic tribes, it was believed that a starry Christmas sky predicted that domesticated birds would lay an abundance of eggs (Franković 2012: 387). After the birth of a child, the Mother of God is asked about the star beneath which the child was born (Čajkanović, Sofrić Niševljanin 2011: 26). Happiness was foretold to children born out of wedlock (Jardas 1994: 99; Grbić 2001: 470) and to those brides and grooms whose attires, on the inside, sported a star shaped by nine needles during the sewing process (Dolenčić 1952a, Ms. NZ 120a: 46), and to those whose apples, when sliced down the middle, revealed pips formed in the shape of a star (Božičević 2010: 54). On the other hand, death was foretold to those who pointed fingers at cattle, rainbows (Lovretić 1990: 555, 563) or stars (Möderndorfer 1946: 275). Stargazing enabled communication with ghosts (Dolenčić 1952a, Ms. NZ 120a: 198). Some of the Croatian liturgical Christmas songs are actually modified traditional lullabies about a child in the Moon’s cradle (cf. Kuhač 1941: 77 and Golčić 1995: 96). The Bosnian and Herzegovinian traditional lullabies about Venus, the Moon and their children on the little raft (Pavlinović 2007: 660, 751), the Croatian about the (God’s) mother who shapes her newborn’s (Jesus’) shirt by the crescent Moon (Žganec 1947, Ms. N 288: no. 20309; 1952: no. 414) and turns it into a raft for crossing the water (Perić-Polonijo 2000: 41–42, no. 34) when the dragon threatens them (Franković 2011: 294) are also interesting. One story from Podravinian tells about a fairy who sews by Danica (Franković 2015). The Kaštel Venera settlement in the Istrian town of Buje was named after the uncertain Empress Veneranda (O. D. 1952a as cited in Varelija 2008: 33). There is a relationship between those poetic and toponomastic motifs, and the Croatian spring customs of the youth swinging and falciform procession ljelje ‘queens’ (Kulišić 1979: 99), the Croatian words lel(uja)ti se/lilati se ‘to swing’ (Peruško 2010: 115), lilajka ‘cradle’, poleliati ‘to shine’ (Pavlinović 122 L id i j a B a j uk 2007: 220, 237a), the Ukrainian lelijaty ‘to cuddle, to keep in memory, to make divine’ (inf. Wilczyński, Sikora), leliti ‘to shine, to spill over’ (Menac, Kovalj 1979: 152), leléka and lelesenjka ‘a stork, a mother’ and kolesenjka ‘a cradle’ (inf. Wilczyński), in connection with the Proto-Slavic verb lelati ‘to cradle’ (Kulišić 1979: 102) and last but not least the Croatian Lenten and Midsummer lilanje custom of flaming torches (Franković 2011: 171). Babylonian šabpatta ‘Saturday’ marked days when the moon was full (Kulišić 1979: 51, 120). Christmas and Easter Sunday, therefore, signify the birth and resurrection of deities. The Indo-European »Cinderella« fairy tale, the Hungarian Pomurje Mass Eve custom of bringing the straw into the house when Venus appears in the evening sky (Dolenčić 1952a, Ms. NZ 120c: 490) and the apparent celestial movement of Venus in the sky, suggests a link between the mythical bachelorette and the New Year’s fertility cult on one hand, and Mesopotamian perception of the supreme horned queen of the night (Kulišić 1979: 100) and the mother of the god Isthar-Inanna on the other hand (Beaver et al. (eds.) 1987: 409). Her name derived from the Akkadian Uru-anna ‘Celestial light’ (Douglas 2001 – 2016). This term was also used to denote the Sun (Durman 2000: 84). Until recently, around the Kalnik Highlands it was deemed inappropriate to pay a visit or borrow things from people on the days of the New Moon and when a cow calved (inf. Petric). In that context, despite her possible astroethnological non-prominence (Kale 2010: 388), she rides across the evening sky as the Croatian Volarica ‘Ox-shepardess’ (Kušar 1993: 5), Konjarica ‘Horse-shepardess’ and Guščarka ‘Geeseshepardess’ (Kale 2007: 180), the Moon’s mother and maybe the Slavic goddess Mokoš (Žganec 1950: 377–378; Katičić 2011: 208; Franković 2012: 228), often invoked in prayers by brides (Janaček-Kučinić 1985: 93). Or rejuvenated, before the daybreak, she represents the bride of the Moon (Kuhač 1941: no. 292). The young moon, the Old Polish leliwa ‘crescent Moon’ (Suligowski 1993) with the ends pointing upwards or downwards was compared with a bucket of water for divination on the next sunny or raining day (Kren 2002: 48). In the 12th century, influenced by Hindu texts the Istrian philosopher Dalmatian gave a similar interpretation about the rain caused by the Moon as it drew nearer to the Sun or Venus in the Aquarius constellation (Kolman-Rukavina, Mandić 1961: 29; Kren 2002: 61, 64). People in Slovenian Prekmurje believed that lightning cannot strike an inverted bowl (Möderndorfer 1946: 257). In one Moslavinian tale, a lightning struck a woman who carried a basket with food on her head was struck by lightning (Kovačević 2005: 143). In the history of art, the arc is a building element signifying the Virgin Mary.4 It was believed that the time of the crescent Moon was most opportune for magic rituals, planting (Kolman-Rukavina, Mandić 1961: 26–27) and military attacks (Kulišić 1979: 40). A crescent moon with the ends pointing down may be perceived as a sign of a maiden whilst a crescent moon and with the ends pointing up is a sign of a mature woman. The Moon in conjunction with Venus is a numismatic and heraldic motif. A Roman coin from the 1st century B.C. shows the goddess Venus with a star in her hair, while a denar of the Croatian-Hungarian King Andrew II from the 13th century has a star within the inverted crescent Moon (Čimin (ed.) 2016: 91, fig. 161). The crescent and the star on the flag of Constantinople represent the Roman goddess Diana and the Virgin Mary respectively. In that sense the verses “The Moon goes down behind Constantinople, and the Morning Star goes down behind it” (Žganec 1950: no. 298) confirm the motif, probably of Byzantine (and Roman) origin (Narbaez 1997). This motif is a symbol of the creation of the first Croatian state after the arrival (in the 6th/7th CE) of Slavic tribes in the Balkan Peninsula from the north-east. The stone tabernacle at the Chapel of Majka Božja Gorska ‘Mother of God from the Hill’ at the foot of the Ivanščica Mountain, which is a part of an important sacred site of the same name from the early medieval period (the 9th CE), features a relief showing a half-Moon, a star and a flower. The Byzantine Cross above the crescent and the Slavic Cross under the upturned crescent are their Christian reinterpretations – Danica or Jutarnja zvijezda ‘Morning Star’ is the fallen angel Lucifer (Janković 1961: 25) who also takes the form of the Byzantine patron goddess Artemis-Hecate. Leliwa is also the name of a Polish settlement, in the area where the historical Croats lived, and the name of the coat of arms of some Ruthenian and Polish noble families. The name dates from the 13th century, and perhaps even earlier and it is described as a flora stylization around a central six-pointed star above the horizontal crescent (Leliwa Surname, Family Crest & Coats of Arms: web), which is similar to the image depicting the Sun and the Moon of the Principality of Moldavia from the 17th century. In connection with that name or image we find the Croatian traditional refrain’s invocation le, the Croatian Pentecost ljelje ‘queens’ procession, the Greek theonyms Iris ‘Hera’s messenger wrapped in a rainbow’, Ukrainian lele ‘the spiritual mother’ (Menac, Kovalj 1979: 152) and Latvian liela ‘big one’, the Kaikavian and Lika dialect meteoronym luna ‘rainbow’ (Kolman-Rukavina, Mandić 1961: 33; Grčević 2000: 41) and the Hungarian nőszikom ‘woman-petal, rainbow’, Croatian phytonyms (a)ljeljuja/lelija, vračna ruža, bogiša ‘iris; lovely Mara’ (inf. Jakopić, Krnjak, Makovec; Kuhač 1941: no. 185; Katičić 2014: 11) and pirunići ‘white star-shaped leaves’, and the Dinaric toponyms Lelija, Perinka and Perinuša. the Ukrainian coat-ofarms interpreted by an iris, a trident (Zhukovsky 1993), a hawk and Holy Trinity, according to the Babylon tripartite cult 4 Sincere gratitude to art historian Antonio Grgić for a clarification on the source. O v e r t he Moun ta in s Hi gh , a cro ss t he W at e r s D e e p ( a s t roe t hnol o g i c a l c on t rib u t i on s ) Fig. 7 Part of a Byzantine buckle, KonavleSokol Grad, Croatia, 6 CE (Kapetanić 2013) Fig. 8 Bronze lunate-cross pendant, Novi Banovci-Gradina, Serbia, 10–11 CE (Rendić-Miočević (ed.) 1993: 190, Fig. 289) 123 Fig. 9 Tower of an Orthodox church, Ukraine, 20 CE (photo by L. Bajuk, 2011) Fig. 11 Historical Leliwa Coat-of-Arms, Łańcut Chateau, Poland, 18 CE (photo by L. Bajuk 2011) Fig. 10 Historical Coat-of-Arms of the Principality of Moldavia, Cetăţuia Monastery, Iaşi, 17 CE (Mănăstirea Cetățuia din Iași, Wikipedia – Enciclopedia liberă) of Sin – Shamash – Ishtar ‘Moon – Sun – Venus’, and to the magical plant of the Ishtar’s sky (Janković 1961: 20–21), could be also explained as the sign of the celestial crescent (the Moon or Venus) and the celestial sphere (Venus, the Moon or a comet), or as the the ancient triple goddess of the Moon (Kolman-Rukavina, Mandić 1961: 19; Kulišić 1979: 51). Seems like one of the old Croatian (and Slavic) goddess was triple-headed or triple-faced L(j)el(j)a and her the foremost cult flower was l(j)el(j)ija/l(j)el(j)uja. 124 L id i j a B a j uk Fig. 12 Astral-floral decorations on a male traditional vest, Bukovina, Ukraine, 20 CE (Chernivitsi Provincial Museum, Chernivtsi, Ukraine) Fig. 15 Trident on a medieval tomb, BIH Fig. 13 Lil-de-fleur motif on the seal of King Phi- Fig. 14 lip II Augustus, France, 12 CE (The Fleurde-lis, Wikipédia – L’ Encyclopédie libre) Lil-de-fleur motif on the golden coin of Bosnian King Tvrtko I, Bosnia, 14 CE (Fleur-de-lis, Wikipedia – The Free Encyclopedia) Fig. 16 Coin of Duke Yaroslav the Wise, Fig. 17 Recent Coat-of-Arms of Ukraine (Coat Ukraine, 10–11 CE (Yaroslav the Wise, of-arms of Ukraine, Wikipedia – The Wikipedia – The Free Encyclopedia) Free Encyclopedia) In other words, a comet is etymologized from the latinized Greekism ‘a long-haired star’ (Douglas 2001 – 2016). The Croatian words for comet are derived from the nouns meaning tail and ribbon. The Slovenian word for comet comes from the nouns meaning broom and the God’s rod (Möderndorfer 1946: 277), and Serbian word for comet comes from the noun meaning flag (Janković 1951: 125). Accordingly, a comet refers to traditional life and ceremonial processions. Soothsayers foretold the advancement of a polity or tribe or the birth of a charismatic leader according to the position of a given comet’s head or tail (Repatice u povijesti: web). In a Serbian tale, a mourning mother unweaves her hair because of the loss of their children – the Sun, the Moon and Venus (Janković 1951: 124, 126). Researchers have shown that Venus looks like a comet when, after the lulling of the solar wind, the outer part of the atmosphere of Venus forcefully exudes gas (Kramer 2013). O v e r t he Moun ta in s Hi gh , a cro ss t he W at e r s D e e p ( a s t roe t hnol o g i c a l c on t rib u t i on s ) 125 It is interesting to note that the ancient tales about the goddess of love differ markedly from the story behind these images. On the other hand, the mentioned images and what astronomers have found out about Venus paint the same picture of the planet – it is an inhospitable planet (Sagan 1990: 105). They are similar to tales found the world over of an astral, hairy and feathered or fiery snake/dragon (Janković 1951: 131–132), to Slavic tales of a wild woman (Bulat 1932: 19), to Ukrainian tales of a fickle woman or harlot (inf. Wilczynski), and to Croatian tales of Božja nevjernica ‘God’s unbeliever’ (Žganec 1950: no. 298) who gives birth to a dog-like child (Trošelj 2011: 99). Swampy dragon in one Croatian Prigorje tale first is a naughty child of some wayward mother5, that can only be tamed by an innocent young man with a puFig. 18 Illustration of the solar wind strikes Venus and sparks auroras (Verre heart (Jagić 1948: 178-179). These female characters gano 2014) also remind us of disheveled, long-armed and unfaithful Mokoš – the Croatian celestial turnkey (Katičić 2011: 137, 223). Salomonov ključ/pečat/slovo/križ, ‘Solomon’s key/sea/letter/ cross’, are Croatian traditional names for the widespread apotropaic insignias (six-pointed star, pentacle, sun cross) against nightmares and witches (Hećimović-Seselja 1985: 131; Lovretić 1990: 553, 536), which may have been preceded by the apotropaic female signs, later reinterpreted into masculine Christian heraldry. The following examples many have had the same effect: the Samobor region’s six-leaf shamrock (Bašić 2011: 60), the Podravinian spider drawn on the chest (KrižanecBeganović 2015: 33), the Lika wolf foot (Hećimović-Seselja 1985: 132), the Slavonian poisonous plants vučja gora ‘mountain forest wolf’ (Lovretić 1990: 536) or the Zagreb region’s murska/vučja capa ‘paw of the three-legged nightmare or paw of the wolf’ (lat. Aristolochia clematitis) (Lang 2009: 948, inf. Žužul), related to fairies who allegedly reside in Croatian Zagorje in the place Vilinska šapica ‘Fairy Paw’ (Dronjić 2014: 191). The historical punishment of hanging a sloping stone morica around an offender’s neck in southern Dalmatia may be connected to the above mentioned examples (Kipre 2011: 128). The Bulgarian Vučja bogorodica ‘Mother of the Wolf god’ is the name of the last day of the winter’s Vučji dani ‘Wolf days’. South Slavic customs, such as New Year’s protective wriggling through a real wolf jaw, or through the folklore vučji zijev ‘jawn, and their festive bonding,6 as well as the male and female participants with wolf masks in ceremonial processions in the Mediterranean, Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus, have connections to pre-Christian lunar wolf goddesses (Kulišić 1979: 44, 46–49, 50, 56, 84; Ivančan 1982: 67). The fairy tales describe a sharp-toothed keyhole on the door of that forms the Russian grandmother-eater baba Jaga’s house. Vržerale and Vražje ralje are the Bosnian toponyms, also called the devil’s jaws in mythological narratives. The Baranja rhomboid raljice ‘little yaw’ motif is a handmade female textile apotropaic object (Mihaljev 2000 54: 27, Pl. 11/Fig. 5b), like the Serbian perunika ‘iris‘ (Radenković 2013: 107) whose name is reminiscent of the Slovenian mural six-petalled perunica/svarica (Čok 2012: 445–446) and of the Croatian wood-carving pergelj (Gušić 1969, as cited in Vojnović 1994: 44). Apotropaic signs include the Croatian Prigorje folklore six-leafed clover (Bašić 2011: 60), and a sixpetalled flower placed above the entrance to a wine cellar in Kalnik (inf. Hrlec) which looks like a perunica/svarica and a pergelj. Fig. 19 Apotropaic sign Salomonovo slovo on a cradle, BjelovarIvanjska, Croatia, 19 CE (Brenko et al. 2001: 177) 5 Ancient gods were depicted by Christian writers as immoral supernatural beings (Devereux 1990: 37–38). 6 For additional information see the scientific papers of the Slovenian ethnologist Mirjana Mencej and the Belgian anthropologist Pieter Plas. 126 L id i j a B a j uk Fig. 20 Astral-floral sign, Monastery St. Niklaus, PribojBanja, Serbia, 13 CE (Manastir Banja: Sveti otac Nikola, nadji.info) Fig. 22 Astral-floral svarica sign, Church St. Mark, Črnomelj-Dalnje Njive, Slovenia, 19 CE (Čok 2012, 45) Fig. 21 Astral-floral gable’s sign, Jesenje, Croatia, 20 CE (photo by L. Bajuk, 2014) Fig. 23 Astral-floral sign on the transom of a wine cellar, KalnikKamešnica, Croatia, 20 CE (photo by L. Bajuk, 2015) The ancient Greek name for the iris flower was literally ‘wolf’ (Wilkinson 1858) because the flower resembled the lips of a wolf (according to the physician Phylos in the 3rd century B.C.). In Croatian Primorje it is called vuki ‘wolfs’. It blossoms when the ancient goddess Irida, with a rainbow for a girdle, touches the ground. On a giant iris flower Hera and Zeus make love sorrounded by clouds in the sky (Homer 1987: 286-287, XIV. 329-351). Lupa ‘female wolf’ and lupenar ‘wolf’s lair’ are ancient Roman names for ‘prostitute’ and ‘bordello’ (McGinn 2004: 7-8). Thus, rhomboid and iris motifs are symbols of the self-fertilized mothers of gods and their destructive vagina dentata (Durman 2000: 50; Marjanić 2011: 113; Devereux 1990: 44, 66, 79–80). These pre-Christian goddesses are connected to the waters of the earth and to storms. The Russian dialectal words gradovnica ‘she who causes sleet or hail’ and zmej ‘a dragon’ signify a rainbow, too. In European folktales, storms are caused by dragons and witches. The Croatian dialectal word pojzija means ‘the dragon with his jaws open’ and zjalo means ‘the opening in an oven for fuel’ (Braica 1999: 108). In Serbian the word for ‘witch’ is kamenica (Nodilo 1981: 232). In Croatia Kamenica is a frequent hydronim and the word is also used to denote a bowl for water made of stone and also some species of oyster (lat. Ostrea edulis). O v e r t he Moun ta in s Hi gh , a cro ss t he W at e r s D e e p ( a s t roe t hnol o g i c a l c on t rib u t i on s ) 127 Witches and fairies are imagined as half-human half-animal creatures, wild, self-sufficient and adventurous women (Kulišić 1979: 43, 111; Spajić-Vrkaš 1996: 118–119), originating from the highlands (the Bulgarian gorske, the Banatian planinske), forests (the Serbian šumske majke) and shores (the Russian bereginje) (Balog 2011: 174; Bošković-Stulli 1999: 130). According to some stories, they would capture men and drained them of energy orgiastic cult dances (Križanec-Beganović 2015: 23). The Croatian word pizdica is a frequent hydronym, and also the name of one species of mussel (lat. Mytilus galloprovincialis) and also the word meaning ‘vulva’ (inf. Bratulić; Furčić 1980: 373). In ancient times the vulva was represented by a shell of the pectinidae family (Devereux 1990: 57). Some Dalmatian tales say that fairies sleep in lakes (Ivančan 1981: 66). Kaikavian fairies are dekle. Dekle is the name of a Latvian aquatic goddess (Katičić 2011: 49). Irises grow around lakes, its Croatian Međimurje dialectic word pospane dekle means ‘sleepy maidens’ (inf. Tuksar). Sometimes irises appear as a hand-made apotropaic motif on the Croatian Zagorje traditional maidens costume. Supernatural beings are said to live in deeper Croatian waters. Their hydronyms (Črne mlake, Zvjerkuša, Vilino oko, Marino duboko, Zmajevo oko, Vražje oko) literally mean a ‘black den’, ‘the place of the beast’, and ‘the eye of Mara, a fairy, a dragon, or a devil’, which is reminiscent of the bewitching eye of the ancient Gorgon (Devereux 1990: 80). Healing wells, whose names sometimes mean the empress’s (hydronym Carica), vulva’s (hydronyms Pizdica and Pizdivode) and smelly women’s (hydronym Smrdečica) liquid, until not long ago were visited by sexually mature women as a part of a spring cult (Belaj, Belaj 2014: 294). In Serbian Divčibare ‘Maidens’ Plashes’ near the settlement Bogdanovac ‘God-given Place’, a beautiful shepherdess is said to have drowned. Under the shelter of the forest Pekel ‘Hell’, near the three-hilled Croatian Međimurje settlement of Sv. Urban where during a traditional wedding the guests were ridiculed with coded verses the bridal tree with upper female decoration (inf. Srša), and local witches are said to gather in the devil’s church. There, in the pond Pezdelo ‘Cunt Place’, not far from another pond Morsko oko ‘Sea Eye or Mora’s Eye’ from which a rainbow drinks water, connected is said with the Polish Tatras’ lake of the same name7, a dekla ‘fairy maiden’ is said to have drowned too (inf. Krištofić and Novak, Škvorc, Šimunko, Lovrec). Fig. 24 Festive maiden’s shirt, Donja Voća, Croatia, 1917 (photo by J. Jakopec, 2017, property of Barica Martan (born as Gregurec) from Donja Voća) Fig. 25 Bridal tree mojga, Međimurje, Croatia, 21 CE (photo by L. Bajuk, 2015) Dalmatian words pičokara means ‘girl, and black vulva’ and karakača ‘black snake, and vulva’ (Stipišić Delmata 2012: 1325, 1272; Kontić 2015: 96). In Slavonia the last three carnival days are also named Karakača (Kuhač 1941: no. 260, 261) and ‘the some type of traditional dance’ (Sremac 1994: 132–133; Novak 2007: 83–84) which is related to the Dalmatian dance poskok-cura ‘snake-maiden, and dance leaping girl’ (Ivančan 1982: 16), and also to a mythical skočidjevojka – ‘a girl who jumped from the cliff escaping her pursuers’ (Pilar 1931, as cited in Belaj, Belaj 2014: 341). The Dalmatian words zavojača, 7 In the Slavic languages, the hydronym oko means ‘an unhealed or unfrozen deep den in mud’, ‘a spring’, and the Slovakian morske oko means ‘a deep lake in the mountain forest’ (Katičić 2012: 59, 60). One of the Polish Tatras’ lake is Morskie or Marinieno oko (Eric 2012). 128 L id i j a B a j uk prstenjača, cvitak and zubatača, which are the names for ‘female genitalia’, suggest the ouroboros, the ring, a flower and a fanged mouth. In Dalmatian mande is ‘the vulva’, manda is ‘a witch’s vulva’ (Stipišić Delmata 2012: 1272; Šegedin 1964: 163). In the traditional saying of the Pelješac peninsula, the wedding dance of the mythical bachelorette Mara is identified with a ‘whore’s celebration’ (inf. Rozić). All of this leads us to the world of the Great Mothers, their symbols and the prostitution of their cults, in the world such as that in which the Eneolithic Venus is symbolized by a rhomboid signs of the lake-dwelling Vučedol culture from 3rd millennium B.C. (Durman 2000: 50). The South Slavic female toothy scarecrows kečizube (Kulišić 1979: 129; Vrkić 1995b: 429), the humpbacks kevre, the West Slavic sicklebearded Serpolnica and Kosiřka, and even the Christian harvest feast Mary of the Sickle in the Hungarian Burgenland area (Bulat 1932: 21, 23; Franković 2012: 9), are reminiscent of the often visible astronomical event of the jagged line that separates the day and the night faces of the sickle-like planet Venus (Venerine mijene: web). These mythical beings, supposedly bringing storms and dangerous weather at Midsummer and harvest time (Bulat 1932: 21–24), the serrated sickle as an exclusively female agricultural tool (Belaj 1998: 77), the Slavic maiden circle-dances which by speeding-up open, curve, form a semicircle and finally a row of female dancers (Matunci 2010: 171, 173), turned opposite with the similar row of male dancers, echo in the spring circle-dances for water of the Illyrian nymphs and the Slavic fairies (Maletić 2002: 262). Perhaps they represent the anthropomorphic and multiform Venus during her cycle of four transits across the Sun in June or December, each cycle lasting 234 years (Malik 2012), in connection with earlier ominous prophecies. Does the Croatian oracle of the little king’s triumph and of the end of the world (Vrkić 1995a: 121–123; Kutleša 1997: 409) relate to an interchange between kingdoms and deities, sung in Croatian Bačka lullabies (Sekulić 1991: 448), when Venus is in conjunction with the crescent Moon or in transit across the Sun? Is that connected to the Slavic ominous call “Kuku lele!” of the prophetic cuckoo bird (Andrić 1929: no. 401; Šonje 2000: 537), in the sign of ancient and Slavic goddesses? In the Macedonian oral literature, the ancient Orion constellation, whose name is derived from the Greek word oureus ‘to make water’, in connection with the Akkadian Uru-anna ‘Celestial light’, denoting the Sun (Durman 2000: 82, 84), and its bright star Betelgeuse – in the world’s mythologies a severed branch, rod, wand or arm of the ancient giant who was loved by Aurora ‘Dawn’ – represent the sung South Slavic Lovac ‘Hunter’ with his dogs and weapons (Franković 2012: 417) or the ploughman Lacko and his plug ‘plough’ (Kolman-Rukavina, Mandić 1961: 30). The Croatian oral literature thematises a forest hunter who chases a girl near and a body of water – for example, beneath the Kuna-gora ‘Marten Forest Hill’ or Cesarska gora ‘King’s Forest Hill’ of the Croatian Zagorje. The girl has either been bewitched or turn into a mythical animal or she is the bride kuna in the Herzegovinian wedding dance kolo (Pavlinović 2008: no. 928) that was recorded on Midsummer’s Eve in the village of Kuna on the Pelješac peninsula (Belaj, Belaj 2014: 269). The expected loss of virginity on the first night of marriage primarily symbolizes the male act of defloration. The female genitalia, which the Russians colloquially called kun(ic)a (Belaj 1998: 232–234), represented by the previously described decoration made of flowers, textiles, cakes and a bottle of wine atop the bridal tree, signify a family’s economic prosperity. In Polish spring customs, a procession cult tree is latko (Bulat 1932: 8). In one Croatian Žumberak traditional song, the groom Ladko returns from the heavenly land of the afterlife (Botica 1997: no. 93). Fig. 26 Denar of King Andreas II, Cirkvišće, Croatia, 13 CE (Čimin et al. 2016: 91) Fig. 27 Recent Coat-of-Arms of Velika Gorica City, Croatia (Velika Gorica, Wikipedija – Slobodna enciklopedija) O v e r t he Moun ta in s Hi gh , a cro ss t he W at e r s D e e p ( a s t roe t hnol o g i c a l c on t rib u t i on s ) 129 The most beautiful man in Antiquity, Orion, is supposedly chasing a bull, or maybe a wild tur (lat. Bos primigenius – an extict species of cattle) of the ancient Taurus constellation. The name of the Croatian region of Turopolje ‘Tur’s Field’ is derived from the name Taurus (Skočilić, Stepanić 2008); Tur is the processional animal representing the South Slavic New Year and Carnival processional rituals (Kulišić 1979: 53, 89–90). Above the bull, and opposite the crescent of the coat of arms of the Turopolje center, Velika Gorica ‘Big Forest Hill’, the three stars visible to the naked eye (Iveta 2016) of Orion’s Belt (β-ι-κ Orionis), which set during the winter nights at about the same time as ancient Pleiades and Sirius (Sothis) (Andreić 2008: 92), were identified with the ancient sword (Sagan 1990: 199; Bilan 2015: 20; Katičić 2010: 269) or with St. Peter’s keys (Bilić 2011: 444), with which St. George unlocks the spring (Katičić 2011: 137), or with the Bosniak saber (Franković 2015). This heraldic motif is similar to the three stars motif above the church gable and to the six-pointed stars above them on one of king Andrew’s coins from the 13th century (Brunšmid 1904: 186 fig. 73). Three stars and upturned crescent motif on the other aforementioned mentioned coin of the same ruler, is similar to the male idol’s reproductive organ of the Iron Age and to the three spherical bulges on the female lunate pendants of the Early Christian, Byzantine and Slavic culture. Fig. 28 Fragment of a male idol, Stradonice, Czech Republic, Iron Age (Kralovánszky 1968: 89, Fig. 1) Fig. 29 Stylized male figure as an trigonous iron pendant, Prozor-Otočac, Croatia, 5–4 c. B.C. (Stipčević 1989: 171) Fig. 30 Drawing of a bronze belt buckle, Zadar, Croatia, 2–3 CE (Miočinović, Jurić (eds.) 1993: 99, Fig. 50) Orion’s Belt in the constellation of the Roman hunter Orion (the lover of the goddess Diana), who is also known as the Babylonian demigod Gilgamesh, the Hindu demiurge Prajapati, the Egyptian ‘father of gods’ Sah and the Arabian giant Al Jauzah (Šimac 2007), was named after hay-mowers, grandmas’ sticks and the Three Wise Men, in the Croatian language (Durman 2000: 86). There is also the Croatian Ručarica ‘Lunch-maiden’ or Zaštapnica ‘Stick-maiden’ (σ Orionis), who brings lunch to the heavenly Kosci ‘Reapers’ (δ-ε-ζ Orionis), the constellation of Djevica ‘Virgo’ with her last reaped Klas ‘Wheat ear’ (Virgo’s star Spica) and to the imaginary Mali kosci ‘Little reapers’ or Kupioci ‘Collectors’ of (harvested) flowers (the surrounding β-ι-κ Orionis stars or Hyades) (Kale 1995: 117; Andreić 2008: 119). Is she the one of the three lauded women who mow grass for the horse that is going to take their brother far away to get his bride, or is she a charwoman who walks over the wobbly stone bridge to serve her nine brothers, the billhooks with golden sickles in their white hands (JanačekKučinić 1985: 85, 74, 126)? Because Betelgeuse star (α Orionis) appears in the early morning summer-autumn sky, it is the Macedonian imaginary Orač ‘Plowman’ who plows by using a cattle-driven plow (the rest of Orion’s star) (Cenev 2008: 85). Together with Venus’s visibility on the west side, the Orion constellation augurs the beginning of the spring New Year (Andreić 2008: 100). In South Slavic customs, the first New Year celebration guest and the first wedding guest are referred to as poultry and beasts in the sign of the ceremonial procession of the Demeter cult practiced in the region of Attica in which women wore masks (Kulišić 1979: 85, 134–135, 51–52); on Christmas Day, three days after the so-called Chicken Christmas in the female sign, Orion kills chickens (Kulišić 1979: 100, 133), scares bachelorettes as the disguised (masked) and obscene man at Carnival, breaks into a wedding (Lozica 1997: 118), shatters a clay pot, rattles keys hanging on a coal shovel, and searches for gifts (Dolenčić 1952b, Ms. NZ 120c: 482). Does Orion come instead the decrepit winter Sun – the 130 L id i j a B a j uk Fig. 31 Lunate pendants, Carpathian basin, 10–11 CE (Kralovánszky 1968: T. XXV) resurrected god who was worshiped in ancient Alexandria as the Isis son – a shaped wooden statue with cross and golden star signs on its head, hands and knees (Durman 2000: 82, 86)? Is he the New Year, Carnival and wedding visitor who with the thunderous arms threatens and haunts the mythical Pleiades? Is this connected to the young men from Hungarian Burgenland who prevented the birth of a crippled child by chasing a masked witch figure from the house on St. Lucia`s Day (Franković 2012: 278), or to the processional well-wishers tri kralje ‘three kings’ or zv(j)ezdari ‘stars’ who on Three Kings’ Day carry a pasteboard model of the Nativity scene with a movable six-pointed star on its top (Franković 2011: 69–70), and also to the Carnival men who spread straw, chase poultry through the yards, threatening the bear-like Great Mother (Kulišić 1979: 50–52, 134–135; Franković 2011: 69, 107, 129, 134), the tamed pre-Christian vixen and goropadnica ‘woman who falls from the forest mountain, shrew’? Who is he or who are they looking for? Is he the one depicted in the Podravina Christmas kolo as a pagan priest Vukosavljević, whom an elderly washwoman, on the bank of the mythical Dunaj river, vociferously blames for her life spent in captivity and loneliness? The lyrics of the kolo give Prince Johan8 as the pagan priest’s executioner (Ivančan 1989: 36–37). Can Prince Johan be identified with the Juraj who is remembered in Croatian folksongs as a beater of wolves (Katičić 2010: 324), and the Christian knight Sv. Juraj (St. George) who kills a dragon and is said to appear before dawn in the Konavle area (inf. Kipre)? »A martyr (St George, 8 Vukosavljević is the last name that is formed from the word ‘young wolf’. He kills with a saber, and also may be with the magic sword vukovac which has an engraved wolf image on its blade (Mićović 1952: 261). O v e r t he Moun ta in s Hi gh , a cro ss t he W at e r s D e e p ( a s t roe t hnol o g i c a l c on t rib u t i on s ) 131 Fig. 32 Constellation Orion in »Uranometria« by Johann Bayer, 1603 (Uranometria orion, Wikimedia Commons) Christ?) depict ed in the sign of Orion would symbolise death and resurrection, an individual who has defied death, while in this case the old man-cosmos and microcosm-macrocosm pattern would be used in the allegorical, Christian context.« (Šmitek 2001: 128-129) Orion’s belt is connected with the Egyptian god Osiris and his dog-like son Anubis who is similar to the Sumerian divine jackal Anua. Sirius (derived from the Greek word seirios ‘shiny, ardent’) is the most brilliant star in the night sky, within the constellation of the Canis Major. People believed that Sirius had a lot more energy than the Sun. Visible in the winter night sky, the star is also the ancient Dog Star situated in the Canis Major constellation or Veliki pas (Janković 1961: 105–109; Sagan 1990: 180), ostensibly neighboring the Orion, to whom, during its approach to the Sun, the Romans sacrificed puppies during the agricultural festival in the month of May (Kale 2007: 180). The Canis Major and Canis Minor constellations or Mali pas echo the Bulgarian name of the winter solstice (inf. Toncheva), as well as the Croatian folktales about Eve whom God created from a dog’s tail and who conceived fairies with Adam (Franković 2012: 296), and also about the dog-headed stepmother and her dog-headed children pasoglavci (Vrkić 1995b: 281–282). She is the astral cow Sopted of the Egyptian goddess Isis9, sometimes equated with the Sun. The flooding of the Nile, the beginning of the sowing and the New Year cycle, was forecast according to the star’s heliactic rising, when the star became visible again after seventy days. This 9 Statues found in the Neolithic and Eneolithic proto-city settlement of Çatal Hüyük in southern Anatolia, often shown Terra Magna who bears a bull (Devereux 1990: 47). 132 L id i j a B a j uk period was interpreted as the passage of Isis and her brother-husband Osiris through the underworld and also as their reincarnation. Risen Osiris, who was identified with the Nile, the solar phoenix (heron), and the bull, appeared as the New Moon (Chevalier, Gheerbrandt 1994: 153; Maletić 2002: 70–71). Sopdet, Osiris, and their son Harpocrates/Horus were an integral part of the Egyptian divine trinity. Fig. 33 Goddess Isis suckling Harpocrates, Egypt, 26th dynasty (Bagot, J., Ancient Art, Arqueologia) Fig. 34 Stellar alignments of the shafts within the Great Pyramid, Giza, Egypt, 2560 B.C. (Mike, E. 2009, Miracle of the Surveyor’s Art, The Giza Pyramids) Therefore, Sopdet was depicted as the goddess of the Nile, fertility, the New Year, motherhood, and as the pharaoh’s psychopomp (Janković 1961: 105–106, 108, 111; Kolman-Rukavina, Mandić 1961: 16). That is the origin of the term doggish heat meaning ‘sizzling heat’ used in ancient Greece (Andreić 2008: 105), as well as the Slovenian name Kuzljak/Kužljak for Sirius (Möderndorfer 1946: 276). The crescent moon and star somehow interact with Še-kin-kud ‘Harvest month’, the last month in the Mesopotamian calendar. In the later Babylon period Še-kin-kud was equated with Addaru/Adar month ‘Dark month’ in March, when the Orion’s setting marked the end of the annual and life cycle (Durman 2000: 85). It is assumed that the openings in the pyramids’ crypts were there so that the souls of the deceased rulers could leave the pyramid. The pharaoh’s soul, once resurrected, would meet Orion and Polaris10, and the soul of the queen would meet Sirius (Janković 1961: 114; Bilan 2015: 12, 14, 15, 18). The Croatian names for Sirius include Kuja ‘Bitch’, Svinjarica ‘Swineherdess’, Vol(uj)arica ‘Oxdriveress’, Vlahinja ‘Wallachian woman’ (Janković 1951: 109), and Sánta(va) Kat(ic)a ‘Limping Kat(ic)a’, another woman who brings lunch to the Croatian stellar harvestmen (Franković 2015). However, because we can observe Sirius in the northern hemisphere only at the end of autumn and during the winter, its connection with the beginning of the agricultural year is a thing of the past. Venus has taken over that role. In the context of the rejection of old and the establishment of new religious systems, the aged (lame) goddess Sirius and Venus were opposed by a young goddess. The story is resonantly present in many customs and traditions. For example, in the Ukrainian Easter dances during which girls dance around a cross and shout mocking remarks at imaginary boys who have once, according to legend, shooed away (a domesticated she-wolf) (inf. Hirnyk), in the Croatian Primorje fairy tale of a poor Popeljuha ‘Cinderella’ and her astral dresses and golden shoes (Botica 1995: 149–511), in the Croatian tradition where brides put on shoes and dance to showcase their agility (Novak 2007: 284), and kiss the wedding guests for luck (Kutleša 1997: 292), and in the old Croatian processional songs about a bachelorette Kat(alen)a (Žganec 1950: no. 58, 64, 216, 369; Botica 1995: 71, 138), in the popular Christian medieval legend about St. Catherine who refuses to be married, and finally in the names of Croatian Podravinian localities Sirova and Suha Katalena ‘Uncouth and Sapless Katalena’. All of these may be connected to the tales of Slavic and German false brides, such as the Cinderella’s half-sisters. Divine limping bachelorettes, whose divine father is the Lame Blacksmith (Durman 2000: 38), are obviously connected to the South Slavic limping Moon, the limping wolf and the lord of the wolves – a son of the mother of wolf god, the riding shepherd Juraj (George) of the South Slavic narratives (Kulišić 1979: 44, 56; Katičić 2010: 322), which are connected to a Serbian custom obliging parents to smear black paint on their children’s faces face in a bid to protect the children against spells, when they ventured out of the village for the first time in their lives (Mićović 1952: 249), to a South-Slavic leader 10 The posthumous residence of pharaohs was settled down on the field around the Polaris star (Sjevernjača) which does not move on the night sky. O v e r t he Moun ta in s Hi gh , a cro ss t he W at e r s D e e p ( a s t roe t hnol o g i c a l c on t rib u t i on s ) 133 and with a Livonian11 lame boy at the back of the spring ceremonial processions, and to the Balkan and Slavic New Year’s well-wishers vučari ‘wolves’ (Kulišić 1979: 50, 84), and finally to the Holy Family who asks a blacksmith for accommodation. Carnival plantavi/šepavi petak ‘limping Friday’ (Franković 2011: 113) and weekly Friday are in the sign of the Slavic goddessmother (Katičić 2011: 214), Easter hroma nedjelja ‘limping Sunday’ (Kulišić 1979: 56) and weekly Sunday are in the sign of her daughter (Hećimović-Seselja 1985: 131; Lovretić 1990: 555). The Croatian people of Lika believed that Christmas on Friday caused rabies in dogs (Hećimović-Seselja 1985: 137) and of Slavonia that dog barking proclaims evil (Lovretić 1990: 558, 562). The starry flock Pleiades of Antiquity is in the ancient constellation of Taurus (Andreić 2008: 92). The Pleiades represent the Egyptian celestial divine mother Net, or the seven daughters of the titan Atlas. According to Greek mythology, the sisters committed suicide because they were being chased by Orion the Hunter and his dog Sirius. Then Zeus placed them in the sky as stars on the chest of Taurus or Bik ‘Bull’ (Kolman-Rukavina, Mandić 1961: 30). Perhaps the seven stars placed inside the crescent on Hadrian’s coins from the 2nd century symbolize the Pleiades. It is interesting that another motif on Hadrian’s coins was Gaul represented as a woman with a flower similar to the fleur-de-lys sign. This armorial French sign first represented iris, which later was reinterpreted into lily. Does the South Slavic six-petalled apotropaic insignia with a dot in its middle also represent the seven Pleiades? Their appearance in the evening and their setting in the morning mark autumn and winter, their fading – spring, while their rise in morning setting in the evening mark the summer period (Čajkanović, Sofrić Niševljanin 2011: 27). Native Americans interpreted them as the beginning of the new year, and Greek sailors saw them as a sign of auguring safe sea passage. Fig. 35 Petroglyph on an ancient fragment, Gradski muzej Senj, Croatia (Gradski muzej Senj) Fig. 37 Mysterious drawing on a rock, Donja Prizna-Bili Brigovi, Gradski muzej Senj, Croatia (Gradski muzej Senj) Fig. 36 Petroglyph on a graveston, Hiddensee, Germany (Nikolić Viduša 2015) 11 Fig. 38 Astronimical sign on the medieval adze, Torčec, Croatia (Arheološka zbirka obitelji Zvijerac, Torčec) The territory of the historic Finnish state of Livonia today covers parts of the territories of the Baltic states of Estonia and Latvia. 134 L id i j a B a j uk Traditional tales speak of the North African ‘rain forecasters’, the Hindu ‘flames of the fire god, Agni’ or the ‘commanders of the heavenly host’, the Celtic ‘spring-afterlife sad stars’, and the Navajo Indian ‘sparkling suns’, Polish Vlastovice ‘Female swallows’, Croatian Sedam sestrica ‘Seven sisters’, Lastari ‘Male swallows’ and Vlašići ‘the Wallachians’, Serbian Babino zviježđe ‘Grandma’s constellations’, sad spring stars, primordial fairies, sons of the moon-like and sunny couple, suitors of the Danica ili Jutarnja zvijezda ‘Aurora, Morning Star’, or the souls of the emperor’s children (Janković 1961: 34, 38; Andrić 1929: no. 337). Their Slavic names are still connected to the words grandma, grandma’s sticks, or old woman, a hen with chickens, billhooks, Wallachian harvesters or sons (Janković 1951: 139–141; Kale 1995: 111 n. 12, 116; inf. Wilczyński), which indicate the proto-Slavic deities Baba ‘Old Woman, Grandma’ and Did/D(j)ed ‘Old Man, Grandpa’, the Slavic female Velež and male Volos/Veles (Kolman-Rukavina, Mandić 1961: 30), and also the first humans Adam and Eve (Franković 2012: 296). Baba or Did are also Croatian names for α Canis Major star (Kale 1995: 117). The Croatian tales of a girl and the twelve dead gentile Staršić ‘Little stars’ brothers, who were attacked by a dog as the billhooks (Bošković-Stulli 1997: no. 258), perhaps echo the myth of the ‘Stellar billhooks’ (the Croatian Orion’s Belt) which were attacked by the Orion’s dog. In the Serbian tale about the Wallachians attached to the sky because they stole the old lady’s daughter on Peter’s Day, one can gain an inkling of the reasons for the bride’s melancholy, when she lags behind the groom’s wedding guests (Čajkanović, Sofrić Niševljanin 2011: 27, 28). In the Taurus constellation the brightest star is Aldebaran, Croatian Vlahinjica ‘Wallachian woman’ and Serbian Putnica ‘Female traveler’ or Kvočka ‘Hen’ (Janković 1951: 142, 149), the winter companion to the Pleiades (Andreić 2008: 97: Kaler 2009), connected to an old woman and chicken or to her daughter and chicks (Franković 2015). The mythical Sopted could have played that role – the lauded fairy with swan wings (Mićović 1952: 256) who offers family and land to her pursuer – a hunter with grey hounds (Franković 2012: 417–418). The Cygnus ‘Swan’ constellation, the Croatian Labud ‘Swan’, Križ Sv. Petra ‘St. Peter’s Cross’ or Križ Majke Božje ‘Mother of God Cross’ can be observed in the summer night sky, at the same latitude as the Pleiades but at different times. Although its traditional name was not connected with birds (Kale 1995: 116 n. 19; 2007: 175), the Slavonian wedding song about a girl who is feeding a peacock or a lion, a swan and a hawk (Kuhač 1881. IV: no. 1212, 1213) perhaps sings about the Cygnus constellation. Actually, the first man was taught to till the soil by vile ‘fairies’ (vila means ‘one fairy’), by the multi-faced and bearlike Vela žena/Velež ‘Great Woman’ (Janković 1961: 15; Kulišić 1979: 111; Katičić 2011: 167–179). Therefore, at a traditional wedding, older couples demonstrated the cultivation of the world to younger couples (Čajkanović, Sofrić Niševljanin 2011: 27, 28). Fairies ride in the Vilovska kola ‘Fairies wain’ to the fairy kingdom on Baranja’s Aršanj/Vilanjska planina ‘Fairies Mountain’, where the New Moon reigns (Nodilo 1981: 620; Kulišić 1979: 116), depicted as the fairy yellow-bearded mage Adam who eats eggs stolen from domestic poultry (Lovretić 1990: 526, 535–536, 553; Vrkić 1995b: 102). It is the ancient Ursa Major constellation, the Croatian Veliki medvjed ‘Great Bear’ or Velika kola ‘Wain’. When the constellation appeared in the summer sky it marked the beginning of the harvest (Lovretić 1990: 555). The tail of the Draco ‘Dragon’ constellation whips around the Ursa Major constellation at its zenith in winter. The ancient Ursa Minor, the Croatian Mali medvjed ‘Lesser Bear’ or Mala kola ‘Lesser Wain’ and the Draco constellation are the oldest known constellations (Andreić 2008: 69). Is the Draco constellation reminiscent of the thirsty dragon with a golden girl under its wing, from literature (Pavlinović 2007: no. 733), and is it reminiscent of the dragon image from Croatian narratives in general? The memory of the alleged inventor of the plough (Janković 1951: 143–144) and wine is that of the ancient Arcturus and Demeter’s son, South Slavic Volar, as the brightest star in the homonymous constellation, today also known as Greek Boötes (Andreić 2008: 49, 117). This South Slavic ‘Ox-Driver’ controls a big chariot drawn by an ox and a wolf and conveys in it a lame god bog(ec) as passenger (Kolman-Rukavina, Mandić 1961: 31; Bošković-Stulli 1997: no. 140). So the Serbian names connected with them are oxen and ox yokes, as well as the tradition of the beginning of the spring ploughing season when the constellation appears behind a local sacred high ground – for example the Volujsko brdo ‘Ox Hill’ in Croatian Podravina. The position of the Croatian Polarna zvijezda ‘North Star or Polaris’ or Medvednjača/Sjevernjača/Stoježebujača/Tramuntana in the Fig. 39 Constellations Draco and Ursa Minor in »Urania’s Mirror« by Ian Ridpath, 1825 (Ridpath (s. a.), Card 1, © Ian Ridpath) O v e r t he Moun ta in s Hi gh , a cro ss t he W at e r s D e e p ( a s t roe t hnol o g i c a l c on t rib u t i on s ) 135 constellation of Ursa Minor (α) or Mali medvjed ‘Lesser Bear’, also the ancient Greek name Cynosura ‘Dog’s-tail’, is determined by the position of the ancient Ursa Major, English Big Dipper or South Slavic Veliki medvjed ‘Great Bear’ (Kutleša 1997: 434; Kale 2007: 178; Andreić 2008: 61, 63, 65). As a prominent star, it defines the terrestrial-celestial centers (world tree, uplift, column, axle, racket, spindle, hole, door, nail, navel) in the world’s cosmogonies (Tolstoj, Radenković 2001: 374). For example, a milky-girdered axle at the threshing floor around which the grain was threshed in some Asian (Chevalier, Gheerbrant 1994: 815) and Slavic traditional images (Franković 2011: 199), and an axle around which the New Year’s Eve circle-dances were performed by the young ones in Croatian customs (Ivančan 1981: 61). Some Slavic tales thematised a mythical white town with three gates, from where the sunny fairy marries her stellar children (Belaj 1998: 211–212; Katičić 2010: 246). Out of the nearby Velika kola (Ursa Major), on whose cattle the mentioned wolf preys (Kale 2007: 179), the Burgenland Kurjača ‘She-wolf’ or the ancient Alcor, falls the galaxy Kumovska slama ‘Godfather’s straw’ (the Milky Way Galaxy) (Čajkanović, Sofrić Niševljanin 2011: 28), and also perhaps the Christmas straw with the fortune blades hidden in it. These Kaikavian tool with engraved astronomical symbols (Dolenčić 1952b, Ms. NZ 120c: 492), such as on the Podravinian medieval crafted adzes, were inherited through male kin. Fig. 40 Horseman, star and flower on the medieval Seldzuk coin, Turkey (Bilgili 2015) Fig. 41 Floral relief of the medieval spolia, Kulen Vakuf, BIH (Hrnjić 2012) Fig. 43 Astral-floral motif on the Ivan Gyulay’s Coat-ofArms, St. Wolfgang Church belfry, Vukovoj, Croatia, 16 CE (Lukinović 2008: 32) Fig. 42 Astral-floral motif on the bronze ring-signet, Vukovar-Lijeva Bara, Croatia, 13 CE (Demo 1996: 96, Fig. 66) 136 L id i j a B a j uk Regarding these constellations, there is the Hungarian Burgenland tale about the infidel Ilija ‘Elias’ who became a saint when he was given a thunder cart for persecuting devil on his tour around the ground (Franković 2012: 29–30). Did God give him the fairy chariot of the mythical female Ursa Major and her Ursa Minor (Franković 2011: 140), renaming it Kola sv. Martina ‘St. Martin’s wain’’ or Kola sv. Ilije ‘St. Elias wain’’ (Kale 2007: 179)? In the Bronze Age images, swamp birds carry deceased souls in heavenly chariots. The Mala kola (Ursa Minor) constellation has also Burgenland name Rodina kola ‘Stork’s wain’ rounds (Franković 2015) – maybe in which a stork from the backward water world (Katičić 2011: 160) carries the newborns (Kale 2007: 175) on the Bird (Milky) Way. The Ursa Major constellation has apparently been visible for centuries above Medvednica, a mountain near the Croatian capitol Zagreb, whose Latin name is Mons Ursi, as noted in 1209 in the Charter of King Andrew II. Just like the immobile star Polaris in many cosmogonies of the world defines centers of earthly life (Bilić 2011: 436), these celestial bodies perhaps define urban landscape of the Croatian capital (za+greb ‘beyond the grave’), formerly a holy and otherworldly place (Iveta 2016). Do the ancient cosmogonic traditions of Pegasus, Sirius, Venus, Orion, the Pleiades and Ursa Major, in the Croatian area reinterpreted in the narratives about a sanctuary with the well and the world tree, about limping deities and their children, about hunters, horsemen and farmers, about female equilibrium in the afterlife and male equilibrium on Earth, echo a legend of the Zagreb Manduševac well from which the bachelorette Manda saved a mortally thirsty wandering knight (Žganec 1950: no. 74; Botica 1995: 201), or perhaps the Dalmatian dialect word mande for ‘female genitals’ (Stipišić Delmata 2012: 1272), the harvest song of the sinful mother’s daughter Manda who was promised to the fairies (Franković 2012: 15-16), the Međimurje bidding in verse of the bride’s wedding tree with a decoration on top representing the messy female eroticism (inf. Srša; Katičić 2011: 209), the Bunjevac wedding party’s carriage and its passage across the bridge (Sekulić 1991: 314), and the Dalmatian Zagora bride’s washing of the blackened-faced grooms and the main wedding guests (Kutleša 1997: 294)? Possibly related to all these are the Bosnian traditional game for popular among adolescent boys and girls, called adolescent boys called vukovi i ovce ‘wolves and sheep’ (Andrić 1929: no. 493), the Croatian Zagora male New Year and wedding well-wishers vučari ‘wolves’, who sometimes attacked newlyweds or who loudly accompanied the newlyweds on their wedding night (Kulišić 1979: 49, 84), and the Banovina tale of the nine bewitched wolves and their sunny sister (Botica 1995: 154–156). In two versions of a Lithuanian lullaby, a prophetic cuckoo laments about a young rider whose mother gave him a horse and a golden gun, who rode across mother’s three fields and got lost in a dewy forest at night, who whipped the horse with a miraculous birch switch and returned home, and who called upon the Sun, to bring water out of a thawed lake for his horse (Sliužinskienė 1998: 163–165). Memories of mythical horsemen are also preserved in some Moslavinian songs and tales about the stellar horseman and about the swordsman Ivan, who rides above a white burg and a green grove (Matunci 2017: 149), the horse races of young men at Croatian Christmas, Carnival and St. George’s Day (Mihaljev 2012: 148) and to similar Serbian and Bulgarian horse races at Konjski Velikden (Easter Horseday), on the Saturday of St. Theodore (inf. Toncheva). Vile ‘fairies’, perceived by the inhabitants of Dalmatian Zagora as three-legged beings with a small tripod chair on their shoulders, dwell on high ground (inf. Žužul). A South Slavic mother in law, sitting on a small three-legged-stool would greet the bride (Ivanišević 1987: 475). Before the onset of stormy weather women would carry a three-legged-stool outside the house and place it, upturned, in the yard (Grčević 2000: 42). By the same token, in the Kaikavian locales people believed that sitting on a lucijski stolček, Lucian three-legged-stool, during the Christmas midnight mass enabled one to recognize the village copernice ‘witches’ (Dolenčić 1952b, Ms. NZ 120c: 469–470). These involving a three-legged-stool maybe be connected to the cult three-legged-stool on which sat, surrounded by the temple’s virgins, the Greek prophetess Pythia when she, entranced, made prophecies (Grdešić 1960: 53, 58; Cavendish, Lang 1982: 138–139; Perowne 1986: 28). The South Slavic oral tradition has three suđenice/sujenice ‘prophetesses of a newborn’s destiny’, mythical girl, woman and old lady as once the three-imaged goddess whose fourth, invisible side is oriented towards the shadowy beyond, are on the night sky the ancient Triangulus constellation – Kaikavian Tri sestre ‘Three sisters’, Bačka Sadžak and Serbian Pirustija ‘Tripad’ (Janković 1951: 148–149; Kale 1995: 113) – that are in the autumn-winter period clearly visible around midnight, together with the star flock of Vlašići (Pleiades) situated slightly to the east of the constellation. The star flock and the constellation then rise and set together. That is why the mythical imagery connects them to each other. Here are also ancient Venus and Andromeda, perhaps in connection with potential mythical South Slavic brides. Specifically, during the year Venus was identified with the some stars in the constellations of female names (Andreić 2008: 91). Consequently these celestial bodies somehow correlate with the male custom of making an Advent three-legged-stool. Therefore, the conjunction of Venus and Jupiter on June 12nd in the year 2 B.C. is a possible interpretation of the star of Bethlehem (Gatalica 2015: 6). O v e r t he Moun ta in s Hi gh , a cro ss t he W at e r s D e e p ( a s t roe t hnol o g i c a l c on t rib u t i on s ) 137 After the South Slavic communities had converted to Christianity, the names, in Croatian and other dialects, of celestial bodies and their movements in the sky and the related meanings and perceptions became cloaked in new interpretations determined by the resultant new traditions, customs and festivals. The proto-elements throb in the pulse of every minor or major manifestation of said traditions and customs and are indelibly etched into the astral maps of meaning, compelling communities and individuals alike to perceive both the earthy and otherworldly existence in the context of the power the members of the winged divine family, reigning in the depths of the earth and in the heavenly heights, have over the lives of every mortal being. Astroethnologic-folkloristic comparisons could contribute to better understanding of the mentioned maps of meaning and also of both the underlying and resultant perceptions. Translated by Nina Antoljak Additional partial translation and proofreading by Mirela Hrovatin, Michael Gable, Andrea and Mihael Durgo Lidija Bajuk Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research Šubićeva 42 HR-10000 Zagreb lidija@ief.hr 138 L id i j a B a j uk BIBLIOGRAPHY Andreić, Ž. 2008, Naše noćno nebo, Školska knjiga, Zagreb. 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Lukinović, A. 2008, Sveti Volfgang – Vukovoj nad Klenovnikom 500 (1508. – 2008.), Glas Koncila, Zagreb, 32. Malik, T. 6 June 2012, Venus Crosses the Sun for Last Time Until 2117, Skywatchers Rejoice, SPACE. com, https://www.space.com/16024-venus-transit- 2012-skywatchers-rejoice.html (4 May 2016). Manastir Banja: Sveti otac Nikola, nadji.info, http://www. nadji.info/rs/manastir-banja-sveti-otac-nikola-pribojska-banja-pribojska-banja/ve71283/fotografije/ ph7337/ (31 October 2016). Mănăstirea Cetățuia din Iași, Wikipedia – Enciclopedia liberă, https://ro.wikipedia. org/wiki/M%C4%83n%C4%83stirea_ Cet%C4%83%C8%9Buia_din_Ia%C8%99i (4 May 2016). Mike, E. 2009, Miracle of the Surveyor’s Art, The Giza Pyramids, https://euler09.wordpress.com/2009/07/12/ the-giza-pyramids-%E2%80%93-miracle-of-thesurveyors-art/ (3 November 2016). Narbaez Jr., R. 1997, The Star and the Crescent, http:// www.cyberistan.org/islamic/crescent1.htm (3 May 2016). Nikolić Viduša P. 2015, Stećci, laži i bogumili, Pešić i sinovi, Beograd, http://stecciibogumili.blogspot. hr/2015/03/srbski-srednjevijekovni-stecci-na.html (31 October 2016). Repatice u povijesti – Noć kada se čekao smak svijeta, Zvjezdarnica, 1 July 2015, http://www.zvjezdarnica. com/mediji/skrinjica/repatice-u-povijesti-noc-kada-se-cekao-smak-svijeta/2238 (4 May 2016) Ridpath, I., Urania’s Mirror, Old Star Atlases, http://www. ianridpath.com/atlases/urania/urania01.jpg (10 November 2016). Saciragic, D. 2018, Arianrhod, Moon Goddess of the Silver Wheel, Damir na divanu, https://damirnadivanu.com/2018/07/04/arianrhod-moon-goddess-ofthe-silver-wheel/ (5 May 2018). Skočilić, V., Stepanić, S. 2008, Povijest Turopolja, TURopole, https://sites.google.com/site/turopole/Home/ povijest-turopolja (20 September 2016). Šimac, M. 2007, Orion neosporni vladar zimskog neba, Zvjezdarnica, http://www.zvjezdarnica.com/ astronomija/zanimljivosti/orion-neosporni-vladarzimskoga-neba/154 (6 May 2016). Uranometria orion.jpg, Wikimedia Commons, https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Uranometria_ orion.jpg (10 November 2016). Velika Gorica, Wikipedija – Slobodna enciklopedija, https://hr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Velika_Gorica, (10 November 2016). Venerine mijene, Wikipedia – Slobodna enciklopedija, https: //hr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Venerine_mijene (4 May 2016). Vergano, D. 2014, ‘Solar Sneezes’ May Trigger Auroras Around Venus, National Geographic, november, http://news.nationalgeographic.com/ news/2014/11/141111-venus-express-space-aurora-science/ (3 May 2016). Wilkinson, L. 1858, The Iris, Flag. Iris, Part 3, Weeds and Wild Flowers. John Van Voorst, London, chestofbooks.com/flora-plants/weeds/Wild/index.html (30 July 2016). Yaroslav the Wise, Wikipedia – The Free Encyclopedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yaroslav_the_ Wise (4 May 2016). 142 L id i j a B a j uk INFORMANTS Bratulić, J., an academician from Sv. Petar u Šumi (Croatia, Istria), born in 1939 (27 May 2011). Hirnyk, O., a Greek Catholic priest from L’viv (Ukraine), born in 1969 (1 September 2011) Hrlec, A., a professor of physics from Kamešnica (Croatia, Prigorje), born in 1972 (28 July 2014). Jakopić, M., retired a building contractor and winemaker from Železna Gora (Croatia, Međimurje), born in 1940 (18 June 2012). Kipre, I., an ethnologist and art historian from Dubrovnik (Croatia, Međimurje), born in 1984 (25 January 2013). Krištofić, A., Novak, G., housewifes from Stanetinec (Croatia, Međimurje), born in 1942 and 1943 (4 July 2011). Krnjak, L., a housewife from Mačkovec (Croatia, Međimurje), born in 1940 (28 March 2012) Lovrec, F., a music teacher and a vintner from Sv. Urban (Croatia, Međimurje), born in 1944 (29 September 2012). Makovec, S., a folk musician from Grabrovnik (Croatia, Međimurje), born in 1942 (18 March 2011). Petric, I., a housewife from Orehovec (Croatia, Prigorje), born in 1953 (30 November 2016) Rozić, A., a film-maker from Dubrovnik (Croatia, south Dalmatia), born in 1958 (20 October 2016). Sikora, Lj., retired a building contractor from Stryj (Ukraine), born in 1945 (26 August 2011) Srša, F., a farmer form St. Urban (Croatia, Međimurje), born in 1940 (15 August 2012) Šimunko, J., a journaist from Čakovec (Croatia, Međimurje), born in 1952 (29 September 2012). Škvorc, M., a housewife from Sv. Urban (Croatia, Međimurje), born in 1930 (14 August 2012). Toncheva, V., an ethnomusicologist from Sofia (Bulgaria), born in 1973 (18 November 2015). Tuksar, M., a housewife and farmer from Vratišinec (Croatia, Međimurje), born in 1939 and died in 2012 (2007). Žužul, A., a writer and publisher from Grubine (Croatia, Dalmatian Zagora), born in 1946 (22 April 2013). Wilczyński, O., a Greek Catholic priest from L’viv (Ukraine), born in 1974 (2 June 2011). Marina Milićević Bradač Passing through the Countryside : How to Recognize a Sacred Place? Scientific paper Passing through the countryside a wayfarer – being a traveler, hunter, herdsman, soldier or anyone else – would recognize the place devoted to a divinity or sacred in some way. He would know where to stop, make an offering or pray to the divine being lingering in that place (numen inest, Ovid. Fasti, 3.296). In some places or groves the passerby would see altars or images of gods, enabling him to recognize the sacred spot, but some places were harder to notice because the simpler, rustic cult took place there. Ancient sources offer a whole range of different categories of recognition at the traveler’s disposal, if he was interested at all. Apuleius (Florida 1.1) told us of the wayfarers who cared about the gods (religiosi viantium) and who noticed subtle signs in the scenery, but they were scarce (pauci percontantes), while majority did not recognize the sites or simply did not care for them (ignorantes). Key words: holy places, groves, altars, rustic statues, trees, hanging objects Introduction Ancient countryside was full of sacred spaces and places and the question is how they were recognized as such.1 We can begin with the distinction between the ordinary place and the holy place. Peregrine Horden and Nicholas Purcell suggested criteria for such distinction: “..., the object of religious attention is the singular in the natural world. On this view, it is the unusual, the distinctive, the individual, about such places – rather than any practical usefulness or contribution to secular activities – which helps to make them holy. The stranger accidents of geomorphology, like other kinds of contradiction, portent, paradox and departure from normality…” (Horden, Purcell 2000: 412; cf. Barnett 2007: 257).2 Passing through the countryside a wayfarer – being a traveler, hunter, herdsman, soldier or anyone else – would recognize the place devoted to a divinity or sacred in some way. We can imagine that the passerby at first does not see anything specific, but if he comes to the crossroads of any kind, without any visible sign of worship, he would assume that the place was sacred to some god and if it was a trivium, the divinity could very well be Artemis/Diana or Hecate. A pious wayfarer would leave a small sign of adoration on the spot, and the next one coming should recognize the piety of someone before him. That is exactly what the famous passage from Apuleius’ Florida (1) tells us: “It is the usual practice of wayfarers with a religious disposition, when they come upon a sacred grove or holy place by the roadside, to utter a prayer, to offer an apple, and pause for a moment from their journeying. So I, on entering the revered walls of your city, feel that, for all my haste, it is my duty to ask your favour, to make an address, and to break the speed of my journey. I cannot conceive aught that could give a traveler juster cause to halt in sign of reverence; no altar crowned with flowers, no grotto shadowed with foliage, no oak bedecked with horns, no beech garlanded with the skin 1 This research was undertaken under the auspices of the National project no. 6505, Between the Danube and the Mediterranean (under the directorship of prof. Mirjana Sanader). Before everything else I must thank dr. Ana Pavlović for her generous help, and dr. Marcel Burić, dr. Dino Demicheli and Nenad Stanić for giving me permission to use their photographs. Last but not least, I owe deep gratitude to the anonymus reviewer for useful suggestions. 2 Mircea Eliade (The Sacred and the Profane, transl. W. R. Trask, Harcourt, San Diego-New York-London, 1957: 26) said that sacred space was “an irruption of the sacred that results in detaching a territory from the surrounding cosmic milieu…”. English translation quoted by Dafni 2007a: 1. Croatian translation Eliade 2002. On anteriority of the sacredness of the place to the cult of the specific god, see White 1954: 114. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 143–164 144 M a rin a Mil i će v i ć Br a d a č of beasts, no mound whose engirdling hedge proclaims its sanctity, no tree-trunk hewn into the semblance of a god, no turf still wet with libations, no stone astream with precious unguents. For these are but small things, and though there be a few that seek them out and do them worship, the majority note them not and pass them by”.3 Here Apuleius numbered almost all the signs pointing to the sacred place in the countryside. He did not name any gods, any specific sites or rituals, he just stressed the general warnings which should attract the attention of the pious passerby (religiosi viantium) and recommended appropriate behavior for such a traveler – he should recognize the place and pause, while aware that recognizing the god of the place is not of the utmost importance, just the reverence for the sacred place, although, he said, majority did not care (ignorantes) (Otto 1714: 7 f: Appel 1909: 59; Scotti 1988: 125-126). In this short passage Apuleius summarized the experience of the wayfarers of antiquity and their sense of the sacred places (loca sacra) when they came upon it, but he was by no means the only one. We have a lot of descriptions of the countryside from antiquity pertaining to the sacred places, found in sources of different kinds. When discussing the sources we must always bear in mind that we operate with two distinctive kinds. In the first place we have historians, geographers, naturalists, agricultural writers and like, who describe real events in real places. In the second place we have poets and mythographers who describe mythical events in real places, and mythical events in mythical places, yet we can use poetical sources because even the most imaginative poet builds his picture with the images he has previously seen all around him in his own environment. And we shall see that all three of these categories frequently overlap (fig. 1). We cannot possibly quote all the sources pertaining to our subject, but the election of authors enabled us to make a list of different spaces and different levels of recognition – from the instinctive feeling that we are facing something from the “world of gods” to the very distinctive crafted objects left all over the countryside, which commemorated “places of gods”. Fig. 1 shema of the descriptions in ancient sources, by M. Milićević Bradač 3 Translated by Butler 1909. The Latin text ed. Helm 1910: Ut ferme religiosi viantium moris est, cum aliqui locus aut aliqui locus sanctus in via oblatus est, votum postulare, pomum adponere, paulisper adsidere: ita mihi ingresso sanctissiumam istam civitatem, quanquam oppido festinem, praefanda venia habenda oratio inhibenda properatio est. Neque enim iustius religiosam moram viatori obiecerit, aut ara floribus redimita aut spelunca frondibus inumbrata aut quercus cornibus onerata aut fagus pellibus coronata vel enim colliculus sepimine consecratus vel truncus dolamine effigiatus vel cespes libamine fumigatus vel lapis unguine delibatus. Parva haec quippe et quanquam paucis percontantibus adorata, tamen ignorantibus transcursa. Quoted also in Otto 1714: 8; Appel 1909: 59. P A S S ING THROU G H THE COUNTRY S IDE : HOW TO RECO GNI Z E A S ACRED P LACE? 145 I. Gener al markings Among the signs numbered by Apuleius, the simplest are the natural features, like the cave shadowed with foliage (a fresco showing such a grotto once adorned the Boscoreale villa, Anderson 1987: 19) which automatically invokes feelings of awe, but the most common features are the patches of turf holy for some reason or the stones and the rocks beside the road. Some of them are just stones, but some of them could be recognized as sacred places. From Apuleius’ text we know that they were recognizable as such by visible signs of previous adoration. He saw “turf still wet with libations” and “stone astream with precious unguents”. That should incite him to do the same. Numerous other sources corroborate Apuleius’ statement of appropriate behavior during the voyage and witness to the sacredness of some conspicuous stones and rocks in antiquity. So Diodorus Siculus (4.22) tells us of “a certain rock in the country of the people of Poseidonia” sacred to Artemis.4 The poet Tibullus (1.1.11 f) tells us how to recognize a holy place, and among other signs, he gives an ancient stone at the crossway adorned with garlands: “For I bend in worship wherever flowery garlands lie on deserted tree-stock in the fields or old stone at crossway…” 5 - not just any crossway, but a trivium. Seneca (Epist. ad Lucil. 41.3) corroborates this saying that the strange stone, not shaped by human hand, also provokes religious feeling (fig. 2: When we see huge boulders covered with moss, like these in Cucuruzzu (Corsica), we certainly feel numen inest).6 Once again we have appropriate behavior at such places, behavior not only for passersby but, above all, also for the herdsmen and hunters. In the cynegetic literature we can find that the cross-roads in the forest are a priori sacred to Diana and should be revered accordingly. Grattius (Cynegeticon, 480-496) says: “…and at the center of the cross-roads in the grove the hunters fling down among the flowers the very weapons which now keep holiday in the festal peace of the sacred rites”.7 Pious and humble behavior in front of such sacred spots in the countryside was not always appreciated and sometimes was seen as excessive, so Theophrastus in his Characters describes such devotion as superstitious (Character 16: Superstitious): when passing by the anointed stone at the cross-road, he pours oil from his lekythus, Fig. 2 Cuccuruzzu, Corsica, Bronze age holy place, photo by M. Burić, 2013. 4 Translated by Oldfather 1953. 5 Latin text and English translation Postgate 1913. Nam ueneror seu stipes habet desertus in agris /seu uetus in triuio florida serta lapis; cf. Ponchont 1924; Pinchetti 1955. 6 Ed. Reynolds 1989. 7 ipsaque per flores medio in discrimine luci / stravere arma sacris et pace vacantia festa. Translated by Duff and Duff 1934. 146 M a rin a Mil i će v i ć Br a d a č drops on his knees and does not leave until the adoration is done.8 In late antiquity the Christian fathers recognized such spots in the countryside as dangerous and condemned the anointing of stones and turfs. Arnobius (Adv. gent. 1.39), when he writes about his previous behavior before he became a Christian, says that whenever he saw an anointed stone and filthy with olive oil, he would adore it, and he is aware how wrong it was of him (Dafni 2002: 316).9 Similarly Clemens of Alexandria (Stromat. 7) tells of those who, when seeing the wet or oily stone, drop on their knees in front of it.10 Sacred places in the countryside, not otherwise conspicuous, could be recognized with the help of more explicit signs, like altars erected at the spot and frequently those altars bore traces of permanent simple rustic rites taking place there. Apuleius in the quoted passage said “altar crowned with flowers”, which is a testimony to the living rustic cult. Similar altars could be found everywhere, beside the road (as we have seen), in the fields or in the woods. Ovid (Met. 7.74-75) describes such an altar dedicated to Hecate: “She took her way to an ancient altar of Hecate, the daughter of Perse, hidden in the deep shades of forest”.11 Ovid described the altar in the wood without any specific signs of ritual behavior, but there are other sources, like Anthologia Palatina (6.99) with explicit rites of the god Pan: “…after sacrificing and old he-goat and making thy holy altar drunk with the first milk of the she-goat”.12 Altars could also be marked with horrible signs of dire sacrifices, like the famous grove from Lucan’s Pharsalia (3. 399-452): “altars horrible on massive stones upreared”.13 Distinctive markings of active pagan cults, like the shaped altars covered with the remains of victims, flowers, garlands and liquids of all kinds, persisted throughout antiquity well into the Christian times, as attested by Sozomenus (Historia ecclesiastica 2. 4) in the passage where he describes the holy place under the oak (terebinthus) in Mamre (or Mambre), where, according to Genesis (18: 1-8), God appeared to Abraham. The place was indeed holy for Jews, Hellenes (meaning pagans) and Christians and Sozomenus says: “Each after the manner of his faith does honour to the place, some praying to the God of all, some invoking the angels and pouring wine or offering incense, or an ox or a goat or a sheep or a cock” (quoted by White 1954: 115; cf. Boetticher 1856: 111; Dafni 2007: 8). Constantine’s mother Helen complained to the bishops of Palestine that the holy place was profaned by libations and sacrifices and so they decided to destroy the altar and burn the statues and build the church so the place would be forever marked by the true faith. They also ordered that anyone who pursued the pagan custom of sacrificing there should be punished.14 Our guide Apuleius does not mention names of the gods whose sacred places he spotted travelling through North Africa, but we suppose that some of them might be dii viales, semitales or compitales (Otto 1714; 7f; Appel 1909; 59; Scotti 1988; 125-126). Much later Servius mentioned Lares viales (Ad Aen. 3. 302): in the woods there are spirits of the pious who are Lares viales, 15 benevolent and faithful protectors of wayfarers. Other gods tied to specific spots beside the roads have already been mentioned: Diana’s rock (Diod. 4.22), Diana’s crossroads (Gratt. Cyneg. 480-496), Hecate’s altar (Ovid. Met. 7. 74-75), Pan’s altar (Anth. Pal. 6. 99), and Abraham’s sacred place (Sozomen. HE 2.4), and many more gods roamed ancient countryside that are not mentioned here. How many, we can discern from Petronius. In his Satyricon he tells how Encolpius and Giton arrived in South Italy, somewhere around Naples, and there they met Quartilla, priestess of Priapus. She told 8 Theophrastus, Characters, French translation at http://bcs.fltr.ucl.ac.be/Theo/10-19.html#16 (25.12.2015). 9 …si quando conspexeram lubricatum lapidem, et ex olivi unguine sordidatum, tamquam inesset vis praesens, adulabar, affabor et beneficia poscebam nihil sentiente de trunco: et ipsos divos, quos esse mihi persuaseram, afficiebam contumeliis gravibus… Migne, Patrologia Latina, 5, col. 768. 10 Quoted in Migne, Patrologia Latina, 5, col. 768. 11 Translated by Miller 2004. Ibat ad antiquas Hecates Perseidos aras,/ Quas nemus umbrosum, secretaque silva tegebant. Cf. Cabaret-Dupaty 1866. 12 Translated by Paton 1920. 13 …structae diris altaribus arae…Translated by Duff 1988. 14 Greek text and French translation: Cousin 1686. What happened to the oak afterwards is told by Adamnan (De locis sanctis, 2. 11) in the text where he retells the travel to the Holy Land of the bishop Arculfus in the second half of the 7th century: “…the oak of Mambre, wonderful to relate, stands rooted in the earth; it is also called the oak of Abraham, because under it he once hospitably received the Angels. St. Hieronymus elsewhere relates that this tree had existed from the beginning of the world to the reign of Emperor Constantine; but he did not say that it had utterly perished, perhaps because at that time, although the whole of that vast tree was not to be seen as it had been formerly, yet a spurious trunk still remained rooted in the ground, protected under the roof of the church, of the hight of two men, from this wasted spurious trunk, which has been cut on all sides by axes, small chips are carried to the different provinces of the world, on account of the veneration and memory of that oak…” (translated by Macpherson 1889: 33-34). …quercus Mambre extat in terra radicata, quae quercus Abraham dicitur, eo quod sub ea quondam angelos hospitio receperit. Quam sanctus Hieronymus alibi narrat ab exordio mundi usque ad Constantini regis imperium permansisse; et fortassis ideo non dixit penitus defecisse, quia eadem aetate, quamvis non tota illa, sicuti prius fuerat, grandissima quercus monstrabatur; tamen aliqua pars ejus permansit in suo stabilita loco; ex qua, ut refert Arculfus qui eam propriis conspexit oculis, adhuc quoddam truncatum remanet spurium radicatum in terra, ecclesiae protectum tegmine, mensuram quasi duorum longitudinis virorum habens: de quo videlicet conso spurio ex omni parte securibus circumcise, hastellarum ad diversas orbis provincias particulae asportantur ob ejusdem quercus venerationem et recordationem… Latin text Charton 1854. 15 Eds. Thilo and Hagen 1881: Lucum nunquam ponit sine religione. Nam in ipsi habitant manes piorum, qui lares Viales sunt. P A S S ING THROU G H THE COUNTRY S IDE : HOW TO RECO GNI Z E A S ACRED P LACE? 147 them: “Our region is so full of present deities that you may more often encounter a god than a man”.16 We can easily discard this testimony today because we experience the world devoid of gods, but in antiquity they were existentially aware that the scenery was full of gods and, in their perception, they frequently met them. II. Trees, groves, and woods Crossroads, rocks, stones, altars, signs of cult notwithstanding, the most conspicuous sign of the god’s presence in the countryside was a tree. The trees were the most frequent signals of holy places and sacred spaces. It was enough to see some exquisite tree – unusually high, old or deformed – to presume that the place was sacred to some god (Dafni 2007: 8; 2007a: 2; Garg 2013: 596). Accordingly ancient sources are full of references to sacred trees. Once again we have two kinds of sources: historians, naturalists and philosophers who describe their own everyday reality, and poets who describe mythological situations in the familiar real places on one side, and the mythological situations in the mythological places on the other. II.1 One tree (recognized as such without additional cult instruments) We have Pliny’s direct testimony (NH 12.3): “…, and following old established ritual, country places even now dedicate an outstandingly tall tree to a god”,17 meaning that the traveler could be convinced that a really tall tree was sacred to some god (Scheid 1993: 17) (Fig. 3: as illustration we can show an enormous cypress tree from the Village of Zvečanje (Poljica, Omiš) as it stood in 1977. It was torn down by a storm shortly after the picture was taken and was estimated to be more than five hundred years old at the time). In another place Pliny describes a lotus tree in the precinct of Lucina at Rome, at his time five hundred years old, and still older, although no one knew how much (Plin. NH 16.85).18 He also speaks of famous Romans who venerated such trees and says (NH 16. 91) that Passenius Crispus (husband of Agrippina and Nero’s stepfather) was “passionately attached to a fine tree… and would often kiss and embrace it: not only would he lie down, too, beneath it, but he would also moisten its roots with wine”.19 The end of Pliny’s 16th book is a veritable catalogue of ancient and famous trees. Seneca (Epist. ad. Lucil. 41. 3) says the same: “If you ever have come upon a grove that is full of ancient trees which have grown to an unusual height…”20 the presence of deity will be proven to you (Fig. 4: a contemporary example might be the ancient olive tree (Olea europaea) in Kaštel Štafilić (Split, Croatia), estimated to be c. 1500 years old). In the famous simile, when speaking of the greatness of Ennius, Quintilian (Inst. or. 10.2.88) compares him to huge trees in an ancient grove: “Ennius deserves our reverence, but only as those Fig. 3 Village of Zvečanje (Poljica, Omiš, Croatia), huge cypress groves whose age has made them sacred, but whose huge and tree as it stood in 1977, photo by N. Milićević, 1977. ancient trunks inspire us with religious awe rather than with admiration for their beauty” (Appel 1909: 112). 21 16 Translated by Heseltine 1913: „Indeed the gods walk abroad so commonly in our streets that it is easier to meet a god than a man“. Utique nostra regio tam praesentibus plena est numinibus, ut facilius possis Deum quam hominem invenire, quoted by Otto 1714: 12-13. 17 Translated by Healy 2004, Latin text ed. Mayhoff 1892-1909: …, priscoque ritu simplicia rura etiam nunc deo praecellentem arborem dicant. 18 Plin. NH 16.85: Romae vero lotos in Lucinae area…haec nunc D circiter annum habet, antiquior, sed incerta eius aetas… 19 Translated by Bostock and Riley 1855:…amavit Passienus Crispus…osculari conplectique eam solitus, non modo cubare sub ea vinumque illi adfundere… 20 Translated by Gummere 1925: Si tibi occurrerit vetustis arboribus et solitam altitudinem egressis fequens lucus… fidem tibi numinis faciet. 21 Translated by Butler 1996: Ennium sicut sacros vetustate lucos adoramus, in quibus grandia et antiqua robora iam non tantam habent speciem quantam religionem, qoted by Appel 1909: 112. 148 M a rin a Mil i će v i ć Br a d a č Fig. 4 Kaštel Štafilić (Split, Croatia), ancient olive tree (Olea europaea) estimated to be 1500 years old, photo by D. Demicheli, 2016. Poetry is full of tall, outstanding and awesome trees. The abodes of almost all the deities are marked by such trees (e.g. Val. Flacc. Arg. 7.388 f: tall trees in the eery grove of Hecate 22 or the huge oak in the grove of Ceres in Ovid’s story of Erysichthon in Met. 8. 741-750).23 Most of them grew in groves and shady woods, but a tree alone, desolated in the field, was certainly the place of worship. Lucan (Phars. 1. 136-143) describes such a tree, a huge but now dead oak, standing alone in the field, with traces of worship on its naked branches.24 Its age, the ghastly sight of the dead branches and hollow trunk made it a sacred place and it was recognizable from afar, not by visible signs of rituals, but by itself (Bergmann 1992: 32). Virgil, on the other hand, describes the mythological past and ancient times of Enea’s arrival in Italy, yet his description of the wild olive tree (oleaster) sacred to Faunus standing alone near the sea, is very vivid as though seen in poet’s own time (Aen. 12. 766 f): “By chance this was the place where a bitter-leaved wild olive, sacred to Faunus, had stood, a tree revered by sailors of old…”. 25 It is debatable whether he really saw something like this, or it was just Vergil’s poetic imagination (Gagé 1961: 105-106), but, considering his opus, Vergil had practical and accurate knowledge of country life and agriculture and he exceled in describing the nature. He also had profound knowledge of religious antiquities, so many would agree that he could have easily seen such scenes in his lifetime (Jakcson Knight 1966: 185, 205). Between the real world of naturalists and historians and the imaginary world of poets stand a series of charming epigrams in Anthologia Palatina. In these epigrams venerated old trees speak to the passerby: an oak (9. 312), a poplar (9. 706) and a pine (6. 110), craving attention, but warning against damaging the tree. We have only the poetic expression of bygone worshipers, but their feelings were real and they left their vota as testimonies of practiced rites. Special reverence for exquisite trees persisted well into the Middle Ages, to quote just one example: Llancarvan/Llancarfan in Wales (Lot 1907: 26) was the very popular pilgrimage destination for Bretons from Brittany because the legend said that saint Malo (Maclovius, Machutus) came there after his famous navigation (Milićević Bradač 2013: 37-39) and plan22 Val. Flacc. Arg. 7. 394-395: utque sub altas/pervenere trabes…Translated by Mozley 1928. 23 Ovid. Met. 8. 742-743: Stabat in his ingens annoso robore quercus,/una nemus;… („Long-standing in her grove there grew an ancient oak-tree, spread so wide, alone it seemed a standing forest“, translated by More 1922. 24 Lucan. Phars. 1. 136-143: …quercus sublimis in agro… nec iam validis radicibus haerens… nudosque per aera ramos effundens…(„Thus an oak-tree, laden with the ancient trophies of a nation and the consecrated gifts of conquerors, towers in a fruitful field; but the roots it clings by have lost their toughness, and it stands by its wieght alone, throwing aout bare boughs into the sky and making a shade not with leaves but with its trunk“, translated by Duff 1988). 25 Translated by A. S. Kline, 2002. http://www.poetryintranslation.com/ (19.12.2015). Verg. Aen. 12.766-777: Forte sacer Fauno foliis oleaster amaris/ hic staterat, nautis olim venerabile lignum, (Lipparini 1928). P A S S ING THROU G H THE COUNTRY S IDE : HOW TO RECO GNI Z E A S ACRED P LACE? 149 ted a marvelous tree beside the monastery. The tree should have been planted in the 6th century and Bili, biographer of St. Malo, described it in the 9th century as huge, ancient and probably a palm tree.26 A sure sign that the tree or the grove was dedicated to a divinity and deign of every respect was the tree-trunk modelled into human shape (fig. 5: Matala, Crete. The tree trunk shaped in human form). If we turn back to Apuleius (Florida 1.1) we find that he mentioned “no tree-trunk hewn into the semblance of a god” 27 suggesting that it was a common sight in the Roman countryside. At the same time, Pausanias (3. 22) when describing Boia in Laconia, says that the trunk of an ancient myrtle was shaped in the effigy of Artemis Endendros (White 1954: 118), and then again (Paus. 5.13) a flowering myrtle in Temnos Fig. 5 Matala, Crete, tree-trunk shaped in human form, photo by shaped as Aphrodite, said to be a votive gift of Pelops (BoettiM. Milićević Bradač, 2015. cher 1856: 103). II.2 Groves and woods in general Outstanding lonely trees could be perceived as sacred to gods, but the sacredness of groves was undisputed. If you happened to see some wild grove standing near the road, or in the middle of the cultivated fields (Patrick Jr. 2010: 30), you could be sure that it was holy and inhabited by divine beings. Not only that, but the traveler could recognize a holy grove in whichever land he happened to be at the moment: that is what White (1954: 112-113) called “common mythic and ritual pattern” – common to all the peoples of the Ancient world (Patrick Jr. 2010: 21). Holy groves and treed areas, recognized as such, could belong to two distinct categories: one was the natural, untouched grove and the other was a cultivated, grown park in the precinct of the god or in the scenery, with the trees planted there because that was the place of the cult (Barnett 2007: 254-255).28 Although all the groves were sacred in some way, there still was a series of signs which announced the presence of deities and consequently rites for the gods taking place there. How could we recognize the grove of the god? First of all, by physical characteristics: especially old or huge trees, or the exquisite beauty of the grove, the fact that it was all grown and untouched by axes, by the shear feeling of horror provoked by some groves, and so on. Second feature would be visible signs of worship: fence or hedge around the grove, gifts hanging on trees; oil, milk or wine poured under the trees; traces of previous sacrifices, garlands, flowers and so on. In the third place would be explicit religious structures or artefacts in the given place: a statue, a temple or rustic shrine (inscriptions being a category by themselves and will not be treated in this paper). These are all features from the real world, but poets added some of their own: the sound could be very often heard in such groves and deity could be seen. Roman writers are unison when speaking of groves and woods: the real cult of the gods originally took place in holy groves without any carved images and the practice persisted into their times all around the world (Bergmann 1992: 33). Pliny, in the quoted passage, is explicit in that sense: “Trees were the temples of the gods,.. Even images of shining gold and ivory are worshipped less by us than forests and their silence” (Plin. NH 12.3).29 Varro said the same: true devotion took place in the groves without images of gods. 30 We have quoted from Seneca (Epist. ad. Lucil. 41.3) when discussing the unu26 …et ille [Machutus] eum suo magistro ad monasterium iens, partem fractam sentis quam invenerat in via, in Nantcarvan monasterium sui magistri plantavit. Quam validissimuam multi ex nostris arboribus, si non, ut multi estimant de genere arborum palmarum est, et illa arbor pro sua magnitudine magnum spectaculum omnibus ad eam venientibus praebet (c. 28 = c. 25), de la Borderie 1884. 27 Apul. Florida, 1.1: vel truncus dolamine effigiatus… 28 One such definition of the sacred grove in modern anthropology is given by Garg (2013: 596): „…comprise of remnants of pristine forest or cultural artifact embedded in a thickly forested site in vicinity of any place of worship, bearing some historic anecdote on the grove, with a shrine created for the deity in a dedicated place regarded as genius loci or spirit of the place, where rituals are performed.“ Arti Garg speaks of modern India, but this definition could be equally applied to the ancient world. 29 Haec (sc. Arbores) fuere numinum templa…nec magis auro fulgentia atque ebore simulacra quam lucos et in iis silentia ipsa adoramus. 30 Burkhardt Cardauns, M. Terentius Varro, Antiquitates rerum Divinarum, Wiesbaden 1976: 147-148; quoted by Bergmann 1992: 33. 150 M a rin a Mil i će v i ć Br a d a č sually tall trees, but the same passage describes the sanctity of woods in general: “…then the loftiness of the forest, the seclusion of the spot, and your marvel at the thick unbroken shade in the midst of the open spaces, will prove to you the presence of deity”.31 Besides describing real religious feelings in the woods in his time, Seneca frequently used groves in his tragedies (Thyestes 651 ff; Herc. Oet. 1618 ff; Oed. 530 f; Dyson 1970: 37). Religious awe provoked by darkness and shade of wooded spaces remained the main trait of groves well into the Middle Ages and Renaissance as can be seen in Giovanni Boccaccio’s De montibus. He described woods in ancient and pagan terms and accepted Roman etymology for lucus (a non lucendo – because there is no light).32 Roman antiquarians analyzed the words for wooded spaces and tried to describe the main differences between them, so Servius (Aen. 1.310) wrote that grove (nemus) was a group of trees, wood (silva) was uncultivated, but the holy grove (lucus) was a group of trees cum religione (Montepaone 1993: 70). Servius discussed the words: he did not inform us of how to distinguish lucus from nemus or how to recognize it in the scenery.33 Poets incorporated religious attitudes of their contemporaries into poetry and consequently the sacred grove became an important topic of Roman epic (Newlands 2004: 139). Once again we can see the amalgam of real religious feelings and mythological spaces and stories. 34 The common trait of sacred groves in ancient literature is eery feeling or outright fear that overwhelms the passenger in such a place.35 Roman epic is full of fearful woods and groves and the most famous are represented in Ovid’s poems: “Ancient and spared by the axe through many years, there stands a grove; you could believe a deity indwelt the place” (Amores 3.1.1-2), 36 or: “There stands an ancient sacred grove, all dark with shadows from dense trees; behold it – you would agree a deity indwelt the place” (Amores 3.13.7-8).37 For the holy grove of Egeria he says that it was antiqua religione sacra (Fasti 3.264) (Newlands 2004: 133-134, 137; Littlewood 2006: 12-13; Patrick Jr. 2010: 86). Scary and dense groves of gods were scattered all over the city of Rome, so the pious Roman did not have to travel far to be in touch with the wooded sacred place. Virgil (Aen. 8. 347-354) describes the coming of Aeneas to the spot of the future Rome and his visit to the Capitol, “…, and the Capitol – golden now, once bristling with woodland thickets. Even then the dread sanctity of the region awed the trembling rustics; even then they shuddered at the forest and the rock”, and he did not know to which god the grove was consecrated (quis deus incertum est).38 Virgil describes the fearful environment in the place of the marble and gilded Capitol and in a discrete way warns his contemporaries that the sacredness of the place is much deeper than the everyday formal service performed there in his time. On the other hand Ovid describes the holy grove of Juno under the Esquiline as it looked in his own time: “Under the Esquiline Mount, a sacred grove, untouched by woodman’s axe for many a year, went by the name of the great Juno”. 39 The most distinguished of all Ovid’s groves in Rome is the one consecrated to Pan (Fasti 4. 649-650) under the Aventine (Fasti 3. 295-296): “Under the Aventine there lay a grove black with the shade of holm-oaks; at sight of it you could say, ‘There is a spirit here’” lucus Aventino suberat niger illicis umbra, quo posse viso dicere “numen inest” 31 Sen. Epist. ad Lucil. 41.3: ..., illa proceritas silvae et secretum loci et admiratio umbrae in aperto tam densae atque continuae fidem tibi numinis faciet. 32 …, ex quo per antiphrasim silva vel nemus quod obscurum est lucus postea appellatur. Giovanni Boccaccio, De montibus, silvis, fontibus, lacubus, fluminibus, stagnis seu paludibus, et de diversis nominibus maris, (1357-1360), II. De silvis. http://www.bibliotecaitaliana.it/indice/visualizza_testo_html/ bibit000401 (13.11.2015.) 33 Serv. Auct. Aen. 1.310: in convexo nemorum: … 'nemorum' autem modo silvarum. Interest autem inter nemus et silvam et lucum; lucus enim est arborum multitudo cum religione, nemus vero composita multitudo arborum, silva diffusa et inculta. Thilo and Hagn 1881. Cf. Thesaurus Linguae Latinae VII.2, 1750-1754, s.v. lucus. Of the sense of religion in the dark groves speaks Isidor of Seville (Orig. 14.8.30): potest et a conlucendo crebris luminibus dici, quae ibi propter religionem gentilium cultumque fiebant. Quoted in Thesaurus Linguae Latinae VII, 2, 1750. 34 Garg 2013, defined seven traits of a sacred grove as perceived in modern-day India, some of them recognized in space and materially visible, some of them not visible but known through communication with local population. 35 Woodlands and mountains should be avoided because they still swirm with savage beasts and all kinds of terrors – that is the expression of the fear of the wildirness that we find in the philosophical epic of Lucretius (De rer. nat. 5. 39-42): „…the earth even now so abounds to repletion in wild beasts and is filled with troublous terror throughout woods and great mountains and deep forests; places which we have it for the most part in our own power to shun“, translated by Munro 1920, text Munro 1882. 36 Translated by Showerman 1996, cf. Lemaistre 1858: Stat vetus et multos incaedua silva per annos / credibile est illi numen inesse loco. 37 Stat vetus et densa praenubilus arbore lucus; /aspice: concedes numinis esse locum (Amores 3.13.7-8). 38 Translated by Fairclough 1998… hinc ad Tarpeiam sedem et Capitolia ducit/aurea nunc, olim silvestribus horrida dumis./ iam tum religio pavidos terrebat agrestis / dira loci, iam tum silvam saxumque temebant. /'hoc nemus, hunc', inquit 'frondo vertice collem / (quis deus incertum est) habitat deus; Arcades ipsum / credunt se vidisse Iovem, cum saepe nigrantem /aegida concuteret dextra nimbosque cieret. (Lipparini 1928). 39 Translated by Frazer 1989: Monte sub Esquilino multis incaeduus annis / Iunonis magnae nomine lucus erat. P A S S ING THROU G H THE COUNTRY S IDE : HOW TO RECO GNI Z E A S ACRED P LACE? 151 That final statement numen inest became one of the most famous Roman religious statements and moto of all the future scholars who took interest in the Roman holy places and groves. When discussing the feeling of awe and dread that advertised the sacred place, there is no better example (or more renowned) than the horrid wood (lucus horridus) near Massilia in Lucan’s Pharsalia (3. 399-452): “A grove there was, untouched by men’s hands from ancient times, whose interlacing boughs enclosed a space of darkness and cold shade, and banished the sunlight far above. No rural Pan dwelt there, no Silvanus, ruler of woods, no Nymphs; but gods were worshipped there with savage rites, the altars were heaped with hideous offerings, and every tree was sprinkled with human gore”40 (Phillips 1968: 296; Dyson 1970: 37; Scheid 1993: 18; Jones, Pennick 1995: 81; Fantham 1996: 150-153; Newlands 2004: 140). As a Roman Lucan describes the savage rites of the Celts in the vicinity of Massilia and in this case the horror comes from the difference between Romans and barbarians as well. Consequently, Caesar’s soldiers were afraid even to go there, to say nothing of the cutting down the trees (Phillips 1968: 296).41 This famous passage must have influenced the description of Diana’s grove in Statius’ Thebaid (4. 419-442), especially the description of the sacred awe felt there (Newlands 2004: 139): “…, and a vague shuddering awe guards the silence,..”.42 Another much quoted instance of Lucan’s influence is the equally horrible grove in the equally barbarian environment in the Punica by Silius Italicus (6. 166 f). Roman soldiers went to explore the Libyan shore and found a grove: “But as we drew near, an unspoken dread came over us, and mysterious chill paralysed our limbs”.43 The utmost fear of barbarian sacred woods can be seen in Dio Cassius (72.6.7) where he describes the groves of the Britons, consecrated to the goddess Adraste – horrible places, much feared and only the priests dared to go near (Jones, Pennick 1995: 81). The holiness of the grove could be sensed in quite a different way also: the passenger could be mesmerized by the beauty of the wild or cultivated grove in the countryside. Such an example is given by Athenaeus (12. 59): “And Duris, in the tenth book of his History of Agathocles, says that near the city of Hipponium a grove is shown of extraordinary beauty, excellently watered; in which there is also a place called the Horn of Amalthea; and that this grove was made by Gelon”.44 A place of exquisite beauty, well-watered, pleasant in every way became locus amoenus of the Roman poets, a place where everyone could rest and enjoy the benevolence of the gods (Bergmann 1992: 31-32). II.3 Material signs of adoration When dealing with the visible signs of worship in the woods, we can begin with the fact that the holy place was often fenced (Fantham 1996: 148) and then we could see the votive objects hung on or fixed to the trees. Most of them were left by those who frequently roamed the wilderness or dwelt there – by hunters and herdsmen. Devotion of hunters could be most easily recognized because they used to leave hunting weapons and parts of their prey on the trees. Grattius in his Cynegeticon (485-486) wrote: “And at the center of the cross-roads in the grove the hunters fling down among the flowers the very weapons which now keep holiday in the festal peace of the sacred rites”.45 A number of epigrams from Anthologia Palatina testify to hunters’ devotion to Artemis and other wildlife gods, like the poem by Zonas (6. 106) in which the hunter, the slayer of wolves, suspended his spear on the plane tree in the field.46 The weapons often only accompanied the most important gifts to the gods of the hunt left visibly in the countryside – parts of the hunted prey: heads, antlers, skins, feet, hoofs etc. We can imagine ancient scenery full of conspicuous votive objects left by hunters all over groves and solitary trees and we have testimonies from ancient sources and art. Diodor (4.22) when describing the land around Paestum, tells a story of a hunter who used to dedicate to Artemis the heads and feet of the 40 Translated by Duff 1988: Lucus erat longo numquam uiolatus ab aeuo / obscurum cingens conexis aera ramis / et gelidas alte summotis solibus umbras./ hunc non ruricolae Panes nemorumque potentes /Siluani Nymphaeque tenent, sed barbara ritu/ sacra deum; structae diris altaribus arae / omnisque humanis lustrata cruoribus arbor. 41 Strabo (12.5.1) described the holy grove of Galatae, Celts settled in Asia Minor, as the venerated place where administrative meetings took place and added that it was called Drunemeton, meaning „Oak-grove“. Jones, Pennick 1995: 81. He did not specify whether it was a beautiful or forbidding place, just that it was the centre of the social life of local Galatians. 42 Translated by Mozeley 1982. 43 Sil. Ital. Pun. 6. 169-170: iamque propinquantum tacitus penetrauit in artus /horror et occulto riguerunt frigore membra… Translated by Duff 1968. 44 Translated by Bohn 1854. 45 Gratt. Cyn. 485-486: ipsaque per flores medio in discrimine luci/stravere arma sacris et pace vacantia festa. Translated by Duff and Duff 1982. 46 „This skin, O woodland god, did Telamon, the slayer of wolves, suspend to thee on the plane-tree in the field, also his staff of wild olive wood which he often sent whirling from his hand. But do thou, Pan, god of the hills, receive these not very rich gifts, and open to him this mountain, thy domain, to hunt thereon with success.“ Translated by Paton 1920. 152 M a rin a Mil i će v i ć Br a d a č Fig. 6 Drawing of the red marble bas-relief in the Museo Capitolino, after Winckelmann/Appelbaum 2010: 141. Fig. 7 Rome, Arch of Constantine, tondo with the sacrifice to Diana, photo by M. Milićević Bradač, 2010. animals he killed and nailed them to the trees, but once he decided to dedicate a huge boar to himself and hung his head on a tree. Soon after he fell asleep under the same tree and the boar’s head fell off the tree and killed him, being a punishment of Artemis for his blasphemy.47 We already mentioned Lucan’s description of a solitary dead oak in the field (Phars. 1. 136-143) and here we may add that it was “adorned with venerable spoils and gifts of bygone leaders”.48 Apuleius (Florida 1.1) also saw “oak bedecked with horns” and “beech garlanded with the skin of beasts” (Otto 1714: 8; Appel 1909: 60; Scotti 1989: 126, n.7) (fig. 6: drawing of the red marble bas-relief in the Museo Capitolino with bucranium attached to the treetrunk, Winckelmann/Appelbaum 2010: 141).49 Philostratus the Elder (Imagines 1.28) described the picture in the gallery he visited, showing the hunters performing rites to Artemis Agrotera in her sacred grove and among the visible markers of the sacred place he numbers “and heads of boars and bears”.50 The antlers, favored offering for Artemis, could be seen everywhere, as described in the dedicatory epigrams of fortunate hunters: so, Cleolaus nailed to the pine-tree antlers of his prey (Anth. Pal. 6. 110) 51, and Lycormas (Anth. Pal. 6. 111) hung up by the shrine of Artemis skin and antlers of a hind.52 If we are looking for an ancient monument to illustrate these hunters’ rituals, there is no better example than the Arch of Constantine in Rome with tondi depicting Hadrian’s hunts (Aymard 1951: 530-536; Anderson 1985: 104-105). On the tondo with the sacrifice to Diana the bear’s head fixed to the tree is clearly visible beside the statue of the goddess (fig. 7) and the tree adorned with animal’s head stands beside the image of Hercules on another tondo (fig. 8). Peasants, herdsmen, passersby and whoever happened to the spot left other tokens of their faith hanging on the trees in the sacred places. Most often there were flowers and garlands.53 Tibullus (1. 1. 11) describes in the quoted passage 47 Greek text and English translation Oldfather 1953. 48 Exuvias veteres populi sacrataque gestans/ don ducum,…Translated by Duff 1988. 49 …quercus cornibus onerata… fagus pellibus coronata… Translated by Butler 1909. 50 Translated by Fairbanks 1931, cf. Abbondanza 2008. 51 Anth. Pal. 6. 110 (Leonidas or Mnasalcas): „ Cleolaus killed with his sharp spear, from his ambush under the hill, this hind by the winding water of Meander, and nailed to the lofty pine the eight-tyned defence of his forhead“. Translated by Paton 1920. 52 Anth. Pal. 6. 111: „Lycormas, the son Thearidas of Lasion, slew with the butt end of his whirled speer the hind that used to feed about the Ladon and the waters of Erymanthus and the heights of Pholoe, home of wild beasts. Its skin and two spiked horns he flenched, and hung up by the shrine of Artemis the Huntress“. Translated by Paton 1920, cf. Grottius 1864. 53 Athenaeus (15.12-13) has a passage on garlands, but on those worn on the head at the feasts and religious ceremonies so he does not add to our discussion here. P A S S ING THROU G H THE COUNTRY S IDE : HOW TO RECO GNI Z E A S ACRED P LACE? 153 Fig. 8 Rome, Arch of Constantine, tondo with the sacrifice to Hercules, photo by M. Milićević Bradač, 2010. his pious behavior: “For I bend in worship wherever flowery garlands lie on deserted tree-stock in the fields or old stone at crossway…”54 and the poet Pentadius (2. De adventu Veneris, 19-20) describes the garlands under the plane-tree.55 Real life entered poetry and consequently the holy oak of Ceres from Ovid’s Metamorphoses (8. 744-745) was adorned (among other things) with garlands (Phillips 1968: 298; Patrick Jr. 2010: 147): “Round about it hung woolen fillets, votive tablets, and wreaths of flowers, witnesses of granted prayers”.56 These verses bring forward another very important sign of worship seen all around the world, from antiquity to the modern days – tying and hanging fillets, ribbons, rags and clothes on trees and bushes (fig. 9: ribbons and rags hanging on trees and bushes in the vicinity of the Lake Baical, Russian Federation). Amots Dafni (2002; 2007a) researched the topic in the folklore of the Middle East and all around the world and defined seventeen reasons why the rags were tied to trees, from healing sickness to appeasing the spirit of the tree. Sacred ribbons were integral part of the cult in Antiquity, as testified for example at the beginning of the Iliad (1.14) when Chryses went into the Greek camp carrying the sacred ribbons of Apollo as the sign of his priestly status, or in the Odyssey (3. 273-275)57 when Aigisthus Fig. 9 Vicinity of the Lake Baical (Russian Federation), ribbons and rags hanghung many a finely woven fabric in the sanctuaries ing on trees and bushes, photo by M. Milićević Bradač, 1987. (Dafni 2002: 321). Ovid (Fasti 3. 267), when describing the precinct of Diana in Aricia (Ulback 1934: 661; Dafni 2002: 316), noticed ribbons on the fence of the precinct: “The long fence is draped with hanging threads”.58 Equally, the sacred oak of Ceres (Patrick Jr. 2010: 149), described in Metamorphoses (8. 744-745) was full of “woolen fillets”, as we have seen. In the case of Aricia Ovid describes the well-known, functioning shrine and describes the everyday scenes he must have seen himself many times; in the case of the sacred oak of Ceres, the story is mythological, the oak is mythological, but the vivid description of votive gifts hanging on the tree is also embedded in everyday life. The abundance of cloth on trees was the signal of the previous ritual and veneration on the spot, for everyone to see and feel compelled to leave his tribute too (Bergmann 1992: 32). The custom persisted well into later times because Arnobius (Adv. gent. 1. 39) in the 3rd century complained that Libyans used to hang ribbons on trees and scolded himself for once venerating them too (Dafni 2002: 316).59 The custom of hanging votive clothes on trees is attested in Antiquity as well. Apuleius (Met. 6.3) told the story of Psyche who saw garments embroidered with gold letters hanging on the branches of the trees in the precinct of Juno 54 See n. 4. 55 Pentadius, 2. De adventu Veneris, 19-20: sub platano viridi iucundat somnus in umbra,/ sertaque texuntur sub platano viridi. „Under the green planetree sleep takes pleasure in the shade: and garlands are a-twining under the green plane-tree“. Translated by Duff and Duff 1982. 56 Ovid. Met. 8. 743-745: stabat in his ingens annoso robore quercus,/una nemus; vittae mediam memoresque tabellae / sertaque cingebant, voti argumenta potentum.. Translated by Miller 2004. 57 Odyss. 3. 294-296: „Many thighbones he [Aigisthus] burned on the gods' altars / and many a woven and golden ornament / hung to bedeck them, in his satisfaction;..“ Translated by Fitzgerald 1992. 58 Ovid. Fasti, 3. 268: licia dependent longas velantia saepes, translated by Frazer 1999. 59 Arnob. Adv. gent. 1. 39: Venerabar… veternosis in arboribus taenias… Migne, Patrologia Latina, 5, col. 768. 154 M a rin a Mil i će v i ć Br a d a č (Boetticher 1856, 62).60 Virgil, when describing the lone wild olive in the field, sacred to Faunus, venerated of old by seamen and full of votive objects (Aen. 12. 766), among other things numbers “the votive garments” (Boetticher 1856: 63; Gagé 1961: 105; Jackson Knight 1966: 185, 205).61 The wild olive (oleaster) in Virgil’s text, stood as alone, conspicuous tree in the middle of the field and Trojans cut the tree to have an open and unobstructed battlefield, but they could have very well seen that it was a sacred tree because it was full of clothes and other votive objects. 62 Why should sailors and seamen hang their clothes on a sacred tree describes Horace in his poem (Od. 1. 5. 13-16): “As for me, a votive tablet on his temple wall records that I have dedicated my drenched clothes to the deity who rules the sea”,63 grateful for surviving the (amorous) shipwreck (cf. Alvar, Romero Recio 2005: 187). Among the votive pieces of clothing hanging on the trees were also strophia, a kind of Roman bra, as described by Nonius Marcellus (14) (Boetticher 1856: 85, n. 99).64 Mixed with all other vota hanging on the trees were the tablets (pinakes) of all kinds – with images and/or texts. The tablets hung on the fence in Aricia (Ovid. Fasti, 3. 268: “…and many a tablet there attests the merit of the goddess” 65) and on the oak of Ceres (Ovid. Met. 8. 741-750). Tablets were not only hung but also nailed to the trees and nails had specific meaning, most often of bonding the spirit of the tree or transferring something to the tree.66 Musical instruments used in the cults performed in the natural environment and suspended on the tree-branches could be seen everywhere (Boetticher 1856: 76). Most often they were instruments typical of the Bacchic or Metroac cults, like tambourine, cymbal or syrinx (fig. 10: drawing of the relief with Diana from Villa Albani with cymbal hanging from the tree, Winckelmann/ Appelbaum 2010: fig. 23). We find dedication of such instruments to Cybele (Anth. Pal. 6. 234) and lexicon Suda describes cymbals made of oreichalcos hanging on the tree.67 We even have marble fistulae or Pan’s flutes from Pompeii, evidently stemming from the tradition of suspending Bacchic instruments on trees (Dwyer 1981: 256, cat. nos. 67, 96). Masks and theatrical masks hanging from the trees or fences and put beside the altars were frequent sight everywhere in antiquity and such sights are illustrated on many ancient monuments, and we have terracotta and marble masks, but terracotta masks outnumber the marble ones and most of them were found in Hellenistic contexts in South Italy (Smith 1873: 846: drawing of a gemma with masks on the tree and Pan’s flute; Herbert 1959: 107, fig. 13, small terracotta mask of Silenus to be suspended on vines during dionysiac festivals, late Hellenistic; Dwyer 1981: 250; Fig. 10 Drawing of the relief from Vila Albani with cymabl hanging T. 94, T. 95: 1-2, marble masks from Pompeii with holes for suspenfrom the tree, after Winckelmann/Appelbaum 2010, fig. sion) (fig. 11: drawing of a gemma with masks on the tree and 23. Pan’s flute, Smith 1873: 846). Servius in his commentary on Ver60 Apul. Met. 6.3: Sacratis foribus proximat: videt dona speciosa et lacinias auro litteratas ramis arborum postibusque suffixas, quae cum gratia facti nomen Deae cui fuerant dicata testabatur. „She saw costly offerings and ribbons lettered in gold attached to the tree-branches and doorposts, which bore witness to the name of the goddess to whom they had been dedicated, along with thanks for her deed.“ Translated by Hanson 1989. 61 Verg. Aen. 12. 769: …votas suspendere vestes,.. Translated by Fairclugh 1998; cf. Lipparini 1928. 62 Aelian (Var. Hist. 2.14) tells how king Xerxes felt obsessive love for a plane–tree in Lydia, so much so that he dressed the trunk in his best clothes and hung the jewellery on the branches (Boetticher 1856: 101). Greek text and French translation Dacier 1827. 63 Horat. Od. 1. 5. 13-16: … Me tabula sacer / Votiva paries indicat uvida / Suspendisse potenti/ Vestimenta maris deo. Translated by Rudd 2004. 64 Non. 14, p. 863 L: Strophium: suspendit Laribus marinas (manias) molles pilas reticula ac strophia. Ed. Lindsay 1903. 65 Ovid. Fasti 3. 268: et posita est meritae multa tabella deae. Frazer 1999. 66 In modern India the nail in the tree signifies the desire to fix the malevolent demon or spirit in the tree and prevent it from going free. Dafni 2007a: 9. 67 Suda 2.1, p. 1157, s.v. oreichalcos. Ed. Kusterus 1705. P A S S ING THROU G H THE COUNTRY S IDE : HOW TO RECO GNI Z E A S ACRED P LACE? 155 gil’s Georgics (2.389) says that masks representing human faces swayed hung on the trees (Boetticher 1856: 87).68 They had their meaning in dionysiac cults and mysteries, but that goes beyond the scope of this paper (Kerényi 1950: 458) and we shall limit ourselves to number masks among the visible signs of veneration in the countryside. Together with masks we should mention dolls attached to the branches and swinging in the breeze (Herbert 1959: 105, fig. 11, a doll from Attica, 4th century B.C, a hole in the top of the head is presumably for suspension). The best known among them are the puppets of the Greek dionysiac festival Aiora of which already in antiquity was thought that they were substitutes for the hanged human beings and an aetiological story was told of their origins: they represented the memory of Erigone, daughter of Ikarius, who hanged herself (Boetticher 1856: 80-81; Wentzel 1894; Burkert 1983: 238-243), but the explanation of the custom is likewise beyond the scope of this paper and we shall limit ourselves to number dolls among the visible signs of veneration in the countryside. Oscilla are a category for themselves: a whole Fig. 11 Drawing of the mask with the hole for suspension and of the gemma with the range of terracotta and marble oscilla are known mask and Pan’s flute on the tree, after Smith 1873: 846. from antiquity, specially Roman times, some of them exquisite works of art (Dwyer 1981). Their purpose was to hang in the porches or on the trees and sway in the wind. Ancient sources describe them and equally try to understand them and their function. Virgil (Georg. 2. 387) sings of Dionysos and says how people sing merry songs in god’s honour and suspend oscilla from the pine-trees (Boetticher 1856: 81-85).69 Another very specific sign of reverence for the place and the tree in that place was hanging of someone’s hair on its branches. Pliny (NH 16. 85) tells us of a lotus-tree in the precinct of Lucina in Rome, of uncertain age but ancient, called capillata because Vestal virgins donated their hair and hung it on the tree,70 and we can add a gloss from Pompeius Festus showing that hair quite often hung from the trees (Fest p. 57 s.v. Capillatam: Capillatam vel capillarem arborem dicebant, in qua capillum tonsum suspendebant)71 (Boetticher 1856: 96-97). Callimachus described how young girls, entering puberty, consecrated their cut hair to Artemis at the grave of Hyperoche and Laodice on Delos (In Del. 296-299).72 Anthologia Palatina has quite a few epigrams commemorating dedication of hair (Boetticher 1856: 95, 97).73 Dedicating hairs to the sacred trees remains the custom until today in almost all the cultures (Dafni 2002: 315). Dedications as described in the text can be seen represented on all kinds of ancient monuments. A fine late Hellenistic relief, now in Glyptothek in Munich, shows huge and ancient plane-tree decorated with ribbons (Baumann 1993: 46, fig. 64; Dafni 2002: 316, 323; Wünsche 2007: 118). Quite a few of the silver cups from Pompei have pastoral scenes with trees adorned with bands, ribbons, oscilla, musical instruments and other objects, like the kantharos with Centaurs (Casa dell’argenteria, Pompeii) where the oscillum and other objects hanging from the tree can be clearly seen (Guzzo ed. 2006: 68 Serv. Georg. 2. 389: ut formas ad oris sui similitudinem fecerent ut eas pro se suspensas moverent. Gamonetus 1610. 69 Verg. Georg. 2.387: et te, Bacche, vocant per carmina laeta, tibique / Oscilla ex alta suspendunt mollia pinu. These verses were commented extensively in antiquity, so Iunius Philargirius first explained mollia as mobilia and said that Virgil was following the opinion of those who thought that oscilla imitated fruits: Mollia hic pro mobilia et videtur Virgilius opinionem illorum sequi, qui in honorem Liberi patris putant oscilla suspendi, quod eius sit pendulus fructus. Further on he added that the name came from the Oscs (Osci) who used to hang heads of their enemies on the trees (Oscilla autem dicta, sive quoniam capita et ora hostiarum in summis perticis figbantur, sive quia hunc lusum Osci dicuntur frequenter exercuisse, et per Italiam sparsisse). And Servius (Georg. 2.389) said that oscilla were male members made of flowers hanging between the columns of the porches (Alii dicunt oscilla esse membra virilia de floribus facta quae suspendebantur per intercolumnia ita ut in ea homines acceptis clausis personis impingerent). Iunius Philargyrius, In Bucolica et Georgica Virgilii ad Valentinianum, in Gamonetus, 1610. English translation of the complete text of Servius, translated by H. Rushton Fairclough, can be found in Dwyer 1981, 302-33, III. Appendix. 70 Plin. NH 16. 85: …sed incerta eius aetas, quae capillata dicitur, quoniam Vestalium virginum capillus ad eam defertur. Translated by Rackham 1968. 71 Pompeius Festus, De verborum significatu, ed. Lindsay 1965. 72 Greek text and Italian translation: D'Alessio 1996. 73 Anth. Pal. 6. 173, Rhianus: the priestess of Rhea dedicated her hair to Cybele; 6. 217, Simonides: a priest of Rhea, saved from the lion, donated his hair to Cybele; 6. 234, Erycius: newly gelded gallus of Rhea donated tambourines, cymbals and a lock of hair to the Mother. Paton 1920. 156 M a rin a Mil i će v i ć Br a d a č 24, pls. p. 118-119, fig. 3.4) or skyphos with scene taking place in front of a small temple and a dead tree wrapped up with a ribbon (Guzzo ed. 2006: 196-197). Both cups are dated to the 1st century. The silver lanx from Straže (Svoboda 1968: pls. III, IV; Henig 1983: 145, fig. 111; Dafni 2002: 316) is dated to the early 2nd century and its emblema shows an oath taking under the tree and on the tree a piece of cloth or garment is hung, emphasizing that the ceremony is taking place under the visibly marked sacred tree. Theater mask hanging from the branch above god Pan who brings a goat to be sacrificed, can be seen on the silver calathus (troconcha) from Jabučje (Serbia), dated to the 1st century C.E. And on the other side of the same calathus a hide hanging on the tree is clearly rendered (Ratković 2007: figs. p. 202, 203). Tablets and other sacred objects are frequently shown as nailed to the trees (Bergmann 1992: 31, figs. 1, 12, 13) and from the sources we know that dedicatory epigrams, warnings or information were written on them. They could be painted, too (Bergmann 1992: 31). Pliny’s report is explicit in that sense (NH 16. 87): “But on the Vatican Hill there is a holm-oak that is older than the city; it has bronze tablet on it with an inscription written in Etruscan characters, indicating that even in those days the tree was deemed venerable”.74 Besides nailing epigrams to the trees it was a custom in antiquity, as well as today, to write on the bark of the trees (fig. 12 and 13: white poplar in Strožanac (Split, Croatia) with inscribed branches). Religious Fig. 12 Strožanac, Gospa od Siti (Split, Croatia), white poplar with inscribed branches, photo by N. Stanić, 2016. Fig. 13 Strožanac, Gospa od Siti (Split, Croatia), white poplar with inscribed branches, photo by N. Stanić, 2016. information could be carved in the bark, but most often, as well as today, they were leaving testimonies to the affairs of the heart all over woods and groves (fig. 14 and 15: Zagreb, Botanical Garden, beech tree with inscribed trunk). Virgil (Ecl. 10. 53-54), when speaking of the love of the unfortunate Gallus, says that he will carve his love in the trees and as tree grows, his love will grow with it (Drinkwater 2015: 388). Likewise Ovid (Her. 5, Oenone to Paris) describes how Paris carved his love for Oenone in the bark of a beech and then Paris speaks to the poplar-tree in whose bark is the poem carved. As the tree 74 Plin. NH 16. 87. 237: Vetustior autem urbe in Vaticano ilex in qua titulus aereus litteris Etruscis religione arborem iam tum dignum fuisse significat. Rackham 1968. P A S S ING THROU G H THE COUNTRY S IDE : HOW TO RECO GNI Z E A S ACRED P LACE? 157 Fig. 14 Zagreb, Botanical Garden (Croatia), beech tree with inscribed trunk, photo by M. Milićević Bradač, 2016. Fig. 15 Zagreb, Botanical Garden (Croatia), beech tree with inscribed trunk, photo by M. Milićević Bradač, 2016. grows Oenone’s name will grow and become distorted in time (Drinkwater 2015: 389-390). 75 Propertius wrote the name of his beloved Cynthia on the tree as well (1. 18. 19-22): “Witness, O beech, if love can move a tree; / Witness, O pine, Pan’s love in Arcady, / How often in your shade my words resound, / And Cynthia graven in your bark is found.”76 Calpurnius Siculus (1. 8-32), on the other hand, speaks of a different kind of text found on the beech-tree: “But what legend is this inscribed upon the hallowed beech, which someone of late has scored with hasty knife?“ 77 Then Corydon says to Ornytus that he is taller and can more easily read the letters high on the tree, and Ornytus after reading the letters says: “These be no verses in wayside style by shepherd or traveler: ‘tis a very god who signs”,78 and then proceeds to the words, being a prophecy by the god Faunus himself: “I, Faunus of celestial birth, guardian of hill and forest, foretell to the nations that these things shall come. Upon the sacred tree I please to carve the joyous lay in which destiny is revealed”.79 Faunus and other gods of the wilderness were famous for speaking and foretelling the future in the woods (Wiseman 2006: 517), and here we hear of the god’s prophecy written on the beech-tree. This elegy is the perfect illustration of what we were talking about: two friends happened to the wood, saw the verses carved in the bark of the tree and immediately knew that it was a sacred spot, marked by god himself. Among the trees with carved bark the beech is the most often spoken of and 75 Ovid. Her. 5. 21-30: Incisae servant a te mae nomina fagi;/ Et legor Oenone, falce notata tua: / Et quantum trunci, tantum mea nomina crescunt./ Crescite, et in titulos, surgite recta meos. /Populus est, memini, fluviali consita ripa,/ Est in qua nostri litera scripta memor./ „Popule, vive, precor, quae consita margine ripae, / Hoc in rugoso cortice carmen habes: /Quum Paris Oenone poterit spirare relicta, / Ad fontem Xanthi versa recurret aqua“/ Xanthe, retro propera, versaeque recurrite, lymphae:/ Sustinet Oenonem deseruisse Paris. (Ovide, Les Héroïdes, Le remède d'amour, Les Pontiques – petits poèmes,1886). „The beeches still conserve my name carved on them by your blade; and the more the trunks, the greater grows my name. Grow on, rise high and straight to make my honours known! O poplar, ever live, I pray, that art planted by the marge of the stream and hast in thy seamy bark these verses: If Paris' breath shall fail not, once Oenone he doth spurn, the waters of the Xanthus to their fount shall backward turn.“ Translated by Showerman 1996. 76 Translated by Watts 1961, Latin text Paganelli 1947: Vos eritis testes, si quos habet arbor amores, / fagus et Arcadio pinus amica deo. / A! quotiens teneras resonant mea uerba sub umbras / scribitur et uestris Cynthia corticibus. 77 Calp. Sicul. 1. 20-21: sed quaenam sacra descripta est pagina fago, / quam modo nescio quis properanti falce notavit? Translated by Duff and Duff 1934. 78 Calp. Sicul. 1. 28-30: non pastor, non haec triviali more viator / sed deus ipse canit: nihil armentale resultat,/ nec montana sacros distinguunt iubila versus. Duff and Duff 1934. 79 Calp. Sicul. 1. 33-35: qui iuga, qui silvas tueor, satus aethere Faunus, / haec populis ventura cano: iuvat arbore sacra / laeta patefactis incidere carmina fatis. Duff and Duff 1934. 158 M a rin a Mil i će v i ć Br a d a č that is to be expected since the beech has beautiful, light and smooth bark – an ideal surface, contrary to e.g. oak with its rough and thick bark that cannot be scratched easily. II.4 Statues, temples, and inscriptions in the groves (not treated here) Statues and temples of different deities, as well as inscriptions, scattered all over ancient countryside, were very conspicuous and explicit signs of sanctity of the place and needed not be “deciphered” by the passersby, so we shall not dwell on them in this paper. II.5 Strong smell or stench To the all here mentioned signs of sanctity of the place one more can be added, described in ancient sources – strong smell or stench coming from such a grotto or a grove. To name just one example: Silius Italicus (Pun. 6. 145-147), when speaking of the horrible grove on the Libyan shore, says: “Hard by stood a grove whose trees were ever motionless and sunless, with shade dark as Erebus; and from it burst thick fumes that spread a noisome stench through the air.” 80 Considering that the scenery all over ancient world was full of volcanic formations permanently clouded in sulphuric fumes, it is not surprising that stench as the sign of the special character of the place found its way into the literature. II.6 Sound or silence or Sound of Silence Poets and mythographers spoke of one more sign of the sacred place, often found in literature, but hardly verifiable in reality – the sound. Some sounds heard in such environments were real such as birds singing or crickets and cicadas making sounds (Anth. Pal. 6. 120: a charming epigram in which the cricket declares that he praises goddess Athena with his music) 81 and the passerby could sometimes interpret them as the divinely inspired omens. The other kind of sound belongs to the realm of faith, mythology and unreal – the gods making music or speaking to the wayfarers. Gods of the woods and the wilderness, like Pan, Faunus or Silvanus, were specially thought of as making music and giving prophecies in the groves, so Pan is envisioned as the musician of the woods (Anth. Pal. 9. 823: “Pan himself makes music on the pipe he loves”).82 Ovid (Fasti 6. 425) describes Apollo Smintheus giving prophecy in his grove: “Smintheus was consulted, and in the dim light of his shady grove he gave this answer with no lying lips…”,83 and similarly Juno spoke in her grove (Ovid, Fasti, 2. 440): “…when of a sudden the tops of the trees shook and trembled and wondrous words the goddess spake in her own holy grove.”.84 The voice of god in the grove is not always a good omen, as seen in Ovid (Met. 15. 793): “…and in the sacred groves wailing notes and threatening words were heard.”.85 Cicero, on the other hand, does not give us poetic vision of the affairs of the gods and mythological creatures, but conveys what he perceived to be historical truth (Cic. De div. 1. 101): “Again we are told that fauns have often been heard in battle and that during turbulent times truly prophetic messages have been sent from mysterious places… Not long before the capture of the city by the Gauls, a voice, issuing from Vesta’s sacred grove… was heard…”.86 The most famous episode from Roman history belongs to the war against Veii and the expelled Tarquinius in 509. B.C. The battle between the Romans and the Veians was interrupted by the voice of god, coming from the Arsian forest (silva Arsia), in the middle of the night. Livy (2. 7) attributed the voice to the god Silvanus: “There is a strange story that in the silence of the night after the battle a great voice, supposedly the voice of Silvanus, was heard from the depths of the Arsian wood…” (Gagé 1961, 82).87 Dionysius of Halicarnassus (5. 14-16) added that they were fighting near the sacred wood of the hero Horatos and that was an oak-wood (drumos), so he wondered whether the voice belonged to the hero Horatius or the god Faunus, because the Romans attributed all the supernatural voices in the countryside to that God (Gagé 1961: 83). Not only gods but ancient and holy trees could speak to the passersby also, as seen in already quoted epigrams from 80 Sil. Ital. Pun. 6. 145-147: lucus iners iuxta Stygium pallentibus umbris / servabat sine sole nemus, crassusque per auras / halitus erumpens taetrum expirabat odorem. Translated by Duff 1968. 81 Anth. Pal. 6. 120 (Leonidas): „Not only do I know how to sing perched in the high trees, warm in the midsummer heat, making music for the wayfarer without payment, and feasting on delicate dew, but thou shalt see me too, the cicada, seated on the helmeted Athene's spear. For as much as the Muses love me, I love Athene; she the maiden, is the author of the flute.“ Translated by Paton 1920. 82 Anth. Pal. 9. 823 (Plato, but not authentic), translated by Benson 1922. 83 Ovid, Fasti, 6.425: consulitur Smintheus, lucoque obscurus opaco / hos non mentito reddidit ore sonos, Frazer 1989. 84 Ovid, Fasti, 2. 440: cum subito motae temuere cacumina silvae / et dea per lucos mira locuta suos, Frazer 1989. 85 Ovid, Met. 15. 793: …cantusque feruntur / auditi sanctis et verba minacia lucis. Translated by Miller 1984. 86 Cic. De div. 1. 101: Saepe etiam in proeliis Fauni auditi et in rebus turbidis veridicae voces ex occulto missae esse dicuntur;…Nam non multo ante urbem captam exaudita vox est a luco Vestae… Translated by Falconer 1923. 87 Liv. 2. 7: adiciunt miracula huic pugnae: silentio proximae noctis ex silva Arsia ingentem editam vocem; Silvani vocem eam creditam… translated by de Sélincourt 1971, cf. Foster 1953. P A S S ING THROU G H THE COUNTRY S IDE : HOW TO RECO GNI Z E A S ACRED P LACE? 159 Anthologia Palatina: an oak (9. 319), a poplar (9.706) and a pine (6. 110). We have ample testimonies from the Eastern Mediterranean folklore that the sound of instruments can be heard in the sacred groves on specific days, as well as that the sacred trees sometimes speak with human voices (Dafni 2007: 7-8). On the other side of the sound scale is the complete silence, like the silence in the holy grove of Juno described by Ovid (Fasti 6. 9-10): “There is a grove where trees grow thick, a spot sequestered from every sound except the purl of water”.88 Unnatural silence pervaded the eery grove of Diana in Statius’ Thebaid (4. 423) which we mentioned above. Absence of sound could be as ominous a portent as any horrible sound heard in the countryside, because nature is never silent unless some supernatural force is at work there, and every passenger could very well be aware of the fact. Conclusion Ancient sources are abundant and we cannot possibly quote them all, but the ones used helped us to complete the list of signs in the countryside that could inform the passerby or wayfarer that he was beside the sacred place or the place where some divinity was active. We divided the information in two major groups: I. General markings, and II. Trees, groves and woods. I.General markings: 1. Crossroads, triple crossroads (trivia) 2. Caves shadowed with foliage 3. Conspicuous rocks and stones 3a. Garlands and flowers on the stones 3b. Libations on the stones 3c. Libations on the grass beside the stones 4. Altars in the scenery 4a. Altars adorned with garlands and flowers 4b. Altars wet with libations 4c. Altars with the remains of victims 4d. Altars with burnt incenses II.Trees, groves, and woods 1. One tree (recognized as such without additional cult instruments) 1a. Huge tree 1b. Ancient tree 1c. Deformed tree 1d. Lonely tree in the field 1e. Dead and isolated tree 1f. Roots of the tree wet with libations 1g. Trunk of the tree shaped in human form 2. Groves and woods in general 2a. Eery feeling in the grove 2b. Untouched by axe 2c. Unusual beauty of the grove 3. Material signs of adoration 3a. The fence 3b. Weapons hanging on the trees 3c. Parts of hunted animals hanging on the trees (heads, antlers, hoofs, hides) 3d. Garlands and flowers on the trees 3e. Cloth hanging on the trees (fillets, ribbons, rags, garments) 3f. Tablets (pinakes) and oscilla hanging or fixed to the trees 3g. Different objects, dolls, and musical instruments hanging on the trees 3h. Masks hanging on the trees 88 Ovid, Fasti, 6. 9-10: est nemus arboribus densum, secretus ab omni/ voce locus, si non obstreperetur aquis. Frazer 1989. 160 M a rin a Mil i će v i ć Br a d a č 3i. Human hair hanging on the trees 3j. Inscriptions fixed to the tree or carved in the bark of the tree 4. Stues, temples and inscriptions in the groves (not treated here) 5. Strong smell or stench 6. Sound or silence or Sound of Silence Seeing all the ancient sources and their descriptions of the countryside, sacred places and signs in the countryside, we have reason to believe that the passerby in antiquity was overwhelmed with sacred markers all over the place and that the average traveler should have spent a lot of time paying his respects to all those places and divinities, but, as Apuleius said (Florida 1.1), the majority noted them not and passed them by (ignorantes) leaving them behind as if they never existed. Marina Milićević Bradač University of Zagreb Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Department of Archaeology Ivana Lučića 3 HR-10000 Zagreb mmilicev@ffzg.hr P A S S ING THROU G H THE COUNTRY S IDE : HOW TO RECO GNI Z E A S ACRED P LACE? 161 BIBLIOGRAPHY Alvar, J. Romero Recio, M. 2005, La vie religieuse en mer (transl. C. Abril Soubagné), Dialogues d’histoire ancienne, Supplement No. 1, 2005, Hommage à Pierre Lévêque, Annequin J. (ed.), 167-189. Anderson, J. 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Nonius Marcellus, De conpendiosa doctrina Nonii Marcelli De conpendiosa doctrina libros XX, ed. Wallace M. Lindsay, vol. III, Lipsiae, In aedibus B. G. Teubneri, 1903. https://archive.org/ (29.4.2016). Ovidius, Fasti Ovid, Book V, Fasti, with an English translation by sir James George Frazer, revised by G. P. Goold, Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, Cambridge MA, William Heinemann Ltd, London, 1989 (1st ed. 1931). Ovidius, Heroides, Amores Ovid, Heroides, Amores, translated by Grant Showerman, revised by G. P. Goold, Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, Cambridge MA, London, 1996 (1st ed. 1914). Ovide, Les Amours, L’Art d’aimer, Les cosmétiques – Héroïdes, par Félix Lemaistre, et précédée d’une étude sur Ovide par Jules Janin, Garnier Frères, Paris, 1858. Ovide, Les Héroïdes, Le remède d’amour, Les Pontiques – petits poèmes, traduction de V. H. Cahppuyzi, N. Caresme, H. de Guerles, J. Mangeart, J. Charptentier ed, Paris, Garnier Frères, 1886. 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Servius (Maurus Servius Honoratus), In Vergilii carmina comentarii Maurus Servius Honoratus, In Vergilii carmina comentarii. Servii grammatici qui feruntur in Vergilii carmina commentarii; recensuit Georgius Thilo et Hermannus Hagen, Georghius Thilo, Teubner, Leipzig, 1881. Pub. Virgilii Maronis…Mauri Servii Honorati…ex bibliotheca Petri Danielis, acessit Fabii Plandiadis Fulgentii liber de Continentia Virgiliana…item Iunii Philargyrii commentariolus in Bucolica et Georgica Virgilii..., Colonia Allobrogum excudebat Stephanus Gamonetus, 1610. https://archive.org/ (19.4.2016). Silius Italicus, Punica Silius Italicus, Punica, with an English translation by J. D. Duff, I-II, Loeb Classical Library, William Heinemann Ltd, London, Harvard University Press, Cambridge MA, 1968 (1st ed. 1934). Sozomen, Historia Ecclesiastica Histoire de l’Eglise, écrite par Sozomene, traduit par M. 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Crane ed. www.persee.fr Persée: Portail de revues en sciences humaines http://remacle.org/ L’Antiquité grecque et latine, du moyen âge http://.gallica.bnf.fr Bibliothèque nationale de France www.documentacatholicaomnia.eu Documenta Catholica Omnia, Omnium Paparum, Conciliorum, Ss Patrum, Doctorum Scriptorumque Ecclesiae Qui Ab Aevo Apostolico Usque Benedicti XVI Tempora Floruerunt Vesna Lalošević Examples of Pagan Sacralisation of Sirmium and Salona Landscapes in the early Christian Legends Professional paper By the Late Antiquity period, Sirmium and Salona were large urban centres which had already seen sacralisation within their urban areas. There are many examples which testify to the conversion of pagan sacred sites into Christian religious buildings, but in early Christian legends there are also interesting examples of sacralisation taking place in the landscape around large urban centres, the purpose being to expand pagan religion. These examples are admittedly scant but the fact that they appear in the legends suggests that such activity was not uncommon. This article will discuss this phenomenon. Key words: out of the city area, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Sirmium, Salona, Hercules, Sol At the turn of the 3rd and the 4th century, at the time of the Tetrarchy (Seston 1946; Barnes 1982; Wiliams1985; Kolb 1987; Kuhoff 2001; Rees 2004; Demandt 2007; Bowman 2008) Sirmium and Salona were large urban centers with already sacralised urban areas (Mócsy 1974: 273; Lolić, Wiewegh 2012: 191-225). Given that the sources did not reveral much information about sacralisation of the areas outside the city, its process is less known. This work explores the territories of the Roman provinces of Dalmatia and Pannoniae, but also covers analogous situations in the neighboring provinces of Moesia, Noricum and the tenth Italic region of Venetia et Histria. Two early Christian legends about the martyrs of Diocletian persecution describe events near Sirmium and Salona and mention the activity of sacralization of space. Although these early Christian legends mainly describe the way Christians were killed, their writers do also provide images and valuable insights into everyday life in the late antique tetrarchic time. Given that the authors’ primary aim was to highlight the first Christians’ testimony of faith for which they would be martyred, and not to record the society and way of life in which they lived, news of everyday life is mentioned incidentally, the data is scarce and important information is often obscured. The small pieces of information that were found can be isolated from their context, observed independently, and confirmed by material, some movable, some permanent, found at the specific areas in question (Bratož 2003: 69; Lalošević 2012: 296–333). The legend of St. Donatus was created in the late 4th or early 5th century in Aquileia and it describes events that took place in the area of the tenth Italic region of Venetia et Histria and in the province of Dalmatia. It tells the story of a young Christian from an anonymous Istrian oppidum who was sent by the Istrian Christian communities to Aquileia to be ordained (Istriorum quiddam oppidum…) (Donat 1685: 1). With the onset of Christian persecution, Donatus eagerly proclaimed The Gospel in the squares of Aquileia. This drew Donatus to the attention of the ruler (Maximilian Herculius) and he was forced to flee for his life. From Aquileia, Donatus went by sea to Dalmatia and took up hiding in a cave at the top of a hill not far from Salona (although the source does not mention the name of the hill, the proximity of the castle means it can be assumed to have been Kozjak (Donat 1685: 6). In the second year of persecution (304) and the coming of the Emperor Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 165 –178 166 Vesna L alošević Map 1 Panonia and Dalmatia at the time of the first Tetrarchy early 4th century (made by F. Kovačić) Diocletian to Salona, the search for Christians was intensified as was the worship of the official cult of Jupiter and Hercules (Donat 1685: 7). Carefully searching for fugitives in the area of Salona, the soldiers found Donatus in the cave high on the hill and took him to the emperor. During his interrogation by Diocletian, Donatus converted two of the emperor’s closest and dearest servants who had been listening (Donat 1685: 10) and in his fury, the old August condemned all three Christians ad bestias (Donat 1685: 12). As the execution was being carried out in the Salona Theater, a strong earthquake shook and damaged the city, allowing Donatus and the other two to easily escape from the theater and they sailed to Alexandria (Donat 1685: 14). When Donatus reached Egypt, he went to the city of Titmul, where, according to the final part of the legend, he was elected bishop of the city and a few years later, during the reign of Licinius, he died as a martyr (Donat 1685: 14). The text of the legend is less impressive than its content, which is valuable because of the information about Aquileia and its impact on Istria in the tetrarchial period, and its description of Salona, for which it is believed to have been written in the Adriatic Center (Jarak 1997: 160). It was probably compiled by a lower cleric from an Aquileian religious circle (Bratož 2004: 308; Lalošević 2012: 46). Although the legend came from Aquileia, contrary to expectations, this Late Antique source dedicated most of its pages to the events in Salona, and far fewer to those that took place in Aquileia or Titmul. The legend beautifully depicts the Dalmatian metropolis of Salona, at the time of Diocletian August, and outlines the activities of the three tetrarchs - old Diocletian August - Jovi in Salona (Donat 1685: 7), his brother August Maximilian Herculius in Milan (Donat 1685: 5), and August Licinius in Egypt (Donat 1685: 14). In particular, it underlines the practice of worship and service to the official Roman gods Jupiter and Hercules in the Salona territory (Donat 1685: 7). The second source, the legend of the Four Wreathed, talks about the suffering of a group of five Pannonian stonemasons (Claudius, Castorius, Nicostratus, Simphronius and Simplicius) who were working in a quarry at the time of Diocletian E x a mp l e s of p a g a n s a cr a l i s at ion of S ir mium a nd S a l on a l a nd s c a p e s in t he e a rly C hri s t i a n l e ge nd s 167 in Pannonia.1 The legend was compiled by a land tax scribe named Porphyry and written in Vulgar Latin which was not his mother tongue (Lalošević 2006: 61). It was edited a few years later in Rome by an unknown author, probably a member of the lower clergy who might have added some information, but did not change the language. The events described by the legend are believed to have taken place in the 4th century and the main arguments for this dating are: the Latin language it was written in, the use of specific stonemasons’ technical terms, and quotes from the Bible (Mt 10,39; Kol 3,17; Ps 113,8) that come from Itala, the translation that preceded Jeronimo’s Vulgata (Lalošević 2006: 61). The legend vividly depicts the everyday life of a stonemason working in the Roman quarries in Pannonia during the Late Roman period. Due to the complexity of the Late Ancient legend, which is a layered text, repeatedly revised over the centuries (Grégoire 1996: 17–20; Marinković 2008: 9; Damjanović 2011: 72), the exact location of the plot is difficult to establish. The type of stone suitable for making statues, especially the green or red porphyry and the task stone explicitly mentioned in the legend (QC 1910: I, III) has not yet been found in Pannonia. Therefore, the academic literature considers three possible locations for the events - two in Pannonia: the Roman quarries on Fruška Gora (Vulic 1931: 367; 1934: 11; Mijović 1966: 38; Bratož 2003: 52; 2004: 279) quarries in present-day Hungary between Sopianae (Pécs) and Lugio (Dunaszekesö) (Simonyi, 2009: 327; Gáspár 2010: 251); and alternative locations of the Gebel Dokhan quarry in the Arab desert northeast of Thebes in Egypt (Tomović 1997: 230–239). One of the possible answers to this quandry might be found in the Roman practice of transporting semi-worked blocks of stone suitable for statues or buildings from various centres, including Egypt (Cambi 1988; 2010), to their final completion site. Even today on the Peristyle in Split, at the sole entrance to Diocletian’s fomer mausoleum, today’s cathedral of St. Duje, there are Egyptian sphinxes (Tadinac 2011: 382) and columns which were transported from Egypt according to the wish of the Emperor Diocletian (Živkov 2009: 514). There are numerous remains of statues made of red porphyry stone that were found in the area of Mesia (Popović 2013b: 179) and which, as a semi-worked product, in the time of the tetrarchy, were transported from Egyptian quarries to the local workshops of the Sirmium quarry. As Sirmium is a city next to the navigable Sava river, the transport of stone material was not a problem (Knezović 2011: 86; 2012: 242). This single legend testifies that the “Four Wreathed” or the group of five stonemasons: Claudius, Castorius, Nicostratus, Simphronius and Simplicius died in Pannonia because it places them there (Damjanović 2009: 331-350). In the Christian tradition they would otherwise be remembered as Egyptian martyrs, but that isn’t indicated and they are discussed throughout as the Pannonian saints from Sirmium (Jarak 2011: 68). From its very start the legend speaks of the Pannonias – referring completely correctly to several territorial units2 as, at the time of the Tetrarchy Pannonia was divided into four provinces – Pannonia Inferior, Pannonia Savensis, Pannonia Valeria, Pannonia Superior; and at the end of the legend, it mentions Sirmium as the place where they were killed and where the bodies of the martyrs were buried (QC 1910: XXI). Later editors of the legend added the tale of the Roman cornicularies (QC 1910: XXII), 4 martyrs whose memorials were added to those of the Pannonian stonemasons and were, by the order of Pope Miltiades, unified into a single group of nine saints called the “Four Wreathed” (Lalošević 2006: 70). According to church tradition, as the population fled from the invasion of Barbarians (Bratož 2007: 251), the remains of the Pannonian masons were brought to Rome from Pannonia and stored in the basilica in Celio, as evidenced by the statement in Jeronimo’s Martyrology3 drawn up by the middle of the fifth century. It was at that time that the formation of their cult was also completed (Delehaye 1910: 748–784; 1913: 63–71; 1933: 77, 295, 320, 334, 341; Duchesne 1911; Guyon 1975: 505–561; Jarak 2011: 51–70). The legend says that the five stonemasons were highly regarded by the Emperor Diocletian for their skill in completing his commissions (QC 1910: 3) and he personally and frequently honored and rewarded them as his favorite masons. However, they refused his repeated demands to make a statue of Asclepius (QC 1910: 13), and they were denounced as Christians by the supervisors of the quarry (QC 1910: 14) who insisted on the full implementation of the law (QC 1910: 15). After being tortured the masons were sealed alive in tin boxes and immersed into the river at Sirmium (QC 1910: 20). The source describes the Emperor Diocletian (Leadbetter 2009: 123) in an interesting and historically authentic way as an old man passionate for the construction and decoration of sanctuaries concerned with personal health (Lalošević 1996: 21; 2009: 586). Therefore, the legend especially emphasizes the worship of the gods Sol and Asclepius. 1 About the historiographical issues of the group of the “Four Wreathed” see at: Lalošević 2006 with the corresponding literature. 2 Tempore quo Dioclitianus perrexit Pannoniis ad metalla diversa sua praesentia de montibus abscidenda (QC 1910, I). 3 Codex Bern.: UI ID. NOUEB. ROMAE Adcelio monte. Simp/ro/niani. Claudii. Castoris. Nicostrati.; Codex Eptern.: VI id rom nt simfroniani claudi nicostrati et castoris; Codex Wissenb.: UI ID. NOU. Romae Nat scoru synfromi claudi castori nicostrati (MH 1894, 140). 168 Vesna L alošević Testimonies of the cults The written sources make specific mention of pagan cults in certain areas, namely the official cults of Jupiter and Hercules in Dalmatia, and the cults of Sol and Asclepius in Pannonia. It’s not necessary to review further the testimonies of the cult of Jupiter and Hercules because numerous material and epigraphic confirmations of these areas have been found (see an example of the cult of Jupiter at Sinobad 2010; and of the cult of Hercules at Sanader 1994). There are also numerous confirmations of the worship of the god Sol in Pannonia to be found in the architectural remains as well as in some smaller lead objects and the money of Emperor Galien, Aurelian and Constantine (Migotti 1994; Popović 2013a: 140). The worship of Asclepius in Pannonia is evidenced by the votive tablet from Zemun (Brunšmid 1900: 200) (Fig. 1) or as an analogy, by the statues found in the room of the western portico of the peristyle of the villa in Mediana at Naissus in Upper Moesia (Jovanović 1975: 57) (Fig. 2, 3). Thus, the quotations in the legends about the worship of the gods Jupiter, Hercules, Sol and Asclepius in the aforementioned areas of Dalmatia and Pannonia during the Tetrarchy have been confirmed by material sources. However, because of the ambiguous context of some findings it is not always possible to say with confidence whether a particular material confirmation of the cult had really been found outside the city area, but, as shown by Tab. 1, there are some cases where this is very likely. Fig. 1 Votive image dedicated to Asclepius Fig. 2 Statue of Asclepius from Mediana in Fig. 3 Statue of Asclepius from Mediana in Moesia (Jovanović 1975: Pl. V) and Hygiea from Taurunum - Zemun Moesia, http://narodnimuzejnis.rs/o(Brunšmid 1900: 200, Fig. 95) muzeju/odeljenja/odeljenje-arheologije/odsek-antika/?lang=RS (8. 4. 2016) Within the city area Burnum: Altar to Hercules Key stone of the city gate Iader: sarcophagus Aenona: Statue of Hercules Altar to Hercules Salona: a torso of the statue of Hercules from the river Jadro a statue of Hercules with apples Hesperides inscription to Hercules at the entrance to the theater two altars a bronze statue of Hercules Outside the city area Skradin: Altar to Hercules Jurandvor near Otočac: relief Trogir surroundings: The figure of Hercules in aedicule Siget Donji: 2 altars Salona: Relief of Hercules St. Kajo's church, relief showing the acts of Hercules Omiš surroundings: Inscription dedicated to Hercules Brač: Splitska: the figure of Hercules in stone Škrip: 2 reliefs of Hercules Altar with an inscription to Hercules Tab. 1 Confirmations of the cult of Hercules in Dalmatia inside and outside the city areal (Sanader 1994; Jeličić Radonić 2005; Cambi 2005; 2013; Maršić 2007) E x a mp l e s of p a g a n s a cr a l i s at ion of S ir mium a nd S a l on a l a nd s c a p e s in t he e a rly C hri s t i a n l e ge nd s 169 Outside the city area The legends describe two different sites. In the first one Emperor Diocletian establishes the official cult of Jupiter and Hercules on a high hill near Salone.4 At this point, the source clearly indicates that it is an area outside the city area of Salona, but does not specify the form it takes or the exact location. Furthemore, the source does not say whether there are multiple sanctuaries at several locations, or whether only two or three known sites where considered. Is specified this cult as the official Roman religion because at the time of the Tetrarchy this divine duality of Jupiter and Hercules was elevated to become the official cult, in accordance with the official imperial court propaganda in which Diocletian was held to be the incarnation of Jupiter as Jove (Iovius) and his fellow brother and co-ruler Maximian August was the incarnation of Hercules as Herculius (Kolb 2004: 27–37; Bowman 2008: 75). The Pannonian legend records that the emperor Diocletian first ordered the statue of the Sun in four-in-hand harness (QC 1910: 1)5, and once that was completed he ordered that (in place ad Montem Pinguem) a brick temple to the god Sol should be built (QC 1910: 3)6. The position is clearly in a rural area because the hill is relatively close to the quarry, near the town of Sirmium, but outside of its city areal. From the data presented by the written sources three questions can be asked: Which out of city area is being sacralised?, Who preforms the sacralisation?, and How is the sacralization carried out? 1. Which out of city area is being sacralised? Legends specify the general location of the place - a high hill in the town’s hinterland (Donat 1685: 6) and a deforested hill near the quarry (QC 1910: 3). In the Late Antiquity period, the land outside the city area belonged to the Roman Empire as ager publicus populi Romani. However, the most fertile lands suitable for the development in mediterranean cultures have long been assigned to be enjoyed and used as ager publicus. Joint interlands with uncultivated land pastures and forests classed as ager compascuus were often sacralized because their ownership could not be transferred or privatized (Suić 2003: 96). These were public property (loca publica) in the same way as roads, squares, streets, courts around the temples and shrines (Suić 2003: 97). The sacralization of space had been practiced since prehistoric time. In their desire to record and recognise the importance and experience of a particular location, people found that a tribute to an appropriate deity was the best way of demonstrating this. Apart from graves and cemeteries, which have always been the main locations where the faith of the deceased and family can be expressed, there are various spaces sited outside the walls of the city which were dedicated to deities. Sources indicate that in the Late Antiquity period even less accessible locations on the hills or deep in the woods were sacralized. It was normal that those areas outside the city which had beneficial effects such as healing properties or being sources of drinking water were sacralized. Water, which is an important element in almost all religions, particularly as a border and the passage to the underworld, has always been under the protection of a strong deity (Jeličić-Radonić 2005: 42). The very fact that this practice was recorded in Christian sources (Donat 1685: 7) indicates that it was commonplace, even after Christianity had become the official religion and the pagan cults within urban areas were being actively eradicated. 2. Who performs the sacralization of space outside the city? It could be said that there were two aspects of sacralisation – the old and the modern, which we could describe as from-below and from-above. Originally there was the older, frombelow sacralisation of space which was characterized by spontaneity. It was performed by local people probably using their own initiative and without a sense of formal organisation. It is quite understandable that, on finding a spot where they often stay or which is precious to them, the inhabitants devote it to a certain deity. In the area of Roman Dalmatia, in different periods of time there are many sanctuaries set in a natural habitat where a relief of a deity has been carved into a solid rock or rocks. The figures carved in the rocks are actually cult reliefs of deities that are honored in a natural environment (fanum) (Cambi 2013a: 8), and whose sanctuaries are in the immediate vicinity. However, the two reliefs of Silvan which are carved in Kozjak near Salona in the surrounding suitable for paneion (paneion) like the one on Bovan (Fig. 4) can be said to be examples of spontaneous (non-organized) sacralization. Both reliefs are very simple and shallow, but the one at the spring of St. Epiphany on Klis is better (Fig. 5). It is impossible to date the time of their occurrence (Cambi 2005: 125). The from-above driven sacralisation of out of city locations begins once the Romans have arrived in the territories. This 4 Hisce contra se machinationibus intellectis vir sanctissimus, loca ea deserere apud se statuit, et conscensa nave per fluvium, qui urbem illam interluit et Nasitus appellatur, in Dalmatarum regionem evadere magno studio contendit. Quo ubi advenit, summum altissimi montis verticem, qui Saloniensium urbe haud procul distabat, occupavit: in quo quamdiu latuit, Acta de S. Donato et sociis, D. Cardonus, AA SS Maii V, 144 – 151 VI; Secundo deinde persecutionis anno, in eo ipso monte quem Salonis haud procul diximus abesse, pro incolumitate quidem sua Iovi, pro salute vero Maximiani sacrificia Herculi offere instituit. Cumque responsi nihil ad ea quae proposuerat a simulacris eliceret, pertinacis adeo silentii causam e sacrificulis suis sciscitatus est (Donat VII). 5 Ventum est quodam die inperante Dioclitiano, ut simulacrum Solis cum quadriga ex lapide taso artifices cum omni argumento currum, equos vel omnia ex uno lapide sculpirent (QC 1910, I). 6 Hoc autem nuntiatum est Dioclitiano augusto et laetificatus est. Eadem hora ibidem in partis Pannoniae praecepit aedificare templum in loco qui appellatur ad montem pinquem (QC 1910, III). 170 Vesna L alošević Fig. 4 Relief of Silvanus, Bovan near Salona (According: Cambi 2005: 41, Fig. 50; modified by K. Botić) Fig. 5 Relief of Silvanus cut in a steep rock, Klis near the Spring of the Epiphany (Cambi 2005: 42, Fig. 51) type of sacralisation was planned, initiated and implemented by those occupying the higher hierarchical positions in society. It is characterised by being highly organised and had the aim of romanising the local population. It could be performed by the rulers, by the city administrators, the college of priests or by recognised groups, either professional (stonemasons, soldiers, doctors’ associations, fortune tellers) or national (Greeks, Egyptians, and Orientals). It can be assumed that the modest reliefs of Hercules in a quarry in Škrip on Brač (Cambi 2013a: 9) are not the by-product of an ignorant stonemason who spent his leisure time hewing out his favorite hero on a suitable slab of rock at the entrance to the quarry (Cambi 2013a: 8), but that it was initiated and set up by a professional group (Fig. 6, 7). The Hercules relief is a cult figure at the entrance to the quarry, to which modest sacrifices were offered by stonemasons who addressed their god-hero with requests and desires (Cambi 2013a: 15). Similarly and probably for the same reasons, masons raised an altar dedicated to Hercules (labeled [H]ercul[i] / Aug(usto) sac(rum) / Donatus / Cn(ei) Corneli(i) / Certi (servus) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)) (Marišić 2007: 113) on the left end of the hallway inside the Roman quarry on the slopes of Mount St. Elijah, above Trogir, known locally as Kučić kava (Fig. 8, 9, 10). Sometimes the sacralization of an out of city location was initiated even by the city authorities as indicated by the reliefs of Silvan, Diana and nymphs that were found in the fields in Trišćenica (Rendić-Miočević 2007), in the wider Salona complex (Fig. 11). Perhaps such a Fig. 6 Relief of Hercules from the immediate surroundings of Škrip, now in the Museum of Brač in Škrip (Cambi 2013b: 81, Fig. 23) E x a mp l e s of p a g a n s a cr a l i s at ion of S ir mium a nd S a l on a l a nd s c a p e s in t he e a rly C hri s t i a n l e ge nd s 171 Fig. 7 Relief of Hercules on the crag of the sanctuary in the Rasohe quarry in the vicinity of Škrip (Cambi 2005: 131, Fig.189) group were also responsible for the relief of Hercules found inside the aedicule with Syrian gable that originated from Malo polje near Trogir (Marišić 2007: 125) (Fig. 12). The process of sacralization of space extra muros in the Late Antiquity period culminated in the older sources (Zaninović 2011) which characterize the shrine – the mithraeum like the one in Močići at Ćilipi (Miletić 2007; Sanader 2008) (Fig. 13, 14). In the same area, on the opposite sides surrounding the springs of drinking water, Silvan and Mithra are shown. It is known that these deities were associated with wells, springs and cave shrines; Ammianus Marcellinus mentions Silvan’s pool in Rome, frequented by aristocrats in the 4th century, (Amm Marc 28.04.19), and Propertius also associates Silvan with water springs (Propertius 4.4.11.). There is no doubt that these reliefs stood in the sanctuaries-Mithraeum and were in the open (Cambi 2005: 125), like those that survived in the hinterland of Dalmatian towns, for example the mithraeums Fig. 8 Altar to Hercules from Kučićeva kava near Trogir, The front side of the altar with the inscription (Maršić 2007: 115, Fig. 4) Fig. 9 Altar to Hercules from Kučićeva kava near Trogir, The left lateral side of the altar with depictions of a club, the skin of the Nemean lion, and the branch of apples (Maršić 2007: 117, Fig. 5) Fig. 10 Altar to Hercules from Kučićeva kava near Trogir, The right lateral side of the altar with depictions of a tripod and a skyphos (Maršić 2007: 117, Fig. 6) 172 Vesna L alošević Fig. 11 Fragment of relief portraying Silvanus from Trišćenica (Trstenik) in Split Field (Rendić-Miočević 2007: 20, Fig. 1) Fig. 12 Hercules in aedicule from Trogir (Cambi 2005: 197, Fig. 299) Fig. 13 Mithraic shrine in Močići (Sanader 2008: 179, Fig. 14) E x a mp l e s of p a g a n s a cr a l i s at ion of S ir mium a nd S a l on a l a nd s c a p e s in t he e a rly C hri s t i a n l e ge nd s 173 Fig. 14 A scene of bull sacrifice (tauroctonia) carved into a cliff, the Fig. 15 Relief of Mithras from Jajce (Cambi 2005: 130, Fig. 187) Mithraeum at Močići near Cavtat (Miletić 2007: 135, Fig. 3) Fig. 16 Relief of Mithras and Solus, Tauroctony of Antonius Fig. 17 Relief of Mithras and Solus from Konjic, avers (Cambi 2005: 203, Fig. Menander. Lisičići, Herzegovina (http://www.tertullian. 308) org/rpearse/mithras/display.php?page=selected_monuments CIMRM 1893-1894 (29. 4. 2016) near Jajce (Fig. 15), Lisičići (Fig. 16), Konjic (Fig. 17, 18), or the mithraeums in Jurandvor and Kraljev stolac on the mountain of Vital near Otočac (Fig. 19, 20). Outside the city area, the mithraeum can also be found in closed spaces – let’s just mention the one near Poetovio (Ptuj) (Hoffiller, Saria 1938; Selem 1976) (Fig. 21, 22). The reliefs contained in this sacred cave, outside the city, were probably commissioned by the college of mithraistic believers often themselves priests, responsible for the cult. Of course it is understood that these non-urban areas were well known to the authorities and were closely watched – as portrayed in the legend of St. Donatus, which states that the soldiers often sought fugitives or expelled people from the holy caves (Donat 1685: 7). Fig. 18 Relief of Mithras and Solus from Konjic, revers (Cambi 2005: 203, Fig. 309) 174 Vesna L alošević Fig. 19 Mithraic schrine in Jurandvor (Sanader 2008: 180, Fig. 15.) Fig. 20 Mithraic schrine in Kraljev stolac (Sanader 2008: 180, Fig. 15) Fig. 22 Inscription from relief of Solus in Poetovio (Hoffiller, Saria 1938: 143, Fig. 307) Fig. 21 Relief of Solus in Poetovio (Hoffiller, Saria 1938: 143, Fig. 307) Fig. 23 Images in catacombe St. Sebastian in Roma (http://www.ro- Fig. 24 Images in catacombe St. Sebastian in Roma (https://www. madvisor.it/san-sebastiano-catacombe-5680) (12. 5. 2016) researchgate.net/figure/Mausoleo - di- Clodio - Ermeteparticolare-dellattico-Complesso-delle-catacombe-di-S_ fig9_319523455) (7. 5. 2018) E x a mp l e s of p a g a n s a cr a l i s at ion of S ir mium a nd S a l on a l a nd s c a p e s in t he e a rly C hri s t i a n l e ge nd s 175 Let’s not forget that the early Christians also gathered in secluded spaces such as caves or catacombs and almost immediately they began to leave their own marks both to indicate the route and also to sacralise the location. An analogous example is the images in the catacombs of St. Sebastian in Rome. These marks could have been left by an individual to find his way to the place where the remains of the two apostles, St. Peter and Paul, had been kept for some time, and where they held the Eucharist, at which also points the graphite (Fig. 23, 24). Such markings were often the work of individual believers, but there are also examples where an organised group sacralised the space, like the one in Paul’s cave in Ephesus whose entire walls are painted (Fig. 25, 26, 27). Fig. 26 Cave of St.Paulus in Ephesos (http://ephesusfoundationusa.org/ projects/the-cave-of-st-paul) (7. 5. 2018) Fig. 25 Cave of St.Paulus in Ephesos (http://ephesusfoundationusa.org/projects/the-cave-of-st-paul) (7. 5. 2018) 3. How was the space out of the city sacralised? The legends simply show that in this period the sacralisation of areas out of the city was part of the care and responsibility of the highest office (QC 1910: 3). The Emperor, Fig. 27 Cave of St.Paulus in Ephesos (http://ephesusfoundationusa.org/ as Pontifex Maximus and the high priest of the official projects/the-cave-of-st-paul) (7. 5. 2018) religion of the Roman Empire, and as part of his religious duty, took charge over the arrangements for the out of town area. He initiates the sacralization of the rural space, and determines to which deities it will be dedicated. He then orders statues of the gods from the best masters, determines when they should be competed and ensures that the skilled craftsmen are appropriately rewarded. He supervises the sculpting and temple building works and monitors their quality. Once the masonry is finished the emperor orders the gilded sculpture of the deity to be placed in the temple. Only when everything is ready according to the regulations about the sanctification of the temple, the emperor, as a high priest, sanctifies the temple with offerings, ointments and incense. After that the sanctuary is made available for use by the people. It can therefore be assumed that a similar procedure was also carried out elsewhere by organized groups, whether they be the government of the town close to the sanctuary or by a secret society. As the social ladder of organizers collapsed, the sanctifying process got simpler. Finally, let’s review the issue of the continuity of cult places outside city areas. It is known that certain Christian saints warned of the danger of pagan shrines outside towns: St. Augustin yelled at those who offered to fountains and trees (Augustine Civ. 1. 3), and St. Gregory of Tours and St. Martin of Tours (Sulp. Severus, Dial. 3.8.4-6) destroyed a significant number 176 Vesna L alošević of water shrines in Gaul. Nonetheless, the presented sources indicate that at the turn of the 4th to 5th century, pagan places of worship still survived outside the city, particularly the cult of springs and healing waters. A number of sanctuaries from the Salona hinterland, which were originally dedicated to indigenous cults (Silvan), were subsequently cloaked by the foreign pagan cults of Hercules and Mithrae and even eventually Christianised in some cases (Perinić 2015: 215–228). The best example is the former sanctuary of Heracles at the source of water out of a rock in a cliff near Salona (Fig. 28), which contained a relief depicting three heroic works: Hercules and Cerberus, Hercules leading Alcestis from the underworld, Heracles and stymphalian birds and apples from the garden of Hesperides. Quite late, in the 19 th century, after the cave had been found, the pagan shrine was Christianized and transformed into the chapel of St. Caius, and the relief has become a part of the altar (Jeličić-Radonić 2005: 44). Fig. 28 Relief with depictions of the labours of Heracles from church St. Caius near Solin (Jeličić-Radonić 2005: 35) These two early Christian sources give us examples of the pagan sacralization in the landscapes of Sirmium and Salona, and convey the condition of everyday life of these regions in the Late Antiquity period. Although the data is scarce and incidental, they provide valuable information about the pagan cults, the areas outside the city, the relationship of the population towards rural spaces, the surveillance and care of these spaces by the authorities, how these area were visited and their importance to the local population in their everyday life. Further verification of these findings can be found in additional sources which proves the importance of sacralised areas outside the cities. This is confirmed by the longevity of the cult sites. 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MH 1894, Martyrologium Hieronymianum, I. B. De Rossi et L. Duchesne (eds.), Acta Sanctorum Novembris II/1. Ehsan Shavarebi The Temples of Anāhīd at Estakhr (Southern Iran): Historical Documents and Archaeological Evidence* Scientific paper This essay deals with the location of the Achaemenid and Sasanian temples of Anāhīd at Estakhr, the capital of Persis/Fārs province in southern Iran. Relevant texts from Achaemenid and Sasanian epigraphic sources, classical literature, and Islamic historical and geographical writings are interpreted, followed by a survey of the archaeological sites at Estakhr and its environs, which have been suggested by other scholars to be in connection with the temples of Anāhīd. In this survey, I will criticise a new speculative hypothesis on the location of the temples and argue where in fact these temples were located. Key words: Temple of Anāhīd (Anāhitā), Estakhr, Persepolis, Ka‘ba-ye Zardosht, Naqsh-e Rajab, Achaemenid Empire, Sasanian Empire Displayed in the shape of a beautiful young woman, Ardwī Sūrā Anāhitā stands most powerful and highborn, well-shaped and girded high, upright and splendid in her brilliance, wearing a coat with long sleeves, with rich designs, embroidered with gold. Ever and again, carrying barsom in her hands, wearing square earrings, high and noble born Ardwī Sūrā Anāhitā would wear a golden brooch upon her beautiful neck and tighten her waistband to enhance her breasts. On her head she bound a golden crown with a hundred stars, eight crenelations, and rings like wheels and with inimitable, beautiful, well-made droplets. Garments of beaver fur she wore from three hundred beavers about to give birth for the fourth time, because the female beaver is most beautiful when she is adorned most colorful. For, when the female beaver lives in water for as long as she should, then her furs shine in the eyes of the beholder all silver and gold. Ābān Yašt, § 30. 126–129; translation: P.O. Skjærvø 2011: 62–63 Introduction Since 1930s, when Ernst E. Herzfeld and Erich F. Schmidt unearthed the ruins of the city of Estakhr (Middle Persian: Staxr) in Persis/Fārs province in southern Iran1 (Fig. 1), new questions concerning the location of the Temple(s) of Anāhīd emerged. Ardawīsūr Anāhīd < Avestan arǝduuī sūra anāhitā ‘the lofty, life-giving, unattached/unblemished’ (Skjærvø 2013) is the female deity of water in the Zoroastrian pantheon (cf. Boyce 1989a). Before the excavations, our information on the Temple of Anāhīd was limited to descriptions in mediaeval historiographical and geographical sources, which are partly corroborated by archaeological finds. One of the controversial constructions in the city of Estakhr is the early * Both before and after reading this paper at the conference of Zagreb in June 2016, I had long discussions with Dr Shahrokh Razmjou (University of Tehran) on the archaeological evidence. I am very grateful to him for his helpful remarks on my earlier drafts and for having shared with me his new observations on certain issues of the pre-Islamic religious architecture in Persis, which played an important role in orienting my conclusions in this paper. My best thanks are also addressed to Professor Rémy Boucharlat (Université Lumière Lyon 2), who read the final version of the paper and provided me with several important remarks and suggestions. The responsibility for any error or deficiency lies, of course, with the author. 1 Neither Herzfeld nor Schmidt published full reports of their excavations at Estakhr. For some general information on the results of the excavations, cf. Herzfeld 1935: 48–50; 1941: 276–281; Schmidt 1939: 105–120; Whitcomb 1979. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 179–194 180 E h s a n S h ava re bi Fig. 1 Location of Estakhr, Persepolis, Naqsh-e Rostam and Naqsh-e Rajab in Persis, Iran Islamic Friday Mosque in the centre of Bazaar. It has been proposed that a pre-Islamic sanctuary—probably the Temple of Anāhīd—has become incorporated into mosque after the Islamisation of the city (Boyce 1998: 646). A more recent hypothesis, however, locates the Temple of Anāhīd in Naqsh-e Rajab, a grotto to the east of Estakhr, where several rock reliefs and inscriptions of the first two Sasanian kings from the third century AD are sculpted and inscribed (Bier 1983: 315; Kaim 2008). Where was actually the Temple of Estakhr? Could there be two temples devoted to Anāhīd in the district of Estakhr, as Kerdīr, Zoroastrian grand priest of the third century, points in his inscription? Can the accounts of mediaeval historians and T he T e mp l e s of A n ā hīd at Es ta k hr ( S ou t he rn I r a n ) : H i s t ori c a l D o cu me n t s a nd A rch a e ol o g i c a l E v id e nce 181 geographers find confirmation by archaeological finds? These are the major questions regarding the Temple(s) of Anāhīd in the religious capital of the Sasanian Empire. In this essay, I shall present the state of research on this issue and attempt to propose new suggestions, considering some neglected aspects of the question. I. Epigr aphic and Liter ary Sources § I.1. The tradition of devoting temples to the cult of Anāhīd can be traced back to the Achaemenid period. The earliest evidence is from the reign of Artaxerxes II ‘Mnemon’ (405–359 BC), who invoked the goddess Anāhīd (Old Persian: Anāhitā) after Ahuramazdā and before Mithra in his inscriptions at Ecbatana/Hamadān (A2Ha 5, 6) and Susa (A2Sa 4, 5; A2Sd 3f.) (Kent 1953: 154–155; Lecoq 1997: 269, 273; cf. Schmitt 2014: 79, 129–130). In these inscriptions, Artaxerxes mentions the establishment of a building, called apadāna, by the favour of Ahuramazdā, Anāhitā and Miθra (A2Sa 3–5; A2Ha 5–7): … imam : apadāna : (Dārayavauš : apanayākama : akunaš : abayapara : upā : Artaxšaçām : nayākama : ++++ :) vašnā : AM : Anahata : utā : Miθra : (imam : apadāna :) adam : akunām : AM : Anahata : utā : Miθra : mām : pātuv : hacā : vispā : gastā : utā : imam : tya : akunā(m) …. (Darius mon ancêtre a fait cet apadana ; ensuite, du temps de mon grand-père Artaxerxès, il a brûlé ;) alors, grâce à Ahuramazdā, Anāhita et Miθra, j’ai fait (reconstruire) cet apadana ; qu’Ahuramazdā, Anāhita et Miθra me protègent de tout mal, ainsi que ce que j’ai fait ….2 (Translation: P. Lecoq 1997: 269, 273) The architectural construction of apadāna in Susa is a great columned palace initially built during the reign of Darius I and apparently reconstructed by Artaxerxes II. At Persepolis, however, the great audience hall of Darius is mistakenly named ‘apadāna’ by its excavator Ernst E. Herzfeld, whose understanding of this term was simply ‘the public part of a royal palace’ (Herzfeld 1941: 227, 352; cf. Schmidt 1953: 70). Shahrokh Razmjou, following a commentary by Pierre Lecoq, has recently suggested that the Old Persian word apadāna- is not what the Achaemenids were calling a columned hall, but it had a more specific meaning. Since in Old Persian cuneiform the long vowel ā- in initial position was written with the same sign as the short vowel a-, the traditionally accepted pronunciation of this term might be argued, as Pierre Lecoq suggests an alternative reading as āpadāna-, from *āpa- ‘water’ + dāna- (> New Persian ābdān), meaning ‘réservoir d’eau’ (Lecoq 1997: 115; cf. Razmjou 2010: 232).3 On the other hand, the same word is attested as ’bdny/’pdn(k)(y) in several Parthian documents from Nisa (cf. Gignoux 1972: 45, 46), which are in connexion with a winery or wine storage. Surprisingly, in Elamite documents from the treasury of Persepolis, there is a reference to a columned hall called i-aan-(na), which means ‘great door’ and could perhaps be the actual name of the great columned hall of Darius at Persepolis (Razmjou 2010: 231–232, n. 5).4 § I.2. If we accept Razmjou’s arguments, there was then no ā̆ padāna on the Terrace of Persepolis and the only ‘places of water’ known to be built or reconstructed by Artaxerxes II are those at Ecbatana and Susa. The greatly revered ‘Temple of Diana’ in Susa situated directly on the river, as mentioned by Pliny (Naturalis historia VI.135), could have been a site related to the cult of Anāhitā—in this case, most probably an originally Achaemenid Temple of Anāhitā: Circumit arcem Susorum ac Dianae templum augustissimum illis gentibus, et ipse in magna caerimonia, siquidem reges non ex alio bibunt et ob id in longinqua portant. It passes round the citadel of Susa and the temple of Diana, which is regarded with the greatest reverence by the races in those parts; and the river itself is held in great veneration, inasmuch as the kings drink water drawn from it only, and consequently have it conveyed to places a long distance away. (Translation: H. Rackham 1942 [Loeb]) § I.3. According to Plutarch (Artaxerxes 3.1), Artaxerxes’s coronation was held in Pasargadae at a sanctuary devoted to a warrior goddess, whom Plutarch compares with Athena: Ὀλίγῳ δ’ ὕστερον ἢ τελευτῆσαι Δαρεῖον ἐξήλασεν εἰς Πασαργάδας ὁ βασιλεύς, ὅπως τελεσθείη τὴν βασιλικὴν τελετὴν ὑπὸ 2 3 4 The words in parentheses are missing in A 2Ha. The proposed root noun in Old Persian is ā̆ p- which actually could be pronounced by both short a and long ā (Kent 1953: 50). This reading, along with some other interpretations of this term, is rejected by Rüdiger Schmitt in his new dictionary of Old Persian royal inscriptions, where apadāna- is simply translated as ‘Palast’ and this recent etymological suggestion is called an ‘Ad-hoc-Vorschlag’ which cannot be more than ‘bloße Konstruktion’ (Schmitt 2014: 132). In the Elamite documents of the Persepolis fortification, there is also evidence of religious payments to a sacred place called hapidanu(sh), comparable to the Elamite hapadanu. According to Razmjou, in the same texts, water is mentioned ‘as a sacred item that receives rations’, thus he sees a connexion between these Elamite terms and the Old Persian ‘āpadāna’ (Razmjou 2010: 232–233, n. 9). 182 E h s a n S h ava re bi τῶν ἐν Πέρσαις ἱερέων. ἔστι δὲ θεᾶς πολεμικῆς ἱερόν, ἣν Ἀθηνᾶν ἄν τις εἰκάσειεν. A little while after the death of Dareius, the new king made an expedition to Pasargadae, that he might receive the royal initiation at the hands of the Persian priests. Here there is a sanctuary of a warlike goddess whom one might conjecture to be Athena. (Translation: B. Perrin 1926 [Loeb]) Considering Anāhitā’s warrior aspects, this sanctuary at Pasargadae should have been a temple devoted to Anāhitā (Chaumont 1989: 1006). § I.4. The same source also contains an account of the appointment of Artaxerxes’s concubine Aspasia as priestess of the Temple of Anaïtis, identified with the Greek goddess Artemis, in Ecbatana (Plutarch, Artaxerxes 27.3): τῆς γὰρ Ἀρτέμιδος τῆς ἐν Ἐκβατάνοις, ἣν Ἀναῗτιν καλοῦσιν, ἱέρειαν ἀνέδειξεν αὐτήν, ὅπως ἁγνὴ διάγῃ τὸν ἐπίλοιπον βίον…. That is, he appointed her a priestess of the Artemis of Ecbatana, who bears the name of Anaïtis, in order that she might remain chaste for the rest of her life …. (Translation: B. Perrin 1926 [Loeb]) §I.5. According to a passage from the third book of the Chaldaica of Berossus, Babylonian priestly scholar, written around 260 BC, Artaxerxes erected temple statues of ‘Aphrodite Anaïtis’ in major cities of the Empire and asked people to worship them. The passage is only preserved in a fragmentary citation by Clement of Alexandria (Protrepticus I.5; ed. C. Müller, FHG II, 508–509, fr. 16): … Μετὰ πολλὰς μέντοι ὕστερον περιόδους ἐτῶν ἀνθρωποειδῆ ἀγάλματα σέβειν αὐτοὺς Βήρωσσος ἐν τρίτῃ Χαλδαϊκῶν παρίστησι, τοῦτο Ἀρταξέρξου τοῦ Δαρείου τοῦ Ὤχου εἰσηγησαμένου, ὃς πρῶτος τῆς Ἀφροδίτης Ἀναΐτιδος τὸ ἄγαλμα ἀναστήδας ἐν Βαβυλῶνι καὶ Σούσοις καὶ Ἐκβατάνοις, Πέρσαις καὶ Βάκτροις καὶ Δαμασκῷ καὶ Σάρδεσιν ὑπέδειξε σέβειν. … A long period of time later, however, they [i.e., Persians] began to worship anthropomorphic statues, which were introduced, as stated by Berossus in the third book of his Chaldaica, by Artaxerxes, son of Darius, son of Ochus, who, for the first time, set up statues of Aphrodite Anaïtis in Babylon and Susa and Ecbatana, Persis and Bactra and Damascus and Sardis to be worshipped. (Translation: author) The phrase [ἐν] Πέρσαις in this text has usually been interpreted as ‘[at] Persepolis’ (cf. e.g. Hoffmann 1880: 137; Nöldeke 1887: 140 n. 1; Boyce 1982: 217), while the ethnonym πέρσαι, used as toponym, in older sources means ‘the Land of Persis’ and not ‘the town of Persepolis’ (cf. Nöldeke 1887: 139 n. 4). Thus, it can be assumed that Clement’s use of this term refers to the region of Persis (Wikander 1946: 65), and not to the Terrace of Persepolis, which was probably abandoned during the reign of Artaxerxes II, since no construction from his reign is known there (vide infra: § II.2).5 § I.6. From the Arsacid period less evidence of the cult of Anāhīd is available, but as stated by Isidore of Charax (Mansiones Parthicae 6), people were still offering sacrifices to the temple of Anaïtis in Ecbatana during his time in the first century BC: Εἶτα Βάτανα, μητρόπολις Μηδίας καὶ θησαυροφυλάκιον καὶ ἱερὸν, ὅπερ Ἀναΐτιδος ἀεὶ θύουσιν. Then Ecbatana, the metropolis of Media and the treasury, and a temple, sacred to Anaitis; they sacrifice there always. (Translation: W.H. Schoff 1914: 7) § I.7. There was at least one temple devoted to Anāhīd at Estakhr in the early third century AD, whose guardians were the Persian Sasanians, who rose to power in 224 and founded the Sasanian Empire (Boyce 1998: 646). The temple was called ‘Temple of Fire of Anāhīd’. Considering the passage quoted from Berossus, it has been proposed that the Temple of Fire of Anāhīd at Estakhr was probably constructed by Artaxerxes II (cf. e.g. Boyce 1998: 646). There is, however, no evidence confirming the existence of any Achaemenid temple of Anāhīd on the Persepolis Terrace, but existence of an Achaemenid temple for the goddess of water at a site near Persepolis could be subject of more debates (vide infra: § II.2). Our information on the Temple of Anāhīd at Estakhr is limited to the inscriptions of the Sasanian senior priest Kerdīr on the Ka‘ba-ye Zardosht as well as an early Islamic description of the place. In his inscription (KKZ 8; cf. Chaumont 1960: 347, 356; Gignoux 1991: 59), Kerdīr asserts that Wahrām II (276–293 AD) appointed him to the office of āyēnbed ‘master of customs/ceremonies’ and pādixšāy ‘warden, sovereign’ of two fire temples at Estakhr, i.e., ‘Temple of Anāhīd-Ardashīr’ and ‘Temple of Anāhīd the Lady’: W d’twbl ‘BYDWN ’Pm stḥly ’twly ZY ’n’ḥyt ’rtḥštr W ’n’ḥyt ZY ML‘T’ ’dwynpt W p’tḥš’y. [Et] il [i.e. Wahrām II] m’a fait āyēnbed et souverain du Feu d’Anāhīd-Ardaxšīr et d’Anāhīd la Dame à Staxr. (Translation: Ph. Gignoux 1991: 69) The latter temple should be identified with the ‘House of Anāhīd’s Fire’, the guardians of which during the late Arsacid period were, according to the Arabic chronicle of Ṭabarī, the ancestors of the Sasanian kings (Nöldeke 1879: 4).6 The place 5 For more classical references to the cult and temples of Anāhitā/Anaïtis in Iran, Armenia and Asia Minor, see: Windischmann 1858; Chaumont 1965; 1989; and the most recent scrutiny of Briant 2002: 676–680. 6 On the term ‘the Lady’ appearing after the name of the goddess Ardawīsūr Anāhīd in Zoroastrian Middle Persian tradition, see: Boyce 1967: 36–37. There are also some older attestations of this phenomenon in Mesopotamian traditions; see, for instance: Boyce 1989b: 1005–1006. T he T e mp l e s of A n ā hīd at Es ta k hr ( S ou t he rn I r a n ) : H i s t ori c a l D o cu me n t s a nd A rch a e ol o g i c a l E v id e nce 183 and origin of the ‘Temple of Anāhīd-Ardashīr’ is, however, more obscure. Comparing the name of this temple to the personal names Ohrmazd-Ardashīr, Shāpūr I’s son and crown-prince, and Ādur-Anāhīd, Shāpūr I’s daughter and spouse, Philippe Gignoux believes that the compound name Anāhīd-Ardashīr is also a personal name and identifies it as the name of a daughter of the Sasanian king Shāpūr I (241–272 AD) or his father Ardashīr I (224–241 AD), to whom the temple belonged. As a conclusion of this interpretation, Gignoux perceives Kerdīr’s position as only ‘le gérant du temple’ and not ‘le propriétaire’ (Gignoux 1991: 69 n. 133). Boyce, however, suggests a completely different interpretation of the name of this temple. She identifies this temple with ‘the fire-house which is called that of Ardašīr’, mentioned by Ṭabarī, where Yazdgerd III (632–651 AD), the last Sasanian king, was crowned by the nobles of Estakhr (Boyce 1998: 646; cf. Nöldeke 1879: 397). § I.8. In more recent sources, there is no indication of two different Temples of Anāhīd at Estakhr. The early mediaeval historian Mas‘ūdī, who visited Estakhr in 915 AD, describes the remains of a fire temple as follows: Il est à une parasange environ de la ville d’Istakhr. C’est un monument admirable et un temple imposant; j’y ai remarqué des piliers, formés de blocs d’une dimension étonnante, et surmontés de figures singulières de chevaux et d’autres animaux, aussi remarquables par leur stature que par leurs formes. Autour de l’édifice régnent un vaste retranchement et une muraille en blocs massifs, laquelle est couverte de bas-reliefs d’une exécution très-habile. Les habitants du voisinage y voient les images des prophètes. Ces ruines sont situées au pied d’une montagne où le vent souflle, nuit et jour, avec impétuosité ; c’est ce qui fait dire aux musulmans de l’endroit que les vents ont été emprisonnés en ce lieu par Salomon.7 (Translation: Ch. Barbier de Meynard 1865: 77) § I.9. In another Arabic account, the early mediaeval geographer Maqdisī (Muqaddasī) mentions a pre-Islamic fire temple which became the Friday Mosque of Estakhr after the Muslims occupied the city (de Goeje 1906: 436): The Friday Mosque, located in the Bazaar, is built, like the mosques in Syria, with round columns each of which surmounted by [a sculpture of] a cow. It has been said that it was a house of fire in the past. (Translation: author) II. Archaeological Evidence § II.1. A few kilometres north of Persepolis, there is a unique site called Naqsh-e Rostam, where four Achaemenid kings are buried in the heart of rocks, a number of Sasanian rock reliefs and inscriptions are carved on the foot of the mountain, and a monumental tower made of polished stone—the so-called ‘Ka‘ba-ye Zardosht’ (‘Cube of Zoroaster’)—is standing before the mountain (Fig. 2). The site is surrounded by a probably Sasanian wall (cf. Schmidt 1970: 54–58). Fig. 2 Naqsh-e Rostam: a panorama (photo: author) 7 The significant phrases in this passage are bolded by the present author. 184 E h s a n S h ava re bi The most enigmatic structure at this site is the Ka‘ba-ye Zardosht (Fig. 3), for which various interpretations are so far proposed. But the more we study the scanty evidence available, the less evident and reliable interpretations we gain.8 It should not be neglected that a similar tower can be found at Pasargadae as well—the so-called ‘Zendān-e Soleymān’ (‘Prison of Solomon’) (Fig. 4). Herzfeld interpreted the both towers as two Grabtürme (‘tomb towers’) (Herzfeld 1908: 32). Although this interpretation was not abandoned after Herzfeld and a number of scholars followed the idea of royal tomb tower (e.g. Demandt 1968), it has been seriously criticised even by Herzfeld’s successors at the Oriental Institute of Chicago who resumed his expedition to Persia. Martin Sprengling, for instance, attacked Herzfeld’s hypothesis with these forthright words: ‘That this building ever was the tomb (qabr) of Zoroaster, or even that it ever was so called, is merely one of those fine and attractive fancies with which Herzfeld’s mind and pen loved to play to the confusion of fact’ (Sprengling 1953: 58). Since the inscription of Kerdīr on the Ka‘ba-ye Zardosht, mentioning the Estakhr Temples of Anāhīd (vide supra: § I.7), was unearthed in Schmidt’s excavations at Naqsh-e Rostam, many scholars interpreted this tower as a fire temple (of Anāhīd) (e.g. Sprengling 1937: 140; 1953: 58; Wikander 1946: 65; Chaumont 1958: 174). The excavator of Naqsh-e Rostam, in his posthumously published report of the excavations, provided an assessment of different interpretations, rejected the tomb tower interpretation, and finally, pursuing Stig Wikander’s arguments (Wikander 1946: 67–69), deduced that both of the towers at Pasargadae and Naqsh-e Rostam were home to royal fires (cf. Schmidt 1970: 41–49). ‘The Zindan at Pasargadae was undoubtedly built by Cyrus the Great’, Schmidt wrote. ‘The Tower at Naqsh-i Rustam was most probably built by Darius the Great, even before the foundation of the Persepolis Terrace was completed, to enshrine the royal fire of his line of the Achaemenid dynasty’ (Schmidt 1970: 49). Fig. 3 Ka‘ba-ye Zardosht at Naqsh-e Rostam (photo: author) 8 Fig. 4 Zendān-e Soleymān at Pasargadae (photo: author) For an exhaustive état de la question of this tower and its function until the past decade, cf. Potts 2007. T he T e mp l e s of A n ā hīd at Es ta k hr ( S ou t he rn I r a n ) : H i s t ori c a l D o cu me n t s a nd A rch a e ol o g i c a l E v id e nce 185 In the latter half of the twentieth century, different suggestions for the function of the Ka‘ba-ye Zardosht have been proposed; e.g. as bun-xānag ‘foundation-house’ or diz-i nibišt ‘fortress of writing[s]’, the place for keeping the bunīg nibištag ‘fundamental writing[s]’, i.e., the major religious charters and records presumably including the principal copy of the Avesta (Henning 1957: Introduction; Bernard 1974: 279–284), as a safe for the royal paraphernalia (Frye 1974: 386), and even, with a reference to Plutarch’s passage on Artaxerxes’s coronation at Pasargadae (vide supra: § I.3), as a ‘coronation tower’ having experienced a mélange of all hitherto proposed functions in a way (Sancisi-Weerdenburg 1983). In fact, only the interpretation of Walter Bruno Henning gained recognition of following scholars (cf. e.g. Huyse 1998), but bun-xānag or diz-i nibišt could have merely been a later function given to this monument by the Sasanians, after an official copy of the Avesta was compiled. The original function of the Ka‘ba-ye Zardosht during the Achaemenid period remains uncertain. It may only be assumed that both towers at Pasargadae and Naqsh-e Rostam were built for the same purpose. David Stronach suggests that these two towers were built by the Achaemenid monarchs Cyrus and Darius I, respectively, as Zoroastrian temples influenced by the architectural pattern of Urartian temple towers (Stronach 1967). Although he may be right in recognising the origin of the Achaemenid towers’ architecture, the available evidence cannot lead us to any definite conclusion about the Achaemenids’ religion. In the most recent studies, neither new suggestions are proposed nor decisive conclusions obtained. After reviewing the hitherto proposed conjectures on the function of the towers at Pasargadae and Naqsh-e Rostam as well as the possible connexion between the Ka‘ba-ye Zardosht and the tower illustrated on certain coins of the Persid rulers, Daniel T. Potts merely concludes that ‘there is no need for the frataraka or their moneyers to have had any real idea of what the buildings’ original function may have been.’ (Potts 2007: 296) Thus, it is possible that the original function of the towers has been forgotten or changed after the Macedonian conquest. On the other hand, in his recent study of ancient Iranian ritual spaces, Matthew P. Canepa brings forward sigillographic evidence from the Persepolis Fortification Archive representing the same architecture in a ritual context (Canepa 2013: 333, 336, Figs. 14.10–11). Both these towers were, in fact, flanked by an ensemble of mud-brick constructions, for which Canepa regards the towers as ‘the focal point of a larger architectonic and ritual complex’ (Canepa 2013: 335). Although these two towers probably shared a similar function, the purposes of the constructions in their vicinities are still unknown and could possibly have been different. The excavations of the southwest of the Ka‘ba-ye Zardosht have unearthed parts of defensive walls and two buildings with dissimilar plans, varyingly dateable to different periods (Schmidt 1970: 54–58). As to the adjacent constructions of the Zendān-e Soleymān at Pasargadae, however, according to the results of geophysical investigations, there has been a large building with parallel corridors (Benech et al. 2012: 20–23; also cf. Gondet, Mohammadkhani 2016). For more information on the function of this structure—and perhaps that of the Ka‘ba-ye Zardosht as well—we have to await the results of the recently started excavations conducted by Ali Mousavi at this site. The only clear point about these towers is that they both were built by the Achaemenids, probably, for ritual purposes. Their precise function remains unclear though. Considering either of these towers in connexion with the fire cult of Anāhīd is nothing but speculation. Only new evidence can solve the enigma of the Achaemenid towers and guide the scholars to understand their actual function. § II.2. In 1923, Herzfeld discovered two post-Achaemenid reliefs of a man and a lady carved on two parallel jambs of a window about 300 metres northwest of the Persepolis Terrace (Fig. 5). He identified the male figure as a local post-Achaemenid ruler of Persis, i.e., a Frataraka9 (cf. Herzfeld 1935: 46–47; 1941: 286). Nine years later, he conducted an excavation at this site, where some architectural constructions, home to a great number of typical Persepolitan-style objects, appeared (cf. Schmidt 1953: 56). Although the question of the whole complex’s function remained open to debate, the building to which the window reliefs belong was suggested by Herzfeld to be part of a fire temple (Herzfeld 1934: 232; 1935: 44). His interpretation is supported by five fragmentary votive inscriptions he discovered at an unknown location at or around this site, which represent names of Greek gods and goddesses—apparently as Hellenised identification of Iranian deities— in genitive form: ΔΙΟΣ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΟΥ (for Ahuramazdā), ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ and ΗΛΙΟΥ (for Mithra), and ΑΡΤΕΜΙΔΟΣ and ΑΘΗΝΑΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΑΣ for Anāhid the Lady (Herzfeld 1935: 44; 1941: 275; cf. Robert 1967: 282; Rougemont 1999). It is, however, widely assumed that this site has been an Iranian—and not Greek or Macedonian—sanctuary of local Persians attributed by its excavator to a date shortly after the time of Alexander (Herzfeld 1934: 232; 1935: 49) (Fig. 6). The complex includes two separate temples connected by a street or corridor (Schmidt 1953: 56, Fig. 16). Given names 9 The traditional reading of this word on the coin legends, which is also used by Herzfeld, is fratadāra ‘guardian of fire’. But the current reading and interpretation of the term, accepted by majority of scholars today, is frataraka meaning ‘leader, governor, forerunner’; cf. e.g. Wiesehöfer 2000: 195. 186 E h s a n S h ava re bi Fig. 5 Doorway reliefs of the ‘Frataraka Complex’ (after Schmidt 1953: 17 A, B, C) after their specific architectural elements as ‘Pedestal Temple’ (northern building) and ‘Window Temple’ (southeastern building), ‘the Pedestal Temple has a portico and an inner square room isolated from the rest of the building by narrow corridor-like rooms. It has four columns and a stepped pedestal or plinth, which could have served as an altar or have supported a statue. Traces on the plinth show there was another stone attached to its upper surface, which is missing today’ (Razmjou, Roaf 2013: 414). While, considering the pedestal of the northern room being the base of a fire altar, this structure was traditionally identified as a fire temple (ātašgāh) (Godard 1938: 59–60; de Francovich 1966: 207; Schippmann 1971: 184), it is suggested later that the disputable plinth might have been supporting a statue (Bernard 1969: 337 n. 1; Kleiss 1981) (Fig. 7). ‘The Window Temple has an unusually elaborate room with five doorways in the southern wall and stepped niches, which might indicate a non-secular function. Both structures have doorways with multiple rabbets, which in Mesopotamia are normally only found in temples’ (Razmjou, Roaf 2013: 414). On the dating of this complex no consensus has been yet attained. There is, however, almost no doubt that the two temple structures are separately founded, therefore, they probably have different dates. While the plinths of the northern building represent the high quality of the Achaemenid workmanship, the relief carving in the ‘Window Temple’ is very rough. This is why it can be safely assumed that the older sanctuary has been replaced with the newer one for an uncertain reason at a later time (de Francovich 1966: 207). The ‘Pedestal Temple’ is most likely built during the Achaemenid period as a sanctuary in connexion with Persepolis (de Francovich 1966: 207; Razmjou, Roaf 2013: 414). Herzfeld’s post-Achaemenid dating, which considers the plinths being moved from the Terrace of Persepolis and reused at the temple (followed by Schmidt 1953: 56; Bernard 1969: 337 n. 1), does not make much sense. The column-bases of the ‘Pedestal Temple’ do not resemble the bases used in any of the structures on the Terrace of Persepolis, but only those used in the palaces of Pasargadae are akin to them (de Francovich 1966: 207). Moreover, the small objects discovered in the excavations of this structure are typically Achaemenid (Schmidt 1953: 56). The Achaemenid temple is, nevertheless, probably renovated and modified in the post-Achaemenid times (cf. Razmjou, Roaf 2013: 414, n. 25). The question of the Window Temple’s dating is somewhat clearer. The structure is certainly a post-Achaemenid building of religious nature, newer than the northern building (Boucharlat 1984: 131). But still one cannot be sure whether the Window reliefs are contemporary to the lapidary Greek inscriptions (Bernard 1969: 337 n. 1)10. The complex seems to have had a multistage constructional history. The ‘Pedestal Temple’ was probably built by the 10 The Greek inscriptions are suggested by Helmut Waldmann to have been attached to five missing statues of the same deities, which were once installed on the four square column bases and the rectangular plinth of the ‘Pedestal Temple’ (Waldmann 1991: 149). This fantastic idea has no support from architectural features of the building and may be considered nothing but pure speculation (cf. Callieri 2007: 66). T he T e mp l e s of A n ā hīd at Es ta k hr ( S ou t he rn I r a n ) : H i s t ori c a l D o cu me n t s a nd A rch a e ol o g i c a l E v id e nce Fig. 6 The ‘Frataraka Complex’ near Persepolis (after Schmidt 1953: Fig. 16) 187 188 E h s a n S h ava re bi Fig. 7 The ‘Pedestal Temple’ of the ‘Frataraka Complex’ (after Schmidt 1953: Fig. 17 D) Achaemenids as a sanctuary devoted to Iranian deities—or perhaps to the cult of a specific deity whose statue was installed on the pedestal of the columned hall.11 For the archaic form of the column-bases, Géza de Francovich attributes this temple to the time of Darius I, as early as the establishment of the Terrace of Persepolis (de Francovich 1966: 207). Darius, in the Behistun inscription (DB I 63–64), claims to have restored the āyadanā (plural for the Old Persian āyadana ‘place of worship’12) which were destroyed by Gaumāta the Magus (Schmitt 1991: 29, 53; cf. Duchesne-Guillemin 1987). On the contrary, Herodotus (I.131–132) asserts that ‘it is not their [i.e., Persians’] custom to make or set up statues and temples and altars … when about to sacrifice they neither build altars nor kindle fire, they use no libations, nor music, nor fillets, nor barley meal’ (Translation: A.D. Godley 1920 [Loeb]; for analysis of the passage of Herodotus, cf. Benveniste 1929: 22–49; de Jong 1997: 76–120; also cf. Shenkar 2007: 173–174). It was most probably not before the time of Artaxerxes II that the Persians began to worship at temples where statues were set up. We know from the account of Berossus (vide supra: § I.5) that Artaxerxes set up a statue of Aphrodite Anaïtis (Anāhitā), probably in a temple ἐν Πέρσαις. We know, nevertheless, that Artaxerxes had probably never resided at Persepolis and this must be why there was no architectural activity on the Persepolis Terrace during his reign. Thus, ‘the Temple of Anaïtis ἐν Πέρσαις’ was certainly not a foundation on the Terrace of Persepolis, but elsewhere in Persis—probably somewhere at or near an Achaemenid major city in this province and of course close to a spring, river, or channel symbolising the goddess of water. On the other hand, the tomb of Artaxerxes II is located in the mount facing the Persepolis Terrace, which means that Persepolis was not totally left and abandoned under Artaxerxes and the Persepolitan workshop was still active. It could cautiously be suggested that the ‘Pedestal Temple’ near the Terrace of Persepolis could be the actual place of the Persis Temple of Anaïtis, home to her statue, reported to have been founded by Artaxerxes (cf. Stronach 1985: 616). Although the statue of Anaïtis is missing today, the pedestal which once supported the statue is still in situ. Here we also find a spring and an ancient water conduit to the north of the so-called ‘Frataraka Complex’ (cf. Schmidt 1970: Fig. 1). For certain stylistic features of the rectangular pedestal, dissimilarity of the size of the pavement bricks used around the ‘Pedestal Temple’ with those of the Persepolis Terrace, and the typology of the four column-bases, Pierfrancesco Callieri has recently argued a post-Achaemenid chronology for this construction (Callieri 2007a: 51–67, 91–93). In spite of his interesting discussions on the style of the pedestal and its missing statue as well as the typology of three-stepped bases, 11 We have no evidence of any Achaemenid cult of sacred fire in this building. There are, however, traces of storing wood or ash in another complex south of the Persepolis Terrace, which may support the idea of a function pertaining to a fire ritual for that structure (cf. Razmjou, Roaf 2013: 416). 12 For historical reasons, Lecoq considers the term as nom d’action of ‘rite’ (Lecoq 1995; 1997: 163, 192), but his interpretation has not been accepted by other scholars in newer studies; cf. e.g. Schmitt 2014: 147, who interprets the word as ‘Kultstätte, Opferplatz’. T he T e mp l e s of A n ā hīd at Es ta k hr ( S ou t he rn I r a n ) : H i s t ori c a l D o cu me n t s a nd A rch a e ol o g i c a l E v id e nce 189 the architectural pattern of the ‘Pedestal Temple’ is typically Achaemenid. Also, since no Achaemenid example of a pedestalled statue of a god or goddess is surviving—though existence of such statues is reported in literary sources—, we simply know nothing about these absent statues and the style(s) of their pedestals. Therefore, it will not be illogical to consider the rectangular plinth of the ‘Pedestal Temple’ as an originally Achaemenid pedestal. Moreover, the smaller size of the pavement bricks used in a neighbouring room of the ‘Pedestal Temple’—and not in the Temple itself—is not a convincing proof for a post-Achaemenid dating of the ‘Pedestal Temple’ either, even though bricks of the same size are found at the gymnasium of Ai Khanoum in Bactria. Even if we accept a post-Achaemenid dating for these bricks, it could merely be evidence of a later phase of reconstructions or architectural extensions of the complex after the Achaemenid period.13 The cult and the temple could have been developed and modified over time until the ‘Pedestal Temple’ was eventually replaced by the ‘Window Temple’ at a certain stage in post-Achaemenid times—probably too later than what Herzfeld had assumed. § II.3. The ruins of the newer city of Estakhr near Persepolis, which was established during the post-Achaemenid times14, are marked today by one standing column and a few architectural elements of Achaemenid style, which are interpreted by its excavators, Herzfeld and Schmidt, as remains of the Friday Mosque of the early Islamic city of Estakhr (Fig. 8). For a long period of time, the opinio communis was that the Achaemenid elements were reused and a pre-Islamic sanctuary became incorporated into the Friday Mosque after the Islamisation of the city (Herzfeld 1935: 48; 1941: 276; Schmidt 1939: 106; 1970: 49 n. 111). The same narrative could also be found in the account of the tenth century geographer Maqdisī (vide supra: § I.9). Contrariwise, the more recent survey of Donald Whitcomb has shown that this building was founded originally as a mosque in the early Islamic period with pre-Islamic materials brought from elsewhere (Whitcomb 1979: 363–366; 2008: 10). Fig. 8 Ruins of the Friday Mosque of Estakhr (photo: author) § II.4. A rather new hypothesis concerning the location of the Temple of Anāhīd described by Mas‘ūdī (vide supra: § I.8) identifies this place with Naqsh-e Rajab, a grotto between Persepolis and the city of Estakhr (Bier 1983: 315; Kaim 2008: 6–8). In this grotto, we can see three early Sasanian rock reliefs from the reigns of Ardashīr I and Shāpūr I as well as an inscription of the third century senior priest Kerdīr (Fig. 9), but there is no evidence of worshiping Anāhīd at this place. Lionel Bier asserts that the area between the grotto and the modern road was once blocked by a large building (Bier 1983: 315), which seems to be pure speculation. On one hand, no ‘pillars of astonishing size surmounted by curious figures of horses 13 A detailed discussion of the style and chronology of these architectural elements is subject of a forthcoming study by Shahrokh Razmjou and the present author. 14 On the origins of the city of Estakhr in the post-Achaemenid period, cf. Callieri 2007b. 190 E h s a n S h ava re bi and other animals’, as described in Mas‘ūdī’s passage, is found at this site. On the other hand, there is also another similar, but larger, site on the other side of the city of Estakhr at Naqsh-e Rostam (vide supra: § II.1), which would be more reasonable to be identified with the Temple of Anāhīd, if we aim to follow the arguments of Bier and Kaim. Nonetheless, there is no convincing evidence for neither of these identifications. Fig. 9 Naqsh-e Rajab: a panorama (photo: author) § II.5. Returning to the city of Estakhr, flanked by Naqsh-e Rostam and Naqsh-e Rajab, we find some Sasanian ruins in the vicinity of the early Islamic Friday Mosque (vide supra: § II.3). Among decorative elements discovered at this spot are several Corinthian column and pilaster capitals as well as moulded cornices, which were incorrectly dated by Herzfeld to the third century BC. For their stylistic features, however, Paul Bernard has later criticised Herzfeld’s dating and suggested an early Sasanian date, i.e., the late third or fourth century AD, which is supported by evidence of the same style from both Hellenistic and Iranian worlds (Bernard 1974: 284–288; cf. Callieri 2007a: 90–91). In 1983, Lionel Bier published a sculpted stone panel found in the ruins of a building about 100 metres northeast of the mosque (Bier 1983). On the front surface of the block, the left hand with slightly bent fingers, forearm, buttock and upper thigh of a standing lady are depicted (Fig. 10). The same left hand gesture of female figures is also depicted on the hunting rock relief of Wahrām II at Sar-Mashhad, the investiture rock relief of Narseh at Naqsh-e Rostam, and the reverse iconography of certain Wahrām II coins (SNS reverse type 5a; cf. Gyselen 2012: 213, Fig. 2b), which are usually identified with Anāhīd15 (Bier 1983: 309–313). Since the block was probably moved and reused in the paving of Islamic constructions (Bier 1983: 307), its original context is not known. Notwithstanding both possibilities that the block was used first in a pre-Islamic building at this very locus or elsewhere nearby, sculpted stone blocks of this type were usually used as decorative elements to dress the walls of important buildings like palaces and aristocratic residences in the Sasanian period, for instance, in the ‘palais B’ at Bīshāpūr, where a number of architectural stone blocks with reliefs of standing and equestrian figures are found (cf. Bier 2009). Therefore, we can safely deduce that the sculpted block in question was used as a decorative architectural element in a monumental edifice at the Sasanian city of Estakhr. The considerable likeness of the surviving fragment of the relief to the portrayal of Anāhīd—as already identified on the abovementioned iconographic evidence—supports an interpretation of this stone block as a fragment of a relief of Anāhīd (Bier 1983: 313). Accepting this identification, one may surmise that this relief has once belonged to one of the temples of Anāhīd at Estakhr, presumably the one established after the Sasanians’ rise to power, i.e., the Temple of Anāhīd-Ardashīr (vide supra: § I.7), whether or not it was located precisely at the place where the block is found. III. A Synthesis An identification of a temple of Anāhīd with Naqsh-e Rostam or Naqsh-e Rajab, as discussed above, is purely speculative. Returning to the description of Mas‘ūdī (vide supra: § I.8), a priori, we should look for a site around the city of Estakhr corroborating the following description: (a) In approximate distance of one parasang (ca. 6 km) from the city of Estakhr; (b) An admirable monument and an imposing temple; (c) Pillars of astonishing size surmounted by figures of horses and other animals; 15 On the iconography of Anāhīd in the pre-Islamic Iranian world, cf. Shenkar 2014: 66–80. T he T e mp l e s of A n ā hīd at Es ta k hr ( S ou t he rn I r a n ) : H i s t ori c a l D o cu me n t s a nd A rch a e ol o g i c a l E v id e nce 191 Fig. 10 The Sculpted Block of Estakhr (after Bier 1983: Abb. 1) (d) A broad retrenchment and wall of massive blocks around the building; (e) The walls covered with reliefs; (f) The ruins located at the foot of a mountain. Surprisingly, the only site thoroughly matching this description is Persepolis. There are historical and archaeological evidence of ritual practices at Persepolis during the Achaemenid period (Razmjou, Roaf 2013). Although the glorious days of Persepolis finished after the conquest of Alexander of Macedon, the site experienced an intricate afterlife. The ancestors of the Sasanians engraved graffiti on Persepolitan stones (cf. Razmjou 2005), the Sasanian nobles wrote inscriptions on columns and jambs, and even local rulers visited Persepolis during the Islamic period and left their inscriptions on doorways of certain palaces (cf. Mousavi 2012: 80–82). As suggested above, the ‘Pedestal Temple’ of the ‘Frataraka Complex’ to the northwest of the Persepolis Terrace could have been an Achaemenid sanctuary, replaced by the ‘Window Temple’ during 192 E h s a n S h ava re bi the reign of the pre-Sasanian rulers of Persis. The latter building, therefore, could be identified with the ‘Temple of Anāhīd the Lady’, the guardians of which were the Sasanians’ ancestors. The location of the second temple, i.e., the ‘Temple of Anāhīd-Ardashīr’, however, remains unknown. If we accept the hypothesis of Whitcomb that the Friday Mosque of Estakhr was originally built as a mosque, we should then search for traces of the Sasanian temple elsewhere. The sculpted stone block of Estakhr was probably once decorating this temple, but since the original place of the relief is unknown and no other blocks are found, we cannot conjecture where this relief was erected. Despite the possibility that the temple was expunged during the early Islamic centuries and its stone blocks, including the sculpted block in question, were moved and reused for paving the Friday Mosque and its vicinity, we should not lose our hope for new evidence through further investigations. Ehsan Shavarebi University of Vienna Department of Numismatics and Monetary History Franz-Klein-Gasse 1A-1190 Vienna ehsanshavarebi@gmail.com T he T e mp l e s of A n ā hīd at Es ta k hr ( S ou t he rn I r a n ) : H i s t ori c a l D o cu me n t s a nd A rch a e ol o g i c a l E v id e nce 193 BIBLIOGRAPHY Barbier de Meynard, Ch. (ed./tr.) 1865, Maçoudi. Les prairies d’or, Tome 4, Société Asiatique, Paris. Benech, C., Boucharlat, R., Gondet, S. 2012, Organisation et aménagement de l’espace à Pasargades : Reconnaissances archéologiques de surface, 2003– 2008, Arta 2012.003, http://www.achemenet.com/ document/2012.003-Benech_Boucharlat_Gondet. pdf (30 September 2016). Benveniste, É. 1929, The Persian Religion According to the Chief Greek Texts, Ratanbai Katrak Lectures I, Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, Paris. Bernard, P. 1969, Quatrième campagne de fouilles à Aï Khanoum (Bactriane), Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Vol. 113, 313–355. 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Ergänzungsband 6, Reimer Verlag, Berlin, 363–370. Whitcomb, D. 2008, Istakhr in the Eyes of Muqaddasi and Modern Excavations, Bāstānpazhuhi: Persian Journal of Iranian Studies (Archaeology), Vol. 3, No. 5, 9–10. Wiesehöfer, J. 2000, Frataraka, in: Encyclopædia Iranica, Yarshater, E. (ed.), Vol. X, Fasc. 2, New York, 195. Wikander, S. 1946, Feuerpriester in Kleinasien und Iran, C.W.K. Gleerup, Lund. Windischmann, Fr. 1858, Die persische Anahita oder Anaïtis. Ein Beitrag zur Mythengeschichte des Orients, Abhandlungen der philosoph.-philologischen Classe der Königlichen Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Bd. 8, 85–128. Silvia Bekavac, Željko Miletić Castles of Petuntium, Neraste and Oneum: Sacral Centres of Pagi in the Territory of Salona Scientific paper The Salonitan juridical convent was mentioned and described by Pliny. Against this background, the character of the ager, and the identity of the Petuntium, Neraste i Oneum communities have been brought to question. It is hereby proposed that they represented lower-level constitutive territorial units (pagus) within the unitary Salonitan territory, which precluded them from assuming the status of autonomous civitates peregrinorum. For this reason, the boundary inscriptions and limites made a part of the interior network of the Salonitan property boundaries, and the spread of the centuriae to the areas covered by the three communities failed to result in the change of their administrative character. The clusters of the sacral materials, discovered in several areas, seem to indicate that the pagi had cult centres, with the potential divine patrons of Venus at Petuntium, Diana and Asclepius at Neraste, and divinized Emperors at Oneum. The character of these deities and the status of the dedicants indicate that these pagi were inhabited by the indigenous population, as well as by the colonists of Salona. The appellation of a castellum, given by Pliny in his geographic description of the province to Petuntium, Neraste, and Oneum, was not used to impart a military meaning, but the sacral one instead. Key words: ager Salonitanus, castellum, Petuntium, Neraste, Oneum, pagus, paganicum In his description of the province of Dalmatia, Pliny utilized judiciary convents as fundamental units. In his account of the Salonitan judiciary convent, he listed the constituent decuriae of peregrine communities, but added a few descriptive details as well. Among those, he mentioned the castles made famous by battles, the islands belonging to the area, out of which Epetium was the last one, and, finally, he mentioned three castles: Petuntium, Neraste, and Oneum (Plin., N.H. 3.142). We are now aware of the fact that the territories belonging to these three castles stretched from the River Žrnovnica on the Northwest to the River Cetina on the Southeast and beyond, and from the mountain of Mosor on the North to the sea on the South, encompassing the area of three historical and geographic areas of the region of Poljica, the Upper, Middle, and Lower Poljica. The scientific discussion on the issues related to the status of these communities, and their territorial and administrative relations to Salona, is quite complex, with significant recent contributions by Dražen Maršić and Igor Borzić (Maršić 2003: 436; 2014: 167; Borzić 2014: 83). The boundaries between the said communities had been set in Caligula’s times, and then revised and restituted in Claudius’. The first terminus (CIL 3, 12974), found at Krč locality in the village of Dubrava, testifies to the delineation inter Nerastinos et Pituntinos during Piso’s governorship between the years 43 and 46 A.D, invoking the previous decrees issued by Lucius Volusius Saturninus (Fig. 1), as follows: [--- i]nter Ner[a]/[sti]nos et Pitunti/nos termini r[ec]/[o]gniti et restitu[ti] a / [P] isone leg(ato) pro pr(a)etore / [Ti(beri)] Claudi Caesaris [Aug(usti)] / Germanici per C(aium) Ma[r]/ium Maternum |(centurionem) leg(ionis) / VII C(laudiae) P(iae) F(idelis) quos L(ucius) Volus/[ius Saturninus (Fig. 2). The second boundary marker (CIL 3, 8472), erected in Caligula’s times between the years 37 and 41 A.D, was discovered at the Greben locality above today’s village of Sumpetar in Jesenice, and marks the boundary inter Onastinos et Narestinos, also been established by decree on the part Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 195 –203 196 S ilv i a B e k ava c , Ž e l j ko Mil e t i ć Fig. 1 Boundary stone inter Nerastinos et Pituntinos (EDCS-ID 29900022) Fig. 2 Boundary stone inter Onastinos et Narestinos (JadrićKučan 2014: 176) of the governor Lucius Volusius Saturninus, as follows: L(ucius) Trebius / Secundus pr/aef(e)ctus castr/orum inter / Onastinos et / Narestinos ter/minos pos(u)it ius/su L(uci) Volusi Satu/rni(ni) leg(ati) pro pr/aetore C(ai) C[ae/sari]s Au[g]u[sti] / G[e]rmanici ex / sentent<ent>i/a quam is ath/irito (sic) consi/lio dixit. The above described boundary setting activities made a part of the province-wide efforts of the governor Publius Cornelius Dolabella. One of the period of intense activity Suić places in the context of the colonizing activities by Emperor Claudius, exemplified in turn by the establishment of Siculum, and of the veteran colony of Aequum (Suić 1955: 17-20). The network of centuriae belonging to the Eastern part of the Salonitan ager stretched out across the area of the present-day Strožanac, along the littoral part of the Lower Poljica, i.e. in the territory of Pituntium, as evidenced by the remnants of the regular square units (centuriae) of the fossilized landscape from the times of antiquity, as well as by the discovery of a cadastre pillar containing the marks and the direction of the cardo and decumanus (ILJug 1, 119; Suić 1955: 19; Gabričević 1952: 155–167; Wilkes 1974: 266; Maršić 2003: 436; 2014: 167; Borzić 2014: 83). However, the question remains whether these square land plots on the left-hand bank of the River Žrnovnica correspond to those found in the territory of Salona, situated at the opposite, right-hand bank. In other words, the orientation of the centuriae corresponds to those that are found in the Salonitan part of the territory, but the numerical marcation of the directions carved on the boundary stone do not correspond to the proposed numeration of the „Salonitan“ cardo and decumanus.1 This discrepancy has thus far been interpreted as the result of the secondary implementation of the centuriation of the relevant part of the ager, which proposedly led to a separate, secondary numeration of boundaries that would not have been correspondent to the original one (Alföldy 1965: 106; Wilkes 1969: 228; Campbell 2000: 469; Borzić 2014: 81). In contrast to such interpretations, we believe the aforementioned discrepancy to stem from an inaccurate interpretation of the centuriation process. Several important facts seem to support such a claim. Regardless of the actual timing of 1 This is a rectangular elongated stone block, with D(ecumanus) II inscribed on one side, and K(ardo) I on the other, perpendicular side. A decussis is carved into the top side of the monument, at the right angle, indicating the direction of the cardo and decumanus. C a s t l e s of P e t un t iu m , Ne r a s t e a nd O ne um: S a cr a l ce n t re s of p a g i in t he t e rri t or y of S a l on a 197 the centuriation, it may be reliably claimed that, at least at the moment in which the centuriae had been organized in the Pituntine space, that this territory represented a constituent part of Colonia Salona’s ager. Moreover, had the Pituntine, the Nerastine, and the Onastine constituted peregrine communities (civitates peregrinorum) beforehand, and bearing in mind that such res publicae were autonomous, then the occupation of their territory on the part of another res publica (Salona) would have been illegal. Whether this were the case of a primary centuriation of Salona, or a subsequent extension, is immaterial, as plot subdivision in the area of Pituntium had been carried out in the Salonitan territory. In other words, castella Pituntium, Neraste and Oneum could only have been a part of the lower-level constituent territorial units within the Salonitan territory, of the pagus or praefectura type. This represents the customary Roman land-administrative internal subdivision of the municipal ager, confirmed in numerous inscriptions across the Roman world (the colony of Narona and pagus Scunasticus, listed in ILJug 1, 113, is an illustrative example). The population of these castles mentioned by Pliny, irrespective of the legal status of individuals within them, including the individuals with the autochthonous peregrine status did in fact belong to the single respublica Salona, i.e. inhabited the ager of the colony of Salona. In line with such an interpretation of the social and territorial relations, the discovered boundary stones and limites are hereby viewed simply as the part of the internal Salonitan network of boundaries. Also, the proposed expansion of the centuriae from the Strožanac area to the areas of the three communities (pagi) would not have resulted in the alteration of their administrative character. The involvement of the legate of the province in the business of the land division among the Poljica communities is not to be viewed as an indication of their autonomy from Salona, but as clear evidence that the entire space was subject to the Roman land law. The inscription found at the entrance to the Salonitan theatre, dated at year 179 during the second consulate of the Emperor Commodus and Marcius Verus, represents a vivid example of such an involvement. The inscription was commissioned by Valerius Valens, as the losing side in an intra-Salonitan dispute regarding a public boundary, where the legate himself contributed to the adjudication by issuing a decree (CIL 3, 3157; Alföldy 1965: 106; Wilkes 1969: 228; Elliott 2004: 27–28.). The inscription reads as follows: Her(culi) Aug(usto) [s]ac(rum) / Val(erius) Valens v[eter(anus)] / ex |(centurione) limite(m) / pub(licum) praeclus(um) / cu(i) ob / dece(ssum) Aur(eli) / Gall(i) leg(ati) / suo i<m=N>p[ensa] / aperuit [---] / I<m=N>p(eratore) Com(m)o[do II] / et Mar[tio] / Vero II] / co(n)s(ulibus) VI [Kal(endas)] / Ma[i(as)]. The districts had their own administrative structures (their magistrates were usually named magistri pagi). Pagi’s names contained the name of the patron deity very frequently. In one inscription, the inhabitants of a pagus name themselves as municipes et incolae pagi Translucani et pagi Suburbani (CIL 2, 1041). The example of the inscription from Baetica is quite instructive, as it refers to magister pagi, pagi Veneris regaling the pagus inhabitants a paganicum (probably denoting the central sanctuary of the pagus) and porticus (CIL 5, 4148) at his own expense. The preponderance of pagi bearing theophoric names, and the frequency of their inhabitants’ engagement in activities of a sacral character, seem to indicate that the sanctuary did in fact represent an obligatory content of a pagus, and the centre of its social life (e.g. Aquincum: AE 2005, 1265; Superaequum: CIL 1, 3255; Nola: AE 2004, 413; Africa proconsularis, Aubuzza: CIL 8, 16367). The content of numerous similar inscriptions also provides an insight into why did Pliny name the Petuntium, Neraste, and Oneum as castles, not as pagi or prefectures. We propose that these terms do in fact overlap semantically, i.e. that the term castellum was utilized to denote the centres of individual pagi of a predominantly cult-related character. In the case of the here mentioned Salonitan communities, the clustering of sacral materials found in several areas indicate the location of the castles, as well as the potential identity of the patron deities of these urban segments and sacral centres within the territory of the pagan communities. An example of such a characterization of a castle may be found on a boundary stone (terminus) from Mauritania, where it is inscribed that, by decree of Marcus Vetius Latronis, the procurator of the province, a boundary is set between the local community of Zimizen and the Igilgili colony, where the latter’s territory contained Castellum Victoris (CIL 8, 8369).2 The available archaeological materials comprise of two inscriptions brought to the secondary use in the 17th Century with the erection of the church of SS. Rocco and Anthony at Gornja Podstrana (Maršić 2014: 200). They indicate the existence of a sanctuary that represented the sacral centre of the Pituntian district. The first fragment, installed as the transom of the side entrance to the said church, is now quite fragmented, but the key words of aedem and dedicavit are still clearly discernible (Fig. 3). The second inscription is installed as the threshold of the main entrance to the church, and several critical letters are clearly visible on it, suggesting Vene[ri sacrum] as the most likely restitution (Fig. 4). The circumstances and the location in which the monument is discovered, the identical size and thickness of lettering, as well as the fact that the same material was used for both inscriptions, indicate that these are two fragments of a single entity, and seem to suggest that somewhere in the territory of the Upper Podstrana there was a small sanctuary dedicated to Venus. While discussing the 2 There are, unfortunately, slight doubts regarding the character of the said castle. 198 S ilv i a B e k ava c , Ž e l j ko Mil e t i ć Fig. 3 Inscription fragment, installed as the transom of the side entrance to the church of SS. Rocco and Anthony at Gornja Podstrana (photo by Ž. Miletić, 2013) Fig. 4 Inscription installed as the threshold of the main entrance to the church (photo by Ž. Miletić, 2013) C a s t l e s of P e t un t iu m , Ne r a s t e a nd O ne um: S a cr a l ce n t re s of p a g i in t he t e rri t or y of S a l on a 199 potential original location of the sanctuary, Maršić proposed that a location in the vicinity of the present-day church was more likely than a suggestion that the fragments might have been brought in from another area, e.g. from Lower Podstrana (Maršić 2014: 202). The erection of the sanctuary was directly linked to a family bearing the cognomen of Cinna, quite rare both in the province of Dalmatia and other parts of the Empire (Alföldy 1964: 177). This suggests that the inscription may refer to an individual already recorded elsewhere, the Salonitan augur Marcus Attius Cinna, holder of an honorific in the area of Pituntium (CIL 3, 8523: M(arcus) Attius Cinna [---] / ob honorem aug(uratus) [-----]). The high citizen-rank office of an augur, denoting him as a member of an ordo decurionum, falsifies entirely the possibility of his affiliation to a peregrine community. Namely, it was not possible for these communities to put forward candidates for offices in other communities already in possession of a municipal ordo, in this case in the colony of Salona, nor was they entitled to establish a Decurion ordo within their own territories. This, again, leads us to conclude that Pituntium was not a peregrine community, but a pagus in the territory of Salona. In the general area of the present-day Jesenice, i.e. in the territory of the Roman district of Neraste, at the locality of Sustipan, an inscription was discovered marking the reconstruction of a temple dedicated to Diana and Asclepius (Maršić 2003: 444; AE 2004: 1098a): Deanae et / Asclepio ae/dem p(?) Neras(te?) / vetustate cor/ruptam a solo / restituerunt. The divine community composed of Diana and Asclepius is linked to the ancient sanctuary in Aricia, 11 miles away from Rome, where Diana Nemorensis was worshipped as a healer of people, and of animals as well (Green 2007: 6). The sanctuary owned an enormous expanse of the sacred forest (nemus), which was quite an unusual circumstance for the Italy, and it represented a pilgrimage centre of an Empire-wide re-known (Gordon 1932: 177–1921). Asclepius was brought in from the Greek Epidaurus to the Tiber Island, a few years after the Sibylline books had been consulted in 292 B.C. This community of the healer couple of Diana and Asclepius, presented through new versions of the original myth, and materialized through the cult-related linkage in the Aricia sanctuary, reached the peak of its popularity in August’s and Tiberius’ times. In line with these developments, the cult was exported to the territory of the Salonitan ager, and housed in the temple of Diana and Asclepius (Bekavac 2015: 117–119). The linkage with Asclepius awards healer attributes to Diana, and confirms her entirely Roman character. The sanctuary had very likely predated the Nerastian reconstruction that took place in the 2nd to 3rd Century, but the evidence to that effect has not been discovered yet. The key issue in interpreting the above-described inscription is the meaning of the siglum P, which precedes the name of Neraste, and which could provide us with an insight into the status of the Nerastine community. In attempting to restitute it, several important facts need to be taken into consideration. First, this was a sanctuary/temple of the classical Roman architectural type, which represented the seat of Roman gods who were the official members of the state Pantheon. The very act of consecration of this sanctuary, whose obvious aim was to ensure the health of the entire community, was in the domain of the official Roman religion, and demanded the application of the formal Roman sacral rites in purview of the municipal magistrates and priests, who, in their turn, were certainly the members of the Salonitan municipal ordo. Second, based on the personal status of individuals listed in the inscriptions in the Poljica area, especially the sparsity of Imperial gentile names observed by Maršić (Maršić 2014: 208–212) on one hand, and from the numerous inscriptions mentioning municipal officials and state magistrates on the other, elements of early Romanization of the referent territory may reliably be discerned. This falsifies the proposed existence of the peregrine civitas Nerastae in times as early as the late Principate. Consequently, instead of standing for AEDEM P(ublicae), the letter P may better be interpreted as populus vel plebs Nerastae, and, as we do hereby propose, pagani Nerastini. The epigraphic materials from across the Empire contain numerous examples of paganes participating in the erection and reconstruction of central sanctuaries, the so-called paganica (e.g. Superaequum: CIL 1, 3255; Nola: AE 2004, 413; Aubuzza: CIL 8, 16367). The findings from Baučići (Oneum) near Omiš are of particular significance. They confirm the observation of the Imperial cult in the Onastine territory from as early as Tiberius’ times. Here, several elements combine to make up a unique cult concept. The key monument is the large ara, inscribed on two sides: on the front side it bears the dedication to the Divine Augustus and Roma (Fig. 5), while on the obverse there is a subsequently carved dedication to the Genio loci (Fig. 6), dating from the beginning of the 2nd Century (Maršić 2003: 439; Jadrić-Kučan 2011: 225). Next to the ara, two additional damaged building inscriptions were found: one mentioning the Emperor Tiberius (Bulić 1914: 104), and the other referring to a public works at Claudius’ times, carried out under the personal supervision of the legate of the province Publius Anteius Rufus (Bulić 1908: 3). The character of the monument, and the location it was discovered at, in the hamlet of Baučići, high above Omiš and at the foot of Omiška Dinara escarpment, far from any urban context, leaves little doubt on what the building did in fact represent. This was an Imperial sanctuary with an ad aram type of worship, as indicated by the find of the large ara, which was particularly popular during the Julio-Claudian era (Glavičić, Miletić 2008: 420). The role of the legate of the 200 S ilv i a B e k ava c , Ž e l j ko Mil e t i ć Fig. 5 Front side of the inscription dedicated to the Divine Augustus and Roma (photo by Ž. Miletić, 2010) Fig. 6 Inscription dedicated to the Genio loci at obverse side of the ara (photo by Ž. Miletić, 2010) province may be viewed in this context, as the promotion of the Imperial propaganda and of the Imperial cult in the province was one of his principal tasks. A rendition of Tiberius’ head was found not far from the inscriptions, as a fragment of the sculpture executed most probably after the year 14 A.D. (Cambi 1997: 73–74). There is no evidence suggesting that Oneum was then or at any other point a municipium, or that the Imperial cult could have been organized at the municipal level. While discussing the timing of the establishment of municipal constitutions in the province of Dalmatia, Vittinghoff did not list Oneum as a municipality (Vittinghoff 1977: 1 -51). As early as Augustus’ times, the arae Sestiae in Hispania (Dopico Cainzos: 1986, 265), ara Ubiorum in Germania (Fishwick 1993: 137–139), and ara ad confluentes Araris et Rhodani at Lugdunum (CIL 13, 1674) were established as the centres of provincial cults for the subjugated local peregrine population (Fishwick 1993: 97–137). In the same vein, Oneum, as the constituent part of the Salonitan ager, was almost certainly the seat of the provincial Imperial cult for the peregrine population (Glavičić, Miletić 2008: 420). Additionally, the Roman policy pragmatically insisted on the overlap between the seats of the provincial Imperial cults and the seats of juridical convents. One of the local examples of such a practice is evident in Scardona, which was the seat of the Scardona’ juridical convent, while at the same time represented the centre of the Liburnian Imperial cult, observed ad aram Augusti Liburnorum (Jadrić, Miletić 2008: 75–90). In the province of Dalmatia, the three confirmed seats (Scardona, Salona, and Narona) were situated close to one another in the littoral area, testifying to the non-central position that judicial seats may have assumed in relations to the large continental areas under their jurisdiction. Baučići follow the same pattern in relations to the entirety of the Salonitan juridical convent. The fact that, similarly to the situation in Scardona, and possibly Narona, but certainly to the one in the most renowned sanctuary at the confluence of rivers at Lugdunum, the sanctuary at Baučići was located high above River Cetina (Hippius flumen), overlooking the point in which it meets the sea, may also prove significant (Figs. 7, 8). C a s t l e s of P e t un t iu m , Ne r a s t e a nd O ne um: S a cr a l ce n t re s of p a g i in t he t e rri t or y of S a l on a 201 Fig. 7 Aerial shoot of Baučići on the mountain Omiška Dinara slopes (by S. Bekavac, 2012) Fig. 8 Site of Baučići above mouth of the river Cetina (photo by Ž. Miletić, 2010) Conclusion Pituntium, Neraste, and Oneum represented the districts (pagi) within the unitary territory of Salona. Although there were segments of the population with a peregrine status within the said pagi, the three communities did not have the status of peregrine civitates, but made a part of the ager of the colony. Each of the pagi had the defined boundaries, and the respective administrative structure that was subjected to the central authority in Salona. The term of castellum, utili- 202 S ilv i a B e k ava c , Ž e l j ko Mil e t i ć zed by Pliny (NH3, 142) in reference to Pituntium, Neraste, and Oneum, denoted the centre of each of the pagi, where the sanctuaries dedicated to patron deities (paganicum) were the dominant structures: to Venus in Petuntium, to the pairing of Diana and Asclepius in Neraste, and to Divine Emperors in Oneum (Fig. 9). Translation: Heidy Eterović Fig. 9 Position of boundaries and sanctuaries of pagi. Red dot – centuriation area. Green dot – the position of the sanctuaries (by S. Bekavac, on the map of https://geoportal.dgu.hr/) Silvia Bekavac University of Zadar Department of Archaeology Obala kralja Petra Krešimira IV/2 HR–23000 Zadar silviabekavac@ymail.com Željko Miletić University of Zadar Department of Archaeology Obala kralja Petra Krešimira IV/2 HR–23000 Zadar zmiletic@unizd.hr C a s t l e s of P e t un t iu m , Ne r a s t e a nd O ne um: S a cr a l ce n t re s of p a g i in t he t e rri t or y of S a l on a 203 BIBLIOGRAPHY AE - Anée épigraphique, Paris. Alföldy, G. 1965, Bevölkerung und Gesellschaft der römischen Provinz Dalmatien, Budapest. Alföldy, G. 1969, Die Personnenamen in der römischen Provinz Dalmatien, Heidelberg. Bekavac, S. 2015, Rimska religija i kultovi u društvenoj strukturi pretkršćanske Salone, dissertation manuscript, University of Zadar, Zadar. Borzić, I. 2014, Podstrana i karakteristike njezinog kulturnog pejzaža i geografije u antici, in: Lucije Artorije Kast i legenda o kralju Arturu, Cambi N., Matthews J. (eds.), 71–96. 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Each of these theses was supported by strong indications, but without firm evidence; a wall segment built in the megalithic technique supports the hillfort thesis, as for the sacral variant there is a votive inscription dedicated to Jupiter, engraved in solid rock, known for some time, and the last proposition is based on stone extraction remains at the site in the recognizable Roman-era technique (horizontal rows and separation trenches) and small quarries in the vicinity. Detection of a “new” Roman-era epigraphic monument which can definitely be related to “Gradina” sheds new light on this issue. It is a votive altar offering information about an association in charge of the site, implying its pronounced sacral importance. In addition to interpretation of the inscription, the paper presents arguments against the theses about the hillfort settlement and quarry. Key words: “Gradina”, hillfort settlement, quarry, votive altar, pagus, magistra 1. Introduction Archaeological site known as “Gradina in Uvodići” in the Croatian scholarly works is located ca. 4.10 km east of ancient Salona ruins, on the northern slopes of Mosor mountain and to the north side of the Korita ravine which descends steeply westwards from that position, in the hamlet of Bralići of the village of Kosa in the Klis area. The site has attracted attention of the scholarly public from the end of the 19th century at the latest. Unfortunately at present it has been neglected and partially devastated owing to the construction of the expressway Split – Klis which touches its western side. It covers an area from ca. 1.5 to 2 ha. The position of “Gradina” and its immediate surroundings was surveyed arcaeologically only at the end of 1986 due to construction of the modern road (Buškariol 1987a: 178-179; 1987b: 30-31). Three years later rescue excavations were conducted by F. Buškariol and G. Protić from the Archaeological Museum in Split. The results were published promptly but many questions were left unanswered, such as the most important one about the type or character of the site (Protić, Buškariol 1990: 141-142). In the 1989 excavations the following remains were found (Fig. 1), shown on plan published only in 2002 (Mardešić 2002: 40, Fig. 2): - Walls (width 1.5 m, height 2.5 m) partially built in the „megalithic” technique (southwestern and southern side!); - Votive inscription dedicated to Jupiter engraved in solid rock (CIL 3, 1942; local name “Oltarine” (old altars)); - 15 steps (1.5 x 0.30 m) engraved in rock on the north side (entrance?); - Roman cistern or puteus with grooves for rainwater; - Amphorae, tegulae (some bearing stamp PANSIANA); - Small quarry north of the rock with staircase; - Four shepherd huts from the Modern Era (14-16 cent. AD); Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 205 –210 206 Dra žen Maršić Fig. 1 Plan of the site (after Mardešić 2002; amendments D. Maršić) - Large thresholds with grooves and angled holes for doors are also mentioned. It is evident that finds from the period of antiquity are dominant, that landscape was modified in the Early Imperial period when stairs and cistern were built, and possibly some other objects, while prehistoric movable finds are lacking. 2. Theses on the site type F. Bulić was the first author in the modern period to mention the site twice in the context of votive inscription to Jupiter. It is interesting that he does not mention the word “Gradina” or any other information as connotation of existence of a prehistoric settlement (Bulić 1890: 150; 1903: 114, note 1). In an overview of archaeological remains in the area of Klis-Kosa, C. Fisković was the first Croatian author to recognize the site as a prehistoric hillfort settlement and he believed that it controlled alternative passage over the Klis mountain pass from the coast towards the hinterland and vice versa (Fisković 1978: 19). Fisković also brought the earliest photographic records of the remains of the monumental built structure which support this standpoint at first sight. After the field survey of the site in December of 1986 F. Buškariol was in a dilemma regarding its character so he proposed two theses in a short period: that it might have had residental-religious character (Buškariol 1987b: 31), or that it might have been a citadel from the period of the Gothic wars (Buškariol 1987a: 179). After the partial excavations from 1989 in cooperation with G. Protić he took a firm stand that the finds indicate that the complex could not have had fortification function (Protić, Buškariol 1990: 142; cf. also Mardešić 2002a: 107). However there still were opinions and views that it was a fortification site (Cambi 1991: 13; 2000: 86; Bilić-Dujmušić 2011: 164). It is worth mentioning that they were mainly created prior to publication of the general plan of the site (Mardešić 2002: 40, Fig. 2). Its look is enough to cast doubts to existence of the hillfort settlement, and there are other reasons negating such possibility. Firstly, built structure was not found on the stone cliffs on the northern side, particularly not of the megalithic type. Therefore the logical conclusion is not that the remains were not preserved but that there never was such structure. Prehistoric pottery S a cr a l i z at ion of t he S a l oni ta n rur a l l a nd s c a p e on t he e x a mp l e of “ G r a d in a in U v od ići ” 207 was not found at all, and there was some ancient pottery and fragments of tegulae. Massive wall on the south-eastern side probably functioned as a platform for some larger object according to Buškariol and Protić (Protić, Buškariol 1990: 142, Fig. 7). Fragments of Pansiana tegulae definitely support existence of some firm built structure. It is possible that the wall had another, quite practical function – to prevent landslide on the most fragile spot above the ravine edge! In other words the wall built in the megalithic technique was most probably only a supportive wall of the terrace, and possibly also some more important object on it. One of the most interesting finds from the site is definitely votive inscription to Jupiter (CIL 3, 1942) cut in the rock (Fig. 2), which reads: I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / sacrum / L(ucius) Egnatius L(uci) f(ilius) / Cn(aei) nep(os) Cn(aei) pronep(os) / Tro(mentina) Clemens / decurio (et) augur. The rock was shaped like a vertical slab with pedimental upper part resembling a stela. Small aedicule construction stood in front of and above the inscription according to Bulić (Bulić 1890: 150), but this is highly unlikely. The inscription reads that Lucius Egnatius Clemens had Jupiter’s shrine built. He was a decurion and augur in Salona. According to the order of his offices, he was an augur exactly at the time of erecting the inscription. Clemens underlined his notable origin by mentioning his honourable ancestors. It is evident from the sepulchral monuments that it was one of the prominent Salonitan families of the time with numerous freedmen-clients. The most interesting such monument was found in Grudine in Solin (Salona) which may have belonged to Clemens himself (Matijević 2006: 149, Fig. 2). At the beginning of the inscription field we read the name of Lucius Egnatius while only letters AVG (left hasta of the letter V can be discerned) were preserved from the rest of the inscription. Possible restorations of this part of the text are augur or augustalis, indicating that it was Clemens’ monument or of some freedmen from his family. Monumental sepulchral altar of Lucius Egnatius Maximus (CIL 3, 14777/1) also mentions freedmen of the same family, and information that Maximus’ wife was Iulia Procula and mention of the grave area size (30 x 40 feet) indirectly indicate to reputation and economic power of its owner. Fig. 2 Transcript and photo of the votive inscription dedicated to Jupiter (after CIL and photo by I. Šuta) Contents of votive inscription to Jupiter does not offer any reason to consider possible official character of the Clemens’ act i.e. support by the Salona city council (cf. Alduk 2014: 60, where some kind of official undertaking is mentioned). I believe that in that case some formula on giving approval or place for mentioned activity would be used (D. D i.e. L.D.D.D.). Since ordo was not mentioned in the inscription, in my opinion the monument was set up as a result of individual or possibly family initiative. There are many reasons which could have made Clemens do that, so it is best not to discuss them at all. However considering the distance and isolation of the position two reasons seem likely, without eliminating one another: it might have been a natural omen (such as thunderstroke) or “vicinity” of Clemens’ estate, i.e. estate of his family. It seems that some older researchers had similar opinions. For instance F. Bulić believed that the entire complex in the 1st century was a praedium of L. Egnatius Clemens (Bulić 1890: 150), and C. Fisković claimed that the complex was built on the private property (Fisković 1978: 20). Remains of ancient residential architecture were not found at the site, but if we follow the logic of settling an area depending on the resources, smaller residential agglomeration probably of dispersed type had to exist in nearby Kosa, as today, which must have been organized as Salonitan pagus in legal terms. We cannot know if Clemens was from this region by descent, while he lived in Salona, or he really abode there, but it seems likely that the position of so-called “Gradina” was within boundaries of the mentioned pagus. In other words, all activities happening in this area should be first observed in micro-geographical context and only then in macro-geographical one (Salona). 208 Dra žen Maršić Three spots for extraction of stone (“modrac”) were located on “Gradina in Uvodići”: to the west, where a small quarry was located, on the position of the stairs and east of votive inscription where several blocks were extracted as well (Fig. 1). Mentioning of these locations resulted in the opinion that there were many quarries in the Klis area (Cambi 2000: 86). Along these lines I. Alduk recently developed a thesis that complex in “Gradina” might have been a center of intensive stone production where he positioned workshops and houses of stonemasons (Alduk 2014: 59). Although well-layered slate from Klis is suitable for exploitation and building activities, there are no traces of loading platforms used for possible transport of stone to Salona. In my opinion there had to be similar positions much closer to the city. This stone may have been used for local needs but it is not justified to refer to few places of surface stone extraction as “quarries” and to compare them in that way with quarries of Trogir or Brač. Stone was obviously extracted but primarily for the construction of the inner “Gradina” landscape. 3. “New” votive inscription I have decided to discuss this site and write this paper for one reason only: I have found out that there is another votive inscription from “Gradina” which has not been recognized as such (Fig. 3). It is an inscription CIL 3, 1969, whose findspot is described as follows: “in eodem loco [praecedit n. 1942]“, or in translation in the same place which preceded (previously mentioned) inscription no. 1942, or more freely in the same place as the previous inscription no. 1942. The scheme shows that it had to be a smaller altar whose top was occupied by the depiction of Jupiter and Hercules. Simple inscription in two lines was engraved underneath: Aurelia Renata / pos(u)it magisterio suo. Although supporters of the thesis on the complex as a local stonemasonry center would see depiction of Hercules as its corroboration, I am inclined to interpret this inscription and the implying context quite differently. Fig. 3 Transcript of the Aurelia Renata’s votive inscription (after CIL) First we need to notice that the dedicant was a Roman citizen but her citizenship was fresh, dating probably from the time of Caracalla’s constitution (year 212) meaning that her family had it for only few generations. This fact supports the thesis about the member of local, once peregrine population. As for the upper chronological framework, it is clear that the inscription can hardly be younger than the beginning or the first decades of the 4th century. Having in mind regularities in the appearance of the nomen Aurelius within a two-name formula (Alföldy 1969: 27-28, 46 ff, s.v. Aurelius; 281, s.v. Renata (Dominatszeit)) and relatively numerous Salonitan inscriptions with examples of such formula and exact dating, in which name Aurelius is dominant in comparison with the others (cf. Salona IV, 60 ff., 165 ff., no. 16 and 17), it is quite certain that the inscription was made at the transition from the late 3rd to the early 4th century, which is supported by the appearance of the cult unity of Jupiter and Hercules. Dedication to Jupiter should be interpreted as a continuation of earlier tradition, and joining of Hercules, particularly in the context of female dedicant, cannot be associated primarily with stonemasonry. Here we have simple reflection of political and religious patterns of the time which were denoted and respected through the dedication. One such pattern was introduced at the beginning of diarchy, and it continued later on when Jupiter and Hercules started appearing on coins separately or together (concisely Rees 2004: 54). This phenomenon is dated from spring of 286 i.e. Maximian’s ascension as Augustus, resulting in Diocletian’s accepting theophoric signum Iovius, and Maximian signum Herculius, which was later adopted by their caesars (on problems of exact dating of signum adoption, reasons and meaning Rees 2004: 6-7, 54-56; cf. also Cambi 2013: 133 ff.). In other words I believe that this “new” inscription from “Gradina” reflects the spirit of diarchical and tetrachical ideology, indicating to general chronological framework when the inscription was made. It is more difficult to explain the background of the term magisterio suo. Judging from the Roman inscriptions systematized in epigraphic bases (CIL, Epigraphische Datenbank Heidelberg-EDH (which will be cited below with abbreviation HD), Epigraphik Datenbank Clauss-Slaby, etc.), as well as mentions in literary sources (e.g.. TLL, vol. VIII, fasc. I, 87, s.v. magistra), term magisterium and its derivatives refer to offices of various types accompanied by certain dignity (auctoritas), S a cr a l i z at ion of t he S a l oni ta n rur a l l a nd s c a p e on t he e x a mp l e of “ G r a d in a in U v od ići ” 209 performed by members of all social classes. It is interesting that formula magisterio suo appears almost exclusively with male names, usually members of sacral or craft collegia led by magistri (e.g. on the inscription HD010859 from Verona, altar HD012475 from El-Ayaïda in Africa Proconsularis and inscription HD021634 from Die in Gallia Narbonensis, with older references mentioned in EDH). We can conclude that Aurelia Renata was obviously magistra – headmistress of unknown competence and tenure. Large number of epigraphic monuments mentioning magistra function refer to religious associations, particularly those of Diana and Venus (e.g. inscriptions HD004712, HD004895 and HD009477), and only one relates to administrative function, e.g. magistra pagi (HD028267). Magistrae who are members of religious associations are usually servae or libertae (all three aforementioned inscriptions and inscription HD027181), sometimes in combination. In the local context we need to mention a Salonitan inscription in which three servae from different families recorded giving gift to the Venus’ shrine where they were magistrae (CIL 3, 1963 = HD053931). There are rare examples that magistrae with citizenship and magistrae freedwomen were mentioned in the same inscription (e.g. CIL 5, 762). Although many authors hastily interpret it as a priestly office (see e.g. Haeussler 2016: 275), this is not correct, not only because of terminology, but because of the fact that it was performed by both servae and libertae! The aforementioned examples prove that magistra is usually a low-ranked, non-priestly (!), technical office usually within a sacral collegium, related probably to maintenance of the shrine. Consecration place indicates that Renata’s magisterium refers to the shrine in Bralići or nearby area (Klis-Kosa); if it was linked to the Salona urban center then the dedication would be carried out in the city. According to the civil status Aurelia Renata could have held a significant public office (e.g. magistra pagi), but it is much more likely that she was magistra in the shrine, or at least that she had some competence over the shrine and its wider area. 4. Conclusions This brief consideration resulted in the following conclusions: 1. It is incorrect to interpret the site in Uvodići (actually in Bralići) as a hillfort settlement (“Gradina”), because it does not have any distinguishing feature of the fortified prehistoric settlement. 2. The site incorporated many aspects relevant to the local community, the most important one being the shrine of Jupiter. 3. “Oltarine” (old oltars) is a more appropriate name, but it applies only to the north segment of the site. 4. Dedication of Aurelia Renata (CIL 3, 1969) strongly supports the shrine thesis and functioning of the shrine until the beginning of the 4th c., probably as a part of the local community (pagus?). 5. Dedication to Jupiter probably should be seen as a continuation of an older cult, and together with dedication to Hercules as celebration of the diarchy or tetrarchy patrons, rather than confirmation of local stonemasonry development. Dražen Maršić University of Zadar Department of Archaeology Obala kralja Petra Krešimira IV/2 HR–23000 Zadar drazen.marsic@xnet.hr 210 Dra žen Maršić BIBLIOGRAPHY Alduk, I. 2014, Razmišljanja o Klisu u antici, Tusculum, 7, 51-65. Alföldy, G. 1969, Die Personennamen in der römischen Provinz Dalmatien, Heidelberg. Bilić-Dujmušić, S. 2011, Kampanja Lucija Cecilija Metela i problem dvije Salone, Diadora, 25, Zadar, 143-169. Bulić, F. 1890, Osservazioni alle iscrizioni dalmatiche pubblicate nel CIL III e Bull. Dalm., Bullettino di archeologia e storia dalmata, 13, 150-152. Buškariol, F. 1987a, Općina Solin – rekognosciranje, Arheološki pregled, 27, 178-179. Buškariol, F. 1987b, Bilice kod Solina - Klis – Grlo (arheološko rekognosciranje trase buduće zaobilazne ceste), Obavijesti, 1, god. XIX, 29-32. Cambi, N. (ed.), 1991, Antička Salona, Književni krug Split. Cambi, N. 2000, Važnost Klisa u antici, Mogućnosti, 48, 4-6, 83-91. Cambi, N. 2013, Bilješke o tetrarhijskoj religijskoj politici, Znakovi i riječi / Signa et litterae vol. 4 (zbornik projekta „Mythos – cultus – imagines deorum“), Zagreb 2013, Kuntić-Makvić B., Vilogorac Brčić I. (eds.), 133-153. CIL 3 - Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. 3, Berlin 1873 (edidit Th. Mommsen); Supplementum, Berlin 1902 (edid. Th. Mommsen, O. Hirschfeld, A. Domaszewski) Fisković, C. 1978, Kratak pregled povijesnih zbivanja u Klis-Kosi, Život i borba naroda Klis-Kose, Čakavski sabor Split, Monografije 1, Split, 15-21. Haeussler, R. 2016, Becoming Roman? Diverging Identities and Experiences in Ancient Roman Italy, Publications of the Institute of Archaeology, Univeristy College London, Routledge. Matijević, I. 2006, Neobjavljeni natpisi iz Žrnovnice i Salone, Vjesnik za arheologiju i povijest dalmatinsku, 99, 145-152. Mardešić, J. 2002, Istraživanja u Saloni od 1970. do 2000. godine, Longae Salonae I, Arheološki muzej Split, 105-114; Longae Salonae II, Marin E. (ed.), 39-43 (prilozi). Protić, G., Buškariol F. 1990, Klis/Grlo, Klis-Kosa-Salona. Istraživanje agera, Arheološki pregled, 26 (1988), 139-143. Rees, R. 2004, Diocletian and the Tetrarchy, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh. Salona IV – Inscriptions de Salone chrétienne IVe-VIIe siècles, Rome – Split, 2010. TLL – Thesaurus linguae Latinae, Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Stuttgart – Leipzig – München – Berlin. Olga Špehar Changing Sacred Landscape: Christianization of the Central Balkans in Late Antiquity Scientific paper As an integral part of the Roman Empire, in all the aspects of cultural and religious life as well as in strictly administrative sense, the territory of the central Balkans underwent all the changes that the Empire itself survived. One of the most distinctive happened after Christian population gained the possibility to build temples dedicated to their God, namely after the Edict of Milan. Gradually, the sacred topography, or the topography of devotion of the central Balkans, likewise started to change. The most important change occurred in the sphere of memorial monuments, since the erection of martyrial and memorial shrines marked the topography of urban necropolises, as well as of the intramural part of the city, where large bishopric complexes overpowered the old pagan temples. The aim of this work is to indicate the main lines that the sacralisation of this area underwent during the Late Antiquity, as well as some exceptions that marked this process. Key words: Late Antiquity, Christianization, central Balkans, sacred topography, sacralisation The territory of the central Balkans was a place of intersection of diverse peoples and cultures throughout its history. One of its most distinctive transformation happened in the time of the Roman conquest and the dawn of the Romanization process. The main consequence was founding of the cities, which utterly changed the entire pre-Roman landscape of the area. Those cities played the role of bearer of Roman administration, religion, culture and art. Once urbanized, the territory of the central Balkans continued to develop as an integral part of the Empire, following all the courses that the development of the Empire took. The same can be said for the sacred landscape: temples, sanctuaries, shrines and altars dedicated to the gods of the Roman pantheon became the most distinctive features of the, so called, topography of devotion of the area in question. Actually, it can even be said that the religious structures, whether temples, altars or groves, made a landscape not only sanctified but monumental at the same time (Kousser 2010: 121–122). Modern studies confirmed that another important transformation of the territory in question happened after the Christian population was enabled to erect representative buildings in the name of the Lord, i.e. after the Edict of Milan. Of course, this transformation was only the reflection of what was happening throughout the Empire: wars with barbarian tribes and weakening of economy. It had as a result growing popularity of cults that offered salvation in the afterlife. That is a period labelled as Late Antiquity, with a different chronological determinants dependent upon the processes that were the subject of interest of diverse researchers (Brown 1971; Liebeschuetz 2004: 253–261; James 2008: 20–30; Marcone 2008). But despite all the discrepancies and various interpretations, all of the researchers are unanimous when considering the crucial importance of Christianity during this period. Former sect of outcasted Jews became the leading religious power in the Empire. Once accepted, first as the tolerable and then as official religion, it utterly changed the appearance of, and the way of life in, the Roman cities. Newly erected Christian churches substituted temples of the old gods, thus becoming the Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 211–220 212 O l g a Šp e h a r most distinctive buildings in every city at least since the beginning of the 5th century (Sotinel 2010: XII, 2). In historiography, churches were long perceived as the architectural scene for various works of art, like mosaic floors, painted walls, icons, architectural sculpture etc. The appearance of the so called “new art history” during 1980s, deprived of formalism of architectural schools, style and iconography, brought an interest into, and a completely new attitude toward the epoch of Late Antiquity, its architecture and visual culture in general (Elsner 2012: 2, with older literature). One of the consequences was the increased interest in studying the relationship between the space, i.e. the church space, and the ritual by using methods of different historical disciplines (Doig 2008: XXI). It also influenced the understanding of church as the scene for performing the ritual, the place where the divine presence was felt much stronger than in any other place (Sotinel 2010: XII, 5), and not merely as the exhibition of mosaics, wall paintings and/or architectural sculpture. Soon after the Edict of Milan, much like in other parts of the vast Empire, Christian temples in cities and towns of the central Balkans became foci around which the urban life and year calendars were organized. Cities already possessed some aspects of sanctity in pre-Christian times, embedded primarily in the idea of the sacredness of the Caput Mundi. As the place founded by Romulus Quirinus, that had the Paladion as one of its paramount relics, Rome kept its importance for centuries. But the historical circumstances made it clear, already by the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century that its administrative prerogatives should be moved physically closer to the scenes of military campaigns. The role of the so called temporary capital or sedes imperii was gained by several important cities, some of them situated on the central Balkans. Although most of them didn`t have history as long as Rome`s, they inherited part of the sanctity of capital itself. First of all, every Roman city had its own pomerium, sacred boundary marked mostly by its ramparts, as well as monumental public temples and year calendars which defined public festivals and processions tied to the most celebrated gods, either of the Roman Pantheon or of the local origin (White 1990: 26; Caseau 2001: 36). Especially, in the society in which only priests could enter the temple, the festival was the time when god`s presence was sensed by everyone. After 313 this aspect was changed by the new religion and, modified so, came into the first plan. It is obvious that Christianity was a religion that quickly changed the sacred topography of large urban centres everywhere in the Empire and on the central Balkans as well. Although this process was not tied exclusively to the cities, it was them that maintained the administrative, economic and religious development of a wider area. The process of Christianizing the central Balkans was slow and lasted for several centuries, first of all because of the numerous wars with the non-Romans, so the completely Christianized sacred topography in this part of the Empire became visible in all of its greatness quite late, in the 6th century. It is true that the urban topography in many large centres, Rome being a paradigm once again, changed gradually since the 1st century AD, after their inhabitants became introduced to the new religion. But nothing like domus ecclesiae or aulae ecclesia can be testified on the central Balkans. Only scarce written testimonies, mostly martyrologia, can suggest that some kind of house churches did indeed exist prior to the 313. The best examples are the martyrologia of the bishop Ereneus, his deacon Demetrius, priest Montanus as well as others martyred in Sirmium (modern Sremska Mitrovica), all of them executed during the Diocletian`s persecutions (Acta Sanctorum Martii, 553–555; Acta Sanctorum Octobris, 95; An. Boll. II). The fact that Ereneus, Demetrius and Montanus had titles in Church hierarchy proves that organized Christian community existed in Sirmium by the end of the 3rd or the very beginning of the 4th century. That community must have had some kind of meeting place, most probably a domus ecclesiae, the discovery of which was not archaeologically proved. It is noticed that the only Sirmian church discovered intra muros, dated to the 5th century, was indeed built on top of the older structure, but it most probably was a Roman temple (Jeremić 2006: 192–193). House churches didn`t change the appearance of the city anywhere in the Empire, because the idea of domus ecclesiae as visually not distinct building was carefully executed, which is proved by archaeologically testified examples. Despite of it, house churches did change the so called “inner” sacred topography of the cities, because they became important spots for the Christian community. The same can be supposed for potential house-churches in central Balkans` cities. But only after the Edict of Milan and the erection of large urban churches visible to everyone, the image of each of them was dramatically changed. Although mostly symbolic, the year 313 posed the completely new challenges for the State as well as for, until then, poorly developed yet strong Christian Church. The adequate architectural frame had to be made for the increasingly popular Christian services and cults. Centres of Christian beliefs continued to be cities, much like in the pre-Christian times when cities were the centres of the old religion, so the Christian architecture took two main courses, both closely tied to the urban spaces. The first centre of attention was actually outside the city – on the necropolises, thanks to the highly developed cult of martyr saints. Their graves or places of their martyrdom had funerary character, but the more important was the fact that their relics brought the faithful together for celebrations (Sotinel 2010: XII, 8–9). The second sacred focus Ch a nging S a cre d L a nd s c a p e : Chri s t i a ni z at ion of t he C e n t r a l B a l k a n s in L at e A n t iqu i t y 213 was placed inside the city ramparts. It was a monumental cathedral complex, consisting of church and baptistery that had the most important role in spreading the religion, first of all because of the importance of initiation for the new Christians. When considering the central Balkans, it must be said that the city of Sirmium is actually a circumferential one, since formally speaking only one part of it lies in the Balkans and that is the modern Mačvanska Mitrovica south of the Sava River, where an early Christian shrine was discovered on the Roman necropolis (Popović 1980: VI–IX; Špehar 2014: 39). It is unknown whose or which relics it possessed, yet it continued to be the focal point for a long time. The continuity of this sacred place obviously testifies to its former importance. Except for the intramural church, all of the other Christian churches in Sirmium were likewise situated on the necropolises (Fig. 1) (Jeremić 2003: 43–51; 2004: 43–73; Špehar 2014: 37). Two are, by the epigraphic finds, defined as the churches of St. Ereneus and St. Sinerotes, while the rest of them couldn`t be positively determined (Špehar 2014: 37, with older literature). Despite of it, we can still conclude that those were likewise martyrial or memorial churches, inside and beside which the burials continued to be performed, since people needed a martyr saint as the mediator in the afterlife (Brown 1982: 70; Maraval 2002: 68–69; Yasin 2002: 28; Rapp 2007: 550). Erecting martyrial shrines changed the appearance of the necropolises, turning these private spots, the dwellings of dis manibus, into public places. It is testified by another important example discovered at the necropolis of ancient Naissus, Jagodin Mala in modern Niš, where several possible Christian sacred buildings were detected by Adam Oršić-Slavetić during the 1930s (Oršić-Slavetić 1933). Only one of them was excavated and adequately published so far. It is a large three aisled basilica with a two storied martyrium attached to the west (Fig. 2) (Petrović 1976: 85–87; Milošević 2004: 128; Rakocija 2007; 2013). Martyrium most probably served not only for the burial of the saint but of the members of ktetors’ family as well. Therefore, it appears that the ancient Roman belief that the sanctity of necropolis lаid in the respect of dis manibus and family ancestors was likewise transformed by Christianity in the way that the martyr saint`s relics were appropriated not only by the congregation but by the family as well (Špehar 2015: 7). Fig. 1 Sirmium, plan of the city with the positions of positively testified Late Antique churches (after Jeremić 2004: Fig. 2, modified by O. Špehar) 214 O l g a Šp e h a r Fig. 2 Naissus, Basilica with martyrium, axonometry (after Milošević 2004: Fig. 3) Mentioned martyrial shrines from Sirmium and Naissus show us the way how the so called urbanism of the necropolises changed simultaneously with the change of religious beliefs. The appearance of the funerary churches on necropolises was one of the most distinctive transformations of every important urban community. By examining the sacred topography of the cities on the central Balkans, the same principle can be noticed: the martyrial shrines formed, as st. Ambrosius of Milan noted considering his own city, the sacred circle that protects it (Krautheimer 1983: 69–92; Fasola, Fiocchi Nicolai 1989: 1195). For the intramural churches, such as the one in Sirmium, it can also be suggested that they repeat the same concepts as in other parts of the Empire, but it is hard to be proved since the number of archaeologically researched churches, dated to the first two centuries after the Edict of Milan, is very small. Yet, we can still assume that the principal followed the same line like in the rest of the Empire, meaning that in every city at least one or, more often, several churches were built. One of them had the most important role of the cathedral church and could at those early centuries be identified by a baptistery. Cathedral complexes in the central Balkans that can be dated prior to the 6th century are mostly testified by written sources, primarily by the Acts of the Church Councils (Zeiller 1967: 142–164), and rarely by the buildings themselves, like in Ulpiana (Çetinkaya 2016а: 41; 2016b: 373, 375). For example, the Acts testify that several cities on the central Balkans were bishopric seats during the 4th or the 5th centuries, like Viminacium, Naissus, Remesiana or Singidunum, but unfortunately in none of those cathedral complexes were archaeologically testified until now. Yet, as in all the rules there always are some exceptions. Namely, in Remesiana (Bela Palanka), the seat of st. Nicetas, bishop and missionary whose deeds are known thanks to the poems written by Paulinus of Nola (Paolini Nolani Carm. XVII, 244–252), a three aisled basilica was discovered on the necropolis which had the baptistery in the narthex (Gušić 1987: 34). The existence of the baptistery doesn`t mean that it necessarily was a cathedral church, more so knowing that Ch a nging S a cre d L a nd s c a p e : Chri s t i a ni z at ion of t he C e n t r a l B a l k a n s in L at e A n t iqu i t y 215 Fig. 3 Felix Romuliana, plan of the late 3rd century imperial palace with later additions dated to the period from the 4th to the 6th century (after Petković 2010: Fig. 170) some important martyrial and memorial churches had baptisteries within their complexes. The most popular paradigm is the Constantine`s church of St. Peter in Rome (Krautheimer, Ćurčić 1986: 54–59; Baldovin 1987: 110; Ross Holloway 2004: 121–155). It seems that, despite the usual concept, bishops as well as believers liked the baptisms to be performed next to the saints` relics, because the baptism and death were closely linked very early in Christian history and theology (Jensen 2011: 188). It seems obvious that Christianity had a decisive role in changing religious landscape and sacred topography of large urban centres. During the first two centuries after the Edict of Milan, they literary competed with the large public monuments built in pre-Christian times, because the changes in sacred landscape reflected the increased importance of Christianity for the Roman Empire (Sotinel 2010: XII, 13). By erecting Christian temples, entire cities were sacralised in the terms of the new religion. There was another important aspect of sacralisation, and that is by performing the de-sacralisation of pre-Christian structures. From the territory of the central Balkans several buildings originate that were positively re-sacralized, i.e. Christianized during the Late Antiquity. One of them is the basilica within Galerius` memorial palace in Felix Romuliana near Zaječar (Fig. 3), and another is the public roman basilica built intra muros in Remesiana (Fig. 4). The former had the important role of audience hall of the imperial palace, so it was closely tied to the imperial cult imbedded in the idea of godlike emperor`s presence in the building, whether in vivo or in the form of monumental portrait sculpture. By turning it into the 216 O l g a Šp e h a r church, sometimes during the 4th or the first decades of the 5th century, the Christian population annihilated the cult of the tyrant emperor who was treated by Christian apologists as one of the cruelest persecutors (Euseb. Hist. Ecc. VIII. 5, 16; Lact. De Mort. XXI). So the most sacred focus of the entire palace was de-sacralized in the term of the old, and sacralized again in the term of the new religion (Caseau 2001: 21–23; Špehar 2011: 27–38). Another important topos in the close vicinity of Romuliana, namely imperial tumuli and mausoleums on top of the Magura hill, lost its importance in the sacred landscape, simultaneously with diminishing of the importance of imperial cult in favor of one Christian God. Similar happened to the mentioned intramural public basilica in Remesiana, which was architecturally transformed into Christian church by building the new eastern apse and by destroying the old western one, which was likewise tied to the imperial cult since niches and apses in Roman public basilicas served for imperial statue that purported the presence of the Emperor himself. To the fact that basilica was used by the Christian population testifies the discovery of an impost capital with incised cross and letter Ω (Gušić 1987: 26, 34; 1995: 131). Although the reuse of pagan buildings, their destruction and hostility toward pagan monuments, were not usual way of showing the Christian triumph over the old religion, one must say that the changed attitude toward pagan monuments was the social reality of the time (Saradi-Mendelovici 1990: 47–48) and an integral part of the Theodosian religious policy by the end of the 4th century. As much as we can say, based on the up to date state of research, turning pre-Christian monuments into Christian on the territory of the central Balkans was mostly for the practical reasons. But in the case of Felix Romuliana one can not overlook the fact that Emperor Galerius was one of the most criticized pagan emperors in Christian literature. Therefore the audience hall of his imperial palace was an ideal place for showing the triumph of once oppressed religion over their persecutor and his cult. By building Christian basilica in Romuliana the sacred landscape was utterly changed – imperial mausoleums, pagan temples and imperial palace lost their importance on behalf of one God and Christian religion. After the Byzantine re-conquering of the central Balkans, i.e. by the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 6th century and especially in the time of Justinian I (527–565), the Church organization was strengthened simultaneously with strengthening of the centralized rule. To this testify several architectural examples, first of all the Archbishopric complex in Caričin grad near Lebane, supposed Iustiniana Prima (Kondić, Popović 1977; Bavant, Ivanišević 2003; 2006; 2007; Ivanišević 2016). That is possibly the most typical example, but it must be stressed out that there once existed several more large Christian centres that cannot be proved to be urban structures, like for example the 6th century Romuliana (Petković 2010) or Gradina on Mountain Jelica near Čačak (Milinković 2010: 233; 2015: 188–190). Yet, all of them had some things in common: dating to the 6th century and the existence of several churches built intra and extra muros. Those suggests that the central Balkans followed all the main courses in Christianizing of urban topography further through Late Antiquity, dependant among the rest on stational liturgies and closely tied to the saints` cults (Baldovin 1987). That of course means that the erection of Christian temples is not the only way in which the Christianization of the landscape is achieved. Ritual played an important role as well. Although perceiving ritual as the critical term in study of the religion is much revised lately (Elsner 2012: 1–26), it cannot be completely excluded primarily because it plays an important role in changing sacred landscape (Kousser 2010: 129). When Christianity took primacy, ancient festivals were transformed into stational liturgies, which used different churches for performing masses on distinctive festive days. Processions purported by stational liturgies connected different parts of the city, intra as well as extra muros, into one cohesive structure, the benefit of which depended on relics (Baldovin 1987: 265–268). So, it seems that the relics actually had the most important role in sacralisation of landscape during the Late Antiquity, because they were perceived as the testimony of existence of the one and only Lord. Street network and architectural monuments were, as was already said, the scene for performing those rituals. Besides that, one must mention yet another aspect of sacralisation of the landscape during the Late Antiquity, especially in the times that followed Byzantine consolidation at the end of the 5th and the beggining of the 6th century. It is the sacralisation of intramural space of smaller settlements (Milinković 2015: 9). Their double function – of a settlement and of a defending structure – implies the existence of a sacred building within it, protected realistically as well as symbolically by strong walls of the fortification. From small single-naved churches, like for example those in Zlatni kamen, Sakicol or Liška Ćava, to the three aisled basilicas, as those from Bregovina or Maskare-Bedem, suggest not only the success of Christianization by that time (Milinković 2015: 262), but also the necessity for God`s protection that guaranteed the endurance of the fortification. Therefore it is clear that the same ideas, needs and beliefs, that led ktetors in large late antique urban centres, were likewise the impetus of those who erected churches in small fortified settlements. From all above said it is obvious that the Roman landscape of the central Balkans, filled with temples dedicated to the Ch a nging S a cre d L a nd s c a p e : Chri s t i a ni z at ion of t he C e n t r a l B a l k a n s in L at e A n t iqu i t y Fig. 4 Remesiana, plan of the western part of intramural civil basilica (after Gušić 1987: Fig. 6) 217 218 O l g a Šp e h a r old gods and mausoleums of the ancestors, after the Edict of Milan started gradually to change into the late antique Christianized landscape. We can conclude that the sacred topography of the central Balkans changed in several ways. Intramural space of cities and small fortified settlements was drastically changed by Christian temples, the erection of which was closely tied to the idea that the Lord and the saints, whose relics were kept under the church altars, were their protectors. Thus the old Roman religious centres became substituted by cathedral complexes and other Christian shrines. At the same time, the extramural area was transformed by changing the topography of necropolises – from the disposal of ancient dis manibus to the most important sacral foci of the Late Antique cities. Necropolises, sacred in ancient Rome as well as in Christianity, turned from private sphere to the public sphere of religiosity, due to the importance of martyrial cults. The real result of the long lasting process of Christianization of the central Balkans can be seen in all its greatness only after the re-establishing of centralized rule only to collapse again at the beginning of the 7th century. What we now consider as the monuments of concluded process of Christianization, primarily archaeologically excavated churches adorned by mosaics, marble revetments and fresco decoration, testifies about the intensity of the change that the landscape of central part of the Balkan Peninsula underwent during that process. Olga Špehar University of Belgrade Faculty of Philosophy Department of Art History Čika Ljubina 18-20 SRB-11000 Beograd ospehar@gmail.com Ch a nging S a cre d L a nd s c a p e : Chri s t i a ni z at ion of t he C e n t r a l B a l k a n s in L at e A n t iqu i t y 219 BIBLIOGRAPHY Baldovin, J. F. 1987, The Urban Character of Christian Worship: the origins, development and meaning of stational liturgy, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 228, Pontificium Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, Roma. Bavant, B., Ivanišević, V. 2003, Caričin Grad - Iustiniana Prima, Francuski kulturni centar u Beogradu – Arheološki institut, Beograd. 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Building God`s House in the Roman World: Architectural Adaptations Among Pagan, Jews, and Christians, Harvard Theological Studies 42, Valley Forge PA. Yasin, A. M. 2002, Commemorating the dead – constructing the community: church space, funerary monuments and saints` cults in Late Antiquity (PhD), Chicago. Zeiller, J. 1967, Les origines chrétiennes dans les provinces danubiennes de l’empire Romain, ‚L’Erma’ di Bretschneider, Roma. SOURCES Acta Sanctorum, Martii, Tomus Tertius, colligere coepit J. Bollandus, G. Henschenius et D. Papebrochius, Parisiis et Romae, 1865. Acta Sanctorum, Octobris, Tomus Quartus, collecta, digesta, comentariisque et observationibus a C. Suyskeno... [et al.], Parisiis et Romae, 1866. Analecta Bollandiana, Tomus II, ed. C. de Smedt, G. van Hooff et J. de Backer, Société Générale de Libraire Catholique, Paris–Bruxelles, 1883. Eusebius, The Ecclesiastical History II, transl. by J.E.L. Oulton, London-Cambridge, Mass., 1942. Laktancije, Lucije Cecilije Firmijan. O smrtima progonitelja, prijevod N. Cambi, B. Lučin, Književni krug, Split 2005. S. Paolini Nolani, Opera omnia, ed. J.-P. Migne, Patrologia Latina Vol. 61, 483-490. Ana Jordan Knežević Contribution to the Study of Development and Function of Sacral Buildings in Zadar Area (4th–9th Century) Scientific paper The first oratory in Zadar was probably built in the period between the middle and the end of the 4th century. As a nucleus of a future episcopal complex the oratory was built within the public space, next to the ancient temple at the city forum. The replacement of a pagan cult with the one of a christian society is obvious in the center of the old town. Based on such assumptions, the autor will give new insights into the forming, function and continuity of the first prayer rooms in Zadar and its surroundings. At the same time, the autor will analyze the creation of new sacral buildings patterned on the first oratories, focusing on some additional spaces which will have an effect on their function, especially in the period from the late antiquity to the early Middle ages. Key words: oratory, pagan and Christian cult, continuity, function, early Christian religious buildings, late antiquity, Early Middle Ages The or atories The oratories in Zadar appeared in a much great number than first memorial building complexes, which were the first sacral objects for the worshipping the relics of the saints. This article deals with the sacral objects that affected the construction of oratories in Zadar and its surroundings, especially in Puntamika, Nin, Vrsi, Zaton, Galovac and Pridraga. We will analyze the remains and material evidence of their exsistence. Also, we will analyze their transformations into the new churches at some positions around the city (Map 1). The process of evangelization on the west Adriatic coast begun with the appearance of the oratories in the mentioned area and that were the first traces of Christian religion in the pagan world of the province of Dalmatia. Oratories served for organisation and prayers, that is for liturgical celebrations (Badurina 1979: 440, Gabričević 1987: 260, Mišković 2012: 40–63). The first oratory (lat. orare, “to pray”)1 bulit in Zadar had a function of a meeting place for the new community of people who accepted Christianity as their religion. The same oratory became a nucleus of the future bischop complex (Fig. 1 and 2) as well as a model for other similar architectural constructions in Zadar area and its surroundings (Fig. 1 and 2a).2 The oratory was built in an east-west orientation. The prezbiterium was on the east side of the oratory, which means that the priest stood backwards to the people. This is completely different position from the oratory A in Salona where the altar was on the west side and the priest faced the people during the ceremony (Cambi 2002: 216). All early Christian churches in Zadar area dating back from the 5th and 6th century have apses on the east side. The remains of the first oratory in Zadar 1 In free translation lat. oratus means prayer, and lat. oratio means the invocation of God (Marević 1997: 1053). 2 We have excluded for now the existence of domus ecclesia, as a form of a "home church”. For that form of the first prayer room we do not have any archaeological or material evidence. What is most important in a research of an oratory is the interpretation of their extended function. Recent research opposes to the existence of domus ecclesia as a first sacral building in the episcopal complex in Poreč (Matejčić 2014: 21). Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 221–235 222 A n a J o rd a n K ne ž e v i ć Map 1 Early Christian churches in Zadar area in the period from the 5th to 6th century (R. Maršić, A. Jordan Knežević 2015) confirmed that it looked as a small sacral object (length 14 m, height 6.5 m), (Vežić 1990: 301–326; 2007: 18–23; 2013: 27, 93–100) (Fig. 2a). The oratory in Zadar had a bigger part for clergy and the smaller part for Christians. 3 It is not clear to us what the reason of such divisions was and whether that meant that, in the earliest period in Zadar, only the members of the ecclesiastical order had the possibilty of Christianization and participation in the prayers. At the beginning, the oratories functioned as objects of a “closed” type and were mainly reserved for the clergy and less for the common people. The shrine was one step lifted from the other part. The churches dating from 6th century, as well as some city basilicas from the 5th century, inherited that kind of shrine. The remains of semicircular clergy bench were found in its shrine (Vežić 1990: 304), (Fig. 2a). The narthex was not found in the mentioned oratory, nor in city basilicas from the 5th century. The excavation of the oratory in Salona, in the literature also mentioned as “oratory A”, confirmed the presence of the upper space which obviously served as a room for meetings and teaching (Gabričević 1987: 266 and o.). That was probably a room for Catechumens who could take part in prayers on the ground space only after the baptising (Fig. 2b). That all implies to the possibility that Zadar oratory could have had such additional room for Catechumens. A minor room used for “preparation” during the Eucharistic celebration could have been added to its side wall on the north and the room could had a door that connected it with the central congregational space (Adam 1993: 324–346) (Fig. 2a). The function of Zadar oratory is a little bit confusing. It is almost impossible that it served only as congregational object. Small sacral objects throughout the empire dating back to the 4th century often had a yard with a fountain used for the ceremony of baptising (Krautheimer 1986: 55–560; Gabričević 1987: 273). In the context of that research it certainly should be referred to the very early gathering the Christian community in the ancient Iader. It is hard to believe that religious objects in Zadar weren’t built by the Christians, who were the dominant population. Although we do not have preserved material evidence, 3 The first cult buildings generally have more space for believers, as it was the case with the "oratory A" in Salona (Cambi 2002: 215, Fig. 320, Fig. 321). C on t rib u t i on t o t he S t ud y of D e v e l o pme n t a nd F unc t i on of S a cr a l B u il d ings in Z a d a r A re a ( 4 t h – 9 t h Ce n t ur y ) 223 it should certainly be pointed to the fact that the first oratory in the city probably had a baptismal function.4 On the other hand, its function of a cult object, where the martyr relics were kept, should be excluded. We are familiar with the fact that the cemeteries were not present in the 5th century city basilicas and that the first concrete relics in Zadar didn not appear until the 9th century, when bishop Donat made a stone chest for the powers of St Anastasia (Petricioli 1962: 252; Jakšić, Hilje 2008: 96–97). This leads to the conclusion that, from the beginning of the development of Christianity on the Adriatic coast, Zadar has not followed the cult of martyrs and that its development took place separately from other major urban centers. Fig. 1 A graphic reconstruction of the Roman Capitol, Forum, and the Christian oratory in Zadar (According Vežić 2007: 18; Layout modified by A. Jordan Knežević 2016) Fig. 2 a) A layout of the first oratory in Zadar (Vežić 2007: 22) and b) A layout of the “oratory A” in Salona (Cambi 2002: 215 ) The first object of Christian community in Nin was built on the south side of the present church of St Asel (Kolega 2001: 83–90; 2002: 73–78; 2014: 15–28). It was built on the space of an antique object with the residental function but its cult function wasn’t excluded either.5 Its lenght (14m) is the same as that of a Zadar oratory (Fig. 10b). A piscina of irregular circle shape was found in front of its shrine (Kolega 2002: 74–75) and we can assume that it belonged to the oldest sacral object in that area (Uglešić 2002: 37; Vežić 1996: 87–99; 2007: 113–114).6 It is possible that the first oratory in Nin had two functions, the congregational and baptismal one. This expanded function makes it different from the other oratories in Zadar area. The oratory in Nin is the only sacral object in which a narthex form had appeared (Uglešić 2002: 4 In the front part of the oratory, designed for common people, there was also a mosaic floor made of white, large boards. At the same place, when the cathecumeneion was formed in the oratory, a mosaic of a better structure was created. That mosaic had the central scene of Life Source – two female deer with kantharos, the symbol of baptism in Christian iconography (Vežić 2007: 20). There is a possibility that this part of the prayer place has served for baptism since the beginning of its development. 5 In recent research of the existing documentation it has been discovered that a votive column attributed to Vulcan was found at this very position. I want to thank my colleague Martina Dubolnić Glavan for this information. 6 Piscina is made of bricks plastered with hydraulic mortar and it could have been constructed in the period of Antiquity (Uglešić 2002: 37–38). 224 A n a J o rd a n K ne ž e v i ć 37–38).7 It is hard to establish its primary function in the period of Christian affirmation at our coast. In Christian liturgy, narthex served as a space for Catchecumens, and that at the very beginning of the Eucharist celebration when they were excluded from it. (Jedin 1972: 305; Jeličić 1983: note 68). The question is whether the Catchecumens were also excluded here and is that an argument for one complex role of the oratory in Nin in such an early period. There was an ancient Roman cistern next to the narthex. We suppose that the cistern was connected with liturgical ceremony from the earliest ages. The same narthex was probably inherited by the church which appeared at that site in the 5th century (Uglešić 2002: 37, Vežić 2007: 113–16, Kolega 2014: 15–28). The oratories in Zadar area were also built within the harbours, probably after the first interaction with missionaries who propagated the Christ’s word. Such oratory was explored in the antique harbour of Nin near Zaton. At the beginning of the 6th century, a triple-nave basilica dedicated to St Andrew was built next to it (Uglešić, Čerina 1997: 94, Uglešić 2002: 35; Vežić 2007: 119). The layout of the oratory confirms that it was a minor rectangular room with the apse on the east side (Fig. 11a), (Uglešić 2002: 35). An antique villa was found in its close vicinity, so the mentioned object probably appeared within that complex. By exploring the Nin area, we found one extremly significant sacral object with oratory function. Namely, in 1972 and 1978 the Archeological Museum in Zadar, under the supervision of curator Šime Batović, started to explore the church of St Jacob in Vrsi (Batović 1981: 85–90; Uglešić 2002: 35).8 During the researches, rustic villa was explored near this location as well as the old-croatian cemetery around the church. The researches confirmed the existence of a small sacral object situated on the north side of the Romanesque church (Migotti 1991: 296, T. XXX, 3; Uglešić 2002: 44). It was an oratory that was a result of adaptation of one roman room with exedra whose function hasn’t been revealed so far (Uglešić 2002: 44). Since rooms with mortar and mosaic floors were found during the researches, we can assume that these objects had residential function. The position of antique villa and a small square building construction that have served as mausoleum, also contributed to the afore mentioned. That object is only 200m away from the church of St Jacob.9 That all implies to the significant importance of the mentioned archaeological site in Vrsi and its complex function. In his documentation, Šime Batović claims that there were even ten preserved roman rooms dating from 1th to 6th century (Batović 1981: 88). However, in the first campaigns of research we did not define their position in relation to the first cult building, which we consider to be an oratory. The oratory is also well preserved, and unlike the all other examples in Zadar area, its walls are visible at the site (height 25-35 cm). The lenght of the oratory is 7.60 m, while its width is 6 m. The well in front of church, which was thoroughly renovated, might have been connected with the mentioned oratory (Fig. 6). It is also possible that an older piscina existed in that area, as it was the case in Nin or antique Salona (Kolega 2014: 15–28, Cambi 2002: 215, 320). The existence of the older early Christian church in Vrsi is still unknown. B. Migotti gave a photography of one stone fragment which was found close to the parish church in Nin and could have dated from the 4th century (Migotti 1991: 296, T. III.3). The fragment contains the cross with expanded ends that make a shape of a triangle (Fig. 4). By exploring the site in Vrsi we noticed very similar fragment with the almost identical cross at the window sill of St Jacobs church (Fig. 3). We assume that this stone fragment confirms the curator’s Batović clues about existence of a church in Vrsi dating back from the late antique period. What also needs to be pointed out is the structure and the position of the older building construction situated under the preserved church from the Romanesque period (Fig. 5). According to B. Migotti, the stone sculptures from that area dates back from the 4th century, but we suppose that the church in Vrsi could have been built in the 5/6th century,10 when the first graves next to the outside walls of sacral objects appeared (Batović 1981: 89). The first Christian object at the site of Crkvina in Galovac was also an oratory. The oratory in Galovac had extended and rectangular shape (width 10 m, lenght 11 m), (Fig. 11b). The oratory’s interior is divided into three small rooms, and the central room had the semicircular apse on its east side (Belošević 1997: 301–350; Uglešić: 2002: 57–61). The apse (depth 2m and width 2.75 m) of the oratory in Galovac confirms its liturgical function, since it probably had an altar. The early Christian 7 The church is described in detail by P. Vežić who also made the graphic reconstruction of its sanctuary (Vežić 1996: 87– 99; 2007: 113–118). 8 A one-nave church from the 13th century, which is dedicated to St Jacob, demolished in the Turkish-Venetian war in the early 17th century, at the same time when a nearby village of Zloušane, to which it belonged, was destroyed. 9 Next to the early Christian church in Muline on the island of Ugljan (Sutivan – St John the Baptist) one similar mausoleum was discovered that very likely belonged to the owner of the local villa (Suić 1960: 237; Vežić 2007: 84–85). 10 The cross motif with expanded arms of an oak is also represented in the other stone sculpture that originates from the early Christian churches in the Zadar area, and such church furniture can be dated to the period from the 5th to 6th century. Among the churches where the fragments have been found, mainly as spolia in the later buildings, the following should be mentioned: St Thomas in Zadar, St Lawrence in Zadar, St John the Baptist in Zadar (also known as “St Nediljica”), St Martin in Pridraga, St John in Banjevci, and many others (Vežić 2007: 158–178). C on t rib u t i on t o t he S t ud y of D e v e l o pme n t a nd F unc t i on of S a cr a l B u il d ings in Z a d a r A re a ( 4 t h – 9 t h Ce n t ur y ) 225 Fig. 4 A fragment from the surroundings of the parish church of St Asel in Nin (B. Migotti 1991: 311) Fig. 3 Window of a Romanesque church of St Jacob with the Late Antiquity fragment (photo by: A. Jordan Knežević, 2016) Fig. 5 Position of the walls of older building under the Romanesque church of St Jacob (photo by: A. Jordan Knežević, 2016) Fig. 6 Vrsi (St Jacob) – position of a well compared to the the first oratory and the church (photo by: A. Jordan Knežević, 2016) 226 A n a J o rd a n K ne ž e v i ć church, which was dedicated to St Bartolomej during the pre-Romanesque adaptation, was built next to the first oratory and it belongs to the “complex” architecture type (Belošević 1993a: 121–143; 1993b: 79–92; 1997: 301–350). It is assumed that the oratory in Galovac occupied the space of an older cult object, which could mean that the pagan community was replaced by the Christian one (Belošević 1997: 303; Uglešić 2002: 57, 117). The archaeological founds of two altars, one dedicated to “Liber, Juno and Silvanus” and the other one to Jupiter, confirm the existence of the pagan temple in Galovac (Belošević 1993b: 79). Thus, we cannot claim for sure that this object really had a function of a pagan place of worship in the antique period, which was replaced by the first Christian oratory. Because of this, perhaps the temple should be sought in some other position at Crkvina.11 After the oratory had lost its function, a vaulted tomb with a sarcophagus was built in its southern side, which confirms the continued use of the first prayer space in that area (Belošević 1997: 303). It’s assumed that the oratory at the site Asseria in Benkovac could have been built on the remains of the pagan temple. The votive inscription dedicated to god Liber is a proof for that (Migotti 1992: 229). The building of churches and oratories on the remains of pagan places of worship wasn’t unusual in the Christian world (Jedin 1995: 35–36, 194).12 However, we believe that the forming of the first Christian cult areas in Zadar surroundings largely depended on the situation in Zadar, where the Christian community raised its first object near the pagan temple without occupying it directly (!) (Migotti 1992: 225–245; Suić 2003: 238–239). Because of that, the assumption that the mentioned oratories in Galovac and Asseria appeared within the pagan place of worship should be considered with caution. This, of course, does not exclude the existence of older cult objects in these positions, as it was the case in Zadar. The curch of St Anastasia in Puntamika could have appeared at the site of one minor oratory (Fig. 7). The antique cistern at the site Puntamika was transformed for the purpose of Christian oratory. The same object was completely adapted for the purpose of building an early Christian church in that position (Uglešić 2000: 30–31). A complex type of church apeared in that position in the early Medieval period; the lower church from the later antique period and the other, pre-Romanesque one, above it with the separarate entrance (Uglešić 2002: 30–31). In his work Visitation from the year 1603, Priuli says that the lower church was dedicated to St Anastasia, and the upper one to the St George (Horvat 1911: 549; Suić, Petricolli 1955: 19, note 26). The position and the construction method Puntamica is particularly famous for the construction of an early Christian church, which occupied the space of an older cult object. A great number of churches in Zadar and its area could have been arised on such building principle, where the early Christian church occupied the area of an older Christian building (oratory) (Fig. 7, Fig. 8). This building principle could have appeeared as a need for preserving the older sacral object. We can assume that the rest of the early Christian basilicas in Zadar occured within the already exsisting oratories or minor sacral objects (Krautheimer 1986)13, such as the following churches: St Martin in Lepuri (Jakšić 2000: 189–200), the church at the site Begovača in Biljane Donje (Jakšić 1989: 407–439), the church in Asseria (Uglešić 2002: 65), St Martin in Pridraga (Vežić 2007: 140–143), St John at the site Vlašići on the island of Pag (Uglešić 2002: 74–75), St Nicholas in Povljana on the island of Pag (Petricioli 1963: 171 and o.), St Victor in Telašćica on the Long island (Petricioli 1954: 53–65), St Mary on the island of Ošljak (Vežić 1992: 311), St Andrew on the island of Vrgada (Domijan 1983: 123 and o.), the church of St Anastasia at the site Puntamika in Zadar (Suić, Petricioli 1995: 7–22), (Map 1). During the recent researches on the early Christian complex in Podvršje near Zadar, the remains of a minor oratory were discovered, which was replaced by the Early Christian Church in the second phase of construction (Fig. 8) (Uglešić 2002: 45–50, Uglešić 2004).14 It has been the only preserved example in the Zadar area so far, which clearly illustrates the process of continuous use of the cult place, where a much larger congregational church (with all the additional rooms needed to perform the liturgical celebration) was created because of the purpose of expanding the original object. Since, according to the researches, the construction of the southern church dates back to the 5th century, it is likely that the oratory was built in the second half of the 4th century or at the beginning of the 5th century, which would correspond to the construction period of the first oratory in Nin (Fig. 8, Fig. 10b). 11 These conclusions have been provoked by the findings of stone sculpture that should suit a smaller ancient building. I take the opportunity to thank professor Dražen Maršić because he directed me to the mentioned material. 12 Some written sources indicate that at the end of the 6th century, Gregory the Great sent a letter to the monastic missionaries in England asking them not to demolish the pagan temples, but to transform them into places of a Christian cult, by pouring holy water over them and placing relics of saints into their altars (Grgur Veliki, Registrum XI, Epistula 66, PL 77, 1202–1203; Mišković 2012). 13 The first to suggest such possibility was Ante Uglešić in his book dedicated to the early Christian architecture in the Zadar area (Uglešić 2002). 14 I would like to take this opportunity to thank professor Ante Uglešić, a research manager at the mentioned site, for the information he has provided me with. The results of the research are exhibited in the work which is currently in press (Uglešić 2017). C on t rib u t i on t o t he S t ud y of D e v e l o pme n t a nd F unc t i on of S a cr a l B u il d ings in Z a d a r A re a ( 4 t h – 9 t h Ce n t ur y ) 227 Fig. 7 Church of St Anastasia in Puntamika near Zadar – view of an ancient cistern that was used to form the first prayer room (Suić, Petricioli 1955: 20) Fig. 8 Podvršje (Glavčine) near Ražanac – view of the oratory and an early Christian church (photo by: A. Uglešić 2017) Fig. 9 Podvršje (Glavčine) near Ražanac – a layout of the oratory (made by: Z. Bakić, A. Uglešić 2017) 228 A n a J o rd a n K ne ž e v i ć So far, the researches have confirmed a small number of sites where the early Christian sacral objects were built next to the already existing oratories. The pattern for that kind of building was probably the first oratory in Zadar. In the late antique period, the central city basilica dedicated to St Peter was built next to it (Vežić 1988: 165–183, 1990: 301–326; 2013: 24–28), (Fig. 1). As we have already mentioned, Nin used this kind of building pattern. Firstly, the new church occured within the exsisting oratories in the 5th century, and another one was built next to its outside walls in the 6th century (Uglešić 2002: 36–40; Vežić 2007: 113–117; Kolega 2014: 15–28). We find the same situation in Vrsi and in Nin, since a new church was also built next to the already existing oratory in Vrsi (Fig. 10a, 10b). In other examples of this kind of building construction, the new churches appeared much further from the oratory. Such sites were found in Zaton (the oratory and the St Andrew church) and Galovac (the oratory and the early Christian church), but we assume that there are even more of them (Fig. 11a, 11b). a a b Fig. 10 Position of the oratory right next to the early Christian church: a) the church in Vrsi and b) the church in Nin (Photo archive, Archeological museum in Zadar ; Kolega 2001: 88) a b Fig. 11 Position of the oratory regarding the church: a) the church in Zaton and b) the church in Galovac (Uglešić, Čerina 1997: 91; Belošević 1997: 305) C on t rib u t i on t o t he S t ud y of D e v e l o pme n t a nd F unc t i on of S a cr a l B u il d ings in Z a d a r A re a ( 4 t h – 9 t h Ce n t ur y ) 229 Archaeological excavations and numerous field surveys of the mentioned area have confirmed the presence of a great number of rustic villas as a special residential agricultural buildings within which the orators are raised. The presence of single rural agglomerations was confirmed at almost each site (Fig. 12) (Suić 1996: 427–450; Matijašić 1998: 95–145). Based on the maps that locate the position of ancient villas, we realize that their construction was directed towards smaller centers in the surroundings such as Aenona, Asseria, Varvaria, but also towards Zadar (Gušić 1971: 139; Brusić 1993: 223–236; Vežić 2007: 79–81). We assume that oratories were built within those residential agricultural estates, as well as following early Christian churches: St Jacob in Vrsi, St Anastasia in Puntamika near Zadar, Our lady of Carmen (Tukljača) in Turanj, St Nicholas in Povljana on the island of Pag, St Mary on the island of Ošljak and the church at Begovača (Crkvina) in Biljane Donje. At some sites, rustic villas are located in the immediate vicinity of sacral buildings. The villas have been investigated next to the following churches: St Martin in Pridraga (Fig. 13), St John the Baptist (Stivan) in Muline on the island of Ugljan (Fig. 13), St Nicholas (St Cross) in Božava on Long island and St John in Sali, also on Long island. Their presence confirms the early gatherings and the activity of Christian communities in the city surroundings. Scientific literature tells us that the sacral buildings in Galovac and Lepuri could have been constructed near roman vici (Belošević 1997: 301–350; Jakšić 2000: 189–200; Uglešić 2002: 61). It is interesting that we have found several pieces of pottery and some material of ancient origin at the great number of sites, but the findings do not necessarily confirm the type of the settlement agglomeration, especially when we lack the specific architecture remains. For example, the church in Galovac lacks just that type of findings from the period of Antiquity and Late Antiquity, while at the same time a large number of belly pottery pieces and other settlement pottery from the Medieval period (12-17th c.) has been found (Belošević 1997: 301–350). The same pottery is an evidence of a life of local community formed at the center of a former medieval settlement of Tršci (Tršići) (Jakšić 2000: 17–64). Therefore, the real location of bigger settlement agglomerations in the period of Antiquity is still questionable and any indication without a material confirmation, especially parts of architecture, can only be based on hypothetically drawn conclusions. Fig. 12 Roman villas as the origins of first oratories (Vežić 2007: 110) 230 A n a J o rd a n K ne ž e v i ć Fig. 13 Roman villas in the vicinity of first Christian praying rooms: Muline (Stivan) on the island of Ugljan (left image) and St Martin in Pridraga (right image) (Suić 1976: 244; Vežić 2007: 86; photo modified by: A. Jordan Knežević, 2016) Purpose and time of construction At the very beginnings of Christianity development Zadar churches had an exclusive congregational purpose which will remain in the later centuries as well.15 Their simplified architecture speaks of a primary function of numerous sacral buildings in the hinterland of the town, which is celebrating the Eucharist. The same function was carried out by all town basilicas. In that context we must also refer to the congregation purpose of the first oratories, within which new sacral objects were built in the late Antiquity. Some examples, such as the parish church of St Anselmo (Asel) in Nin, feature oratories that were investigated and that have visible altar marks, which furthermore confirm our thesis about their purpose (Fig. 10b). The cathedral in Zadar also had an oratory with the remains of an altar and chancel screens.16 There was also an altar in Galovac that was placed within a prominent apse of the first oratory (Belošević 1997: 301–350). The central apse of the church in Pridraga dedicated to St Martin could also have had such function, i.e. an altar could be placed there at the very beginnings of the organization of Christian community (Fig. 14).17 Apses, being the central place within those smaller sacral buildings, were the most convenient for altar placement. We Fig. 14 The church of St Martin in Pridraga with a marked area of the first praying space (Vežić 2007: 86; photo modified by: A. Jordan Knežević, 2016) 15 This issue has been dealt with mostly by B. Migotti, J. Jeličić, and lately A. Mišković has also become involved in studying of liturgy of Zadar area (Migotti 1995: 113–144; Jeličić 1983: 5–39; Mišković 2012). P. Vežić points to the panel fragment from its chancel screen that was subsequently built in the diaconicon wall (Vežić 1986: 161–165; 2007: 19). 16 P. Vežić points to the panel fragment from its chancel screen that was subsequently built in the diaconicon wall (Vežić 1986: 161–165; 2007: 19). 17 We can assume that the central apse had an oratory function, or some smaller "memoria". M. Jarak also tends to share the same opinion, and P. Vežić wrote about a smaller "memoria" in Pridraga (Vežić 2007: 89; Jarak 2013: 185–192). C on t rib u t i on t o t he S t ud y of D e v e l o pme n t a nd F unc t i on of S a cr a l B u il d ings in Z a d a r A re a ( 4 t h – 9 t h Ce n t ur y ) 231 can expect that the first altars and chancel screens were simpler than, for example, those bigger massive ones from the Early Medieval period. A small amount of the church furniture fragments has been preserved which date back to the earlier centuries, and we also notice the same problem with stone sculpture from 7th and 8th century. It indicates the possibility that the first chancel screens in Christian oratories were made of wood, which could be the reason why we do not have enough material confirmation today about them.18 In the late Antiquity, funeral tradition was still unknown in Zadar and therefore there were no cemeterial churches in its area. Only the basilica of St John the Baptist in the town borough of Relja had a congregational and cemeterial function since it was built in the west part of Zadar’s Roman necropolis. During the Early Middle Ages period, a significant number of Christian oratories in the vicinity of Zadar was transformed into new churches whose original function remained unchanged. However, during that period, a number of those churches that gain a new purpose as a cemeterial church, besides their congregational one, is also relevant. Here are such examples: St Peter in Radovin, St Jacob in Vrsi, St Spirit in Asseria, St Barbara in Privlaka, and most likely St Andrew in Zaton, St John in Vlašići on the island of Pag and St Anastasia in Puntamika as well (Fig.15). Some churches gained their cemeterial function only in the later centuries, such was the case with the church of St Martin in Pridraga (Fig. 16), that resulted in the loss of the primary function of the church. At some sites we can follow the development of first oratories right to the grand parish churches that had an extended function. Although only a small number of those buildings has been investigated, they had a significant role in the rural area, i.e. such churches had a kind of supremacy regarding all the other congregational churches in the surroundings. Extended or complex function belonged to those churches whose complex comprised a baptistery and cemetery as well. Following churches should be mentioned here: the parish church of St Asel in Nin, St Bartholomew church in Galovac, St Martin church in Lepuri, the church at Begovača in Biljane Donje and the cathedral in Biograd na moru. Early praying gatherings were recorded in Nin and Galovac, with determined dimensions and position of the first oratories. There is only scarce information about the first church at Begovača, its dimensions and exact location has never been confirmed. Recent findings of early Christian sculpture fragments are the only remains of the older church (Jelovina, Vrsalović 1981: 55 – 136; Delonga 1992: 87–88, 96–100). There is a very similar situation with the first church at the location of Glavica in Biograd, for which there are no specific discoveries. However, the existence of first Christian oratories is highly probable on the afore mentioned sites where the first churches were developed afterwards. We can conclude that a large number of sites have retained the original purpose of the first cult places, which is gathering for prayer. The baptismal purpose has been established by the oratory in Nin and Zadar so far. We cannot say for sure whether some oratories in the area had an extended use, which included the preservation of the first relics. Since there have not been such findings in Zadar, it is very likely that this was the case with most of the localities in its surroundings. Only the basilica of St John the Baptist (Stivan) in Muline on the island of Ugljan had such a complex role in the late Antiquity. Nevertheless, the development of Christian cult is connected to the memorial, not to the oratory, complex there. Namely, deep niches were formed around the central “memoria” that had been called martyrum by its first researcher M. Suić, and those niches probably functioned as memorial cells (Suić 1960: 230–249; 1976: 244, Fig. 168; 1981: 338). Fig. 15 Puntamika (St Anastasia church) – from congregational praying building to cemeterial church (Suić, Petricioli 1955: 8) 18 Previously E. Dyggve also wrote about the church screen which the first oratory in Salona had, but no marks of pegs for panels were found there so it is assumed that the chancel screen was made of wood (Dyggve 1989: tab. II, 7, 8; Cambi 2002: 215–216). 232 A n a J o rd a n K ne ž e v i ć Fig. 16 St Martin church in Pridraga – a view of the cemetery in the church interior (Photo archive, Archeological museum in Zadar) In the study of the development of Christian cult, the issue of the time of creation of the first praying rooms must definitely be taken into consideration. The construction of the first cult buildings on the east Adriatic coast, especially those in Salona, has been a matter of discussion in scientific and expert literature for quite some time.19 According to Farlati, an unknown Zadar bishop participated in the Council of Rome in 341 , and that year confirms that the diocese in the ancient town had already been established and that the Christianity started to infiltrate the pagan world of the local population (Bianchi 1877: 30; Strika 2004: 31–64). That leads us to the conclusion that the oratory in the ancient Jader was built in the first decades of the 4th century.20 However, the scientifically based information are collected only about the bishop Felix of Zadar, who participated in the 381th anniversary of the Synod in Aquileia and 390 at the Synod in Milan (Farlati, 1775: 24–25; Bianchi 1877: 30, Vežić 2007: 29). According to these historical facts, the oratory dates back to the middle or the second half of the 4th century.21 In dating the mentioned oratory, what we still consider as problematic, can help us dating other cult objects outside the city. For example, the memorial complex in Muline on the island of Ugljan has been dated to as early as the second half of the 4th century by M. Suić, which is quite certain considering the other findings on that locality. (Suić 1960: 230–249; 1981: 338). It is one of the oldest objects of the Christian cult outside of ancient Zadar. Although the construction of “memoria” is tied to the private estate, it is a fact that the site used to be a part of Jader ager, hence it could have belonged to the first Christian community in Zadar. It is obvious that the already exsisting oratory in Zadar preceded the construction of the memorial complex in Mulinama. Presumably, after the construction of the memorial complex in Muline on the island of Ugljan, the oratory of the Christian community in Nin was also built. We believe that it appeared immediately after the oratory which was erected on Zadar forum. The very end of the 4th, or the beginning of the 5th century should be considered as the time of its construction,22 since the role of Nin as an important rural center, from which the evangelization to the smaller places settlements was spreading, has already been known (Uglešić 2002; Vežić 2007). Because of that, and the fact that the Christianization spread from Nin to the surrounding rural area, the oratories discovered in Zaton and Vrsi should be dated to the 5th century. Very early construction of cult buildings takes place in Pridraga and Galovac as well. Some recent studies date the first building of that type in Pridraga to the end of the 5th or the beginning of the 6th century (Vežić 2007: 89), which was then formed in the final version a triconch church with an elongated longitudinal nave. However, our opinion is that Pridraga also had an early organized Christian community, at the same time as it was in Vrsi and Zaton as well. The continuity of the cult has been confirmed in Galovac where local community switched from paganism to Christianity, which clearly happened during the first decades of the 5th century. On Crkvina, a new church with added annexes and a baptistery was erected at the beginning of the 6th century. That is the dating for the parts of its architecture, such as the central polygonal apse fortified 19 Salona oratory has been dated only to the end of the 4th century in the recent studies. In Poreč three longitudinal halls, so-called aulae paralelae are also dated only to the end of the 4th century – the beginning of the 5th century (Chevalier, Mardešić 2006: 55–69; Mardešić 2008: 317–330; Matejčić 2008: 420–427; Matejčić 2014). 20 According to Liber Pontificalis, Pope Julius I. (337-352) raises basilica on the Roman Forum during his pontificate, which is dedicated to the Apostles. A basilica in Zadar; dedicated to the Apostles Petar and Paul, might have appeared next to the oratory in the early period (4th-5th century). And that could be an incentive to date Zadar oratory in the earlier period. 21 In his manuscript from 18th century, which is kept in the Scientific Library (Ms. 393 manuscript), the archbishop of Zadar Mate Karaman claims that the cathedral in Zadar was built in the year 378 (Manuskript 393, 170; Vežić 2007: 182). The Christian oratory might have been erected exactly during the 5th or 6th decades of the 4th century (!). 22 A. Uglešić also indicates the end of the 4th century or the beginning of the 5th century (Uglešić 2002: 37). The oratory can be dated according to the coin of emperor Valentinian I. (364–375), which was found in its premises. C on t rib u t i on t o t he S t ud y of D e v e l o pme n t a nd F unc t i on of S a cr a l B u il d ings in Z a d a r A re a ( 4 t h – 9 t h Ce n t ur y ) 233 with prominent lesenes that confirm the strong Byzantine influence in the construction (Cambi 1984: 45–54). At the majority of sites in the area of Zadar no physical remains of Christian oratories have been found. Nevertheless, based on the confirmed and investigated buildings it is probable that the oratories were constructed at the very early stage on other sites as well, during the 5th century. On such foundations new sacral buildings developed, whose intensive construction started during the first decades of the 6th century. Conclusion In the final discussion we can highlight several important facts. In this paper our concern is the research of the first oratories in the Zadar area where the existence of memorial complexes was excluded (except the one in Muline on the island of Ošljak that was built on a private property), as a form of a praying space where the relics of martyr saints were worshipped. The first oratory in Zadar was erected in the very center of the town, right next to the building belonging to the pagan cult. A transformation of the cult happened in Zadar and the first oratory of the Christian community was constructed in the immediate vicinity of an ancient temple. According to the established historical facts, the time of its construction should be dated in the period between the middle and the end of the 4th century. The late time of its creation is also indicated by the east position of the apse where a priest stood with his back turned against the people while praying. The same baptized community from Zadar erects a memorial complex in Muline on the island of Ugljan in the second half of the 4th century. These are the earliest examples of cult spaces in the discussed area. The same oratory from Zadar would become the template for the construction of other oratories in town and in its surroundings. All explored oratories retained the shape of smaller churches with an embedded apse. It is interesting to note that they lack openings, which indicates that they originally functioned as “closed” objects. We believe that the first building of the Christian cult in Zadar could have had an extended function. It was used for praying gatherings, and it is also possible that some of the additional rooms were used for baptizing. The oratory in Nin followed the design of the one in Zadar, and it was probably built in the last quarter of the 4th century, or at the beginning of the 5th century. All the other oratories erected in the Zadar surroundings, and in the town as well, should be dated to the 5th century. The oratory in Nin had a narthex, as an additional space where catechumens stood during the Eucharist. Remains of a piscina were also found there, hence we believe that even during the earliest centuries that building was used for praying gatherings and baptisms. When investigating an oratory it is important to point to their position in relation to the early Christian church. We consider that around 70% of the investigated sites evolved based on the principle of constructing where the new churches were built within an existing oratory (practically we have a “church in the church”). Such construction example was explored in locality Glavčine in Podvršje near Zadar. On the other hand, only a smaller portion of the sites had a new church erected near the oratory. Such is the case of the central basilica in Zadar, and of the churches in Nin and Vrsi. In such positions, we note a continuing construction in the later centuries as well, especially during the Middle Ages. At the church of St Jacob in Vrsi we have conducted additional field investigations and discovered that it was built on the architecture remains that can be particularly dated to the period of Late Antiquity. The third principle of constructing occurs in Galovac and Zaton where a new church takes a completely new position in regard to the existing oratory. Furthermore, we can conclude that around 80% of the first praying rooms were built within the ancient residential agricultural estates. For now we cannot claim with certainty what the positions of settlement agglomerations such as vici were. During the forming and development of Christian community almost all sites have an congregational purpose and it was mostly preserved during later centuries as well. We are not familiar with the cult buildings with assumed cemeterial function in such an early period. 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Vežić, P. 1990, Rezultati istraživanja u prostoru sakristije do katedrale u Zadru, Diadora, Vol. 12, 301–326. Vežić, P. 1992, Vela Gospa na Ošljaku, Diadora, Vol.14, 311–324. Vežić, P. 1996, Ninska crkva u ranom srednjem vijeku – problem kontinuiteta i rezultati arheoloških istraživanja, in: Starohrvatska spomenička baština – rađanje prvog hrvatskog kulturnog pejzaža, Jurković M., Lukšić T. (eds.), Zagreb, 87–99. Vežić, P. 2007, Zadar na pragu kršćanstva, Arheološki muzej, Zadar. Vežić, P. 2013, Episkoplani kompleks u Zadru, Sveučilište u Zadru, Zadar. 236 Vladimir Peter Goss Sacralization of the Vertical Scientific paper The objective of this paper is to explore the background of the fascinating Carolingian architecture motif, the westwork – turris – which dramatically changed the cultural landscape of the European West. Its bold vertical had apparently few if any antecedents in religious architectures of previous periods, and its appearance may be seen as a mark of reassertion of a new and more confident Carolingian Europe. Thereby the vertical was truly “sacralized” as an inalienable element of a religious structure and it at the same time sacralized the surrounding landscape. Instead of a low-lying Early Christian basilica with an emphasis on the interior, the representative sacred buildings of the Mature Middle Ages sport an exciting silhouette boldly announcing their presence within the landscape. What had happened to the “vertical” on the way from Prehistory and Antiquity, what was the role if any of the Indo-European “barbarians” and their formal repertoire? What was the role of elements of the landscape – mountains, trees, mounds – seats of Gods, seats of terrestrial power, eternal resting places? What do we learn from such sharp-eyed and sharp-minded persons as Pausanias, or the acts of promoters of Christianity such as St. Boniface or St. Willibrod? At least three models seem to emerge – sacralization through identification and naming, through addition, and by manufacturing, the latest becoming dominant by the Carolingian period. In particular, we will pay attention to the sacred landscapes in our area as defined by Croatian and Slovene cultural anthropologists and archaeologists, bearing in mind that next to the central lands of Carolingian Empire it was exactly the Croatian Kingdom that in its Pre-Romanesque architecture opened doors to the turris, a new and revolutionary architectural form. Key words: Pre-Romanesque Art, Palatine Chapel at Aachen, Early Slavic Art, Westwork, Carolingian Architecture, Cultural Landscape A large billboard advertising the Imex Bank at the Pyramid at Sušak claims: “’Vrh planine je mjesto gdje čovjek može dotaknuti nebo’, Stipe Božić, alpinist and travel writer”. (The mountain-top is the place where man can touch the sky, Fig. 1). Today, as well as a million years ago, mountains simply could not be missed. They must have been among the first elements of the landscape to attract human attention and artistic elaboration – by pointing, seeing, naming, and by making them points of mythical landscapes (Fig. 2). How did Art come into being? Here is the model which I use as my habitual answer. On a bright summer morning the seer climbed the hill above the huts, still deep in the sunrise sleep. He raised a big stick, and yelled summoning his flock. He had seen IT, and it was now his holy task to pass it on. The villagers crept up to where the augur stood. He screamed turning toward the neat pyramidal peak shimmering in the morning mist (Fig. 2). “See that Mountain!? This is where your Gods live. We will call it Olympus (or Pirin, or Kailash…)”. The villagers, panting from the rushed climb, rubbed their eyes. They crowded toward the seer, following his hand as by pointing he had created an image centered on the peak, a cut out from the surrounding world sanctified by the medicine man’s vision and choice. Today he would have taken a snapshot, and made a record of the view, then shared it with his followers. The Pre-Historic eye acted exactly as a contemporary camera. Only, the image was temporary, but also unlimited and changing, merging into eternity (Goss 2013; 2014: 159). Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 237–249 238 V l a d imir P e t e r Go ss Fig. 1 Sušak, A Billboard at the Pyramid (photo by: V. Goss) The arts of image were created. Then, by naming the peak and by clasping his hands the Artist created the arts of sound – literature and music, by hopping rhythmically, the arts motion – dance. Mother Nature added Her Own: the wind rubbed the naked skin, brought in the smell of wild strawberries, which made the mouth water. All that created an experience of space linking the group and the peak in an enveloping foil of light, air, the warmth of the sun, the sound of the wind, the shuffling of the feet… The Gods, up on the peak, were gratified by the seer’s performance. The seer had created Art. I am sure this is not the only model, but in essence it all boils down to the same – recognizing a pattern of special spiritual quality impressing itself upon the receiver’s own spirit, and then presenting it to the less sensitive public. The artist’s act captured and conveyed the Spirit. So Art is incorporation of Spirit in inert matter. It makes the intangible tangible, available for scrutiny by our senses – of sight, hearing, touch, smell, taste, and the sense of motion and space. There is no art without form, i.e., solid matter. There is no art without the act of creativity endowing the Matter with the Spirit (Goss 2013; 2014: 160–161). What did lead the seer to specify a spot within the landscape, in particular one embodying the vertical? As Andrej Pleterski has written, a tree fell across a creek and people crossed it “into the World”. To go, and to come back (if ever) one needed to orient oneself in the space. The human spirit started to sort out to environment (Pleterski 2014: 64). So you were told: “Follow this clear river toward that pointed peak until you find yourself in front of a wide mountain with a flat top. Turn right up a winding creek…”, etc. We have created names, place names. Our procedure of naming was essentially descriptiFig. 2 Triglav in Slovenia (photo by: V. Goss) S a cr a l i z at ion of t he V e r t i c a l 239 ve. In fact, we acted like Adam in Genesis 2-18, and we may take this biblical fragment as evidence that naming is as old as language communication itself. We intervened into the environment, we have changed it, endowed it with Spirit. After a while we may have changed our statement by saying “Clearwater”, instead of clear creek, “Needle“, instead of sharp peak, “Table (Mountain)”, instead of “wide mountain”, “Snake”, instead of “winding creek”. By doing so we have created an image, not just any, but a metaphor, the most intense figure of speech, an abbreviated comparison in which one side of the comparison is omitted. E. g., when we say” You are my sunshine” we mean “You are warm, shiny, etc., like sunshine to me”. It takes some intellect to take a metaphor in. We have fully individualized the named spots, and as fully recognizable individuals they could be joined together in landscape structures. And in our case here, we are primarily interested in places involving the vertical (Goss, 2016: 12). Anything vertical is usually seen as standing for power, aggression, penetration, male principle (Fig. 3).; the horizontal for submission, yielding, reception, female principle (Fig. 4). In the light of the above the objective of this paper is to explore the background of the fascinating architectural motif, the Carolingian westwork which dramatically changed the cultural landscape of the European West and sacralized the vertical in Christian European art and culture (Fig. 5). Fig. 4 Poreč, Basilica Euphrasiana, 6th ct. (photo by: photo archive of the Institute of Art History) A few words about the history of my involvement with the westwork. Following upon the only earlier study on the matter by TomiFig. 3 Treskavac near Baška, Ljubo de Karina, Glagolitic let- slav Marasović (Marasović 1958: 117–121) I dealt with the westwork in ter “A” (photo by: V. Goss) my dissertation “The Pre-Romanesque and Early Romanesque Architecture in Croatia”, Cornell University, 1972, noting the presence of the westwork within a body of larger buildings on the territory of the Early Croatian state, a group which I entitled the “Royal Pre-Romanesque Group”, as they were identified as belonging to the higher strata of the society including the ruler himself (Gvozdanović 1972). Since then I have written on the issue, directly or indirectly, some 20 times, and in my most recent studies I also reviewed it within what I call the “Pre-Romanesque Art of the Pagan Slavs” (Goss 1982; 1987; 1996; 2006; 2010a; 2010b; Gvozdanović 1976; 1978). This theme plays a considerable role in this paper. The sacred architecture of Classical Antiquity (Fig. 6) shows no vertical to speak of which does not mean that it was absent from the cultural landscape. In his wonderful book Puasanias mentions 62 mountains plus a number of rocks and other excrescences in Greece, almost without exception topped by a shrine, a tomb, a fort, or at least an oral memory of a sacred person or event (Pauzanija 2008, index, sub voce: mountain, hill, peak). Where mountains were not available, as in Egypt or Mesopotamia, they were constructed (Fig. 7). Late Roman and Early Christian art, especially in the East, followed suit in constructing artificial sacred mountains or domes of heaven. Western Early Christian and medieval centralized buildings, the latter particularly popular in Central and Eastern Central Europe, belong to the same category (Fig. 8). 240 V l a d imir P e t e r Go ss Fig. 6 Athens, The Parthenon. 447–432 http://c1038.r38.cf3.rackcdn.com/ group1/building9161/media/xldx_o_partenon_de_atenas.jpg Fig. 5 Cetina, Savior’s Church, late 9th ct. (photo by: V. Goss) Fig. 7 The Pyramid https://dncache-mauganscorp.netdna-ssl.com/ thumbseg/17/17325-bigthumbnail.jpg Fig. 8 Skalica in Slovakia, St. George, 11th ct. and later (photo by: V. Jukić) In the European West, the core of the Roman Empire, the legalization of Christianity has placed in front of the architect a heavy task of creating a shrine worthy of the new favorite God of the Imperial house. The solution was a longitudinally oriented basilica, focusing the attention of the public, the practicing faithful, on the apse surrounding the altar (Fig. 4). A horizontal relationship between a stage and an auditorium was created, to stay in use until the present day in any function involving the stage-auditorium relationship. The building was splendidly adorned inside, a special recognition being accorded to the sanctuary framed by the apsidal conch, which also acted as the center of figured representations bringing forward the key beliefs of the new faith. The exterior of this low lying structure was, on the contrary, very simple, creating S a cr a l i z at ion of t he V e r t i c a l 241 thus an image of duality between this world and the sacred world to come (Civitas Dei), between body and soul. It took this basilican structure almost a millennium to redo also its exterior and to enter into a dialogue with the environment (Demus 1971: 14–24). Not in the Christian East, though. There the pace was set by the first Christian nation at all, Armenia, which adopted Christianity in 301, and although it did use both aisleless and aisled forms of the basilica, it started using centralized solutions already during its first Christian century, to develop, by ca. 600, a wealth of totally new, centralized forms such as domed basilicas or domed basilicas combined with polyconchs; culminating in a rich variety of highly original combinations of cruciform, polygonal and polyconchal forms (Hasratian 2010) (Fig. 9) The Armenian church reflects the holiness of a mountain, and, Lord knows, these are plentiful in the Caucasus, one of them, Ararat, being of the first class importance for the entire Christendom (Goss 1982: 35–40). Fig. 10 Constantinople, Hagia Sophia, 532–537 http://traveldigg.com/wpcontent/uploads/2016/04/Hagia-Sophia_04.jpg Needless to say, there are centralized buildings in the West too Fig. 9 Zvarthnots, Cathedral, 543–552, reconstruction https://borderlessblogger.files.wordpress. (Fig. 8), but the form is primarily reserved for smaller buildings of com/2014/09/gagkashen-2.png special use, such as baptisteries and martyria, although larger sca- le buildings were constructed too (e.g., the palatine church of San Lorenzo in Milan, ca. 400). In the Eastern Roman Empire this trend toward “sacred mountain” centralized shrine has been brought to its peak in the last great period of imperial power, under Justinian (527–565), to finally triumph in the ultimate attempt at combining a basilica with a domed holy mountain, of Roman engineering and Hellenistic charm, in Hagia Sophia (532–537) (Demus and Hutter 1971: 72–84) (Fig. 10). A simpler model, an inscribed cross with one to five domes has been universally accepted since the 9th century (Macedonian Renascence) in the world of Orthodoxy (Demus 1971: 102–103). That this model is not too different from the Caucasian models has been already noted by Gabriel Millet in his path finding book L’école Grecque dans l’architecture Byzantine (Millet 1916) (Fig. 11). Sanctity of a mountain (the Holy Mountain/Dome of Heaven model) is confirmed also by its name. I will limit myself to the area of Southern Slavic languages: Sveto Brdo, Sveta Gora, Svetac, Visoki Oltar (general sanctity), Perun, Perunić, Perunčić, Perunski, Vidova Gora, Triglav (Fig. 2), Troglav, Rog, Lipa (Slavic holy figures), Plešivica, Isce (witches and demons), to list just a few (Goss 2009: 42–43). What, however, has been done over last two decade, and here the Southern Slavic area is in the forefront of research, is to relate individual place names within a system. This in itself was made possible by the research of the Russian scholars, Ivanov and Toporov, who, some forty years ago, recognized structural relationships between the elements, and thus 242 V l a d imir P e t e r Go ss enabled researchers to establish the importance of certain points in the landscape, and read into it the essentials of early Slavic mythology. One is referred to the ever growing body of linguist, cultural anthropology and archeology literature on the topic in Slovenia and Croatia (Belaj, V. 2007: 422–426; Belaj. V., Belaj, J. 2014: IX–XXIV). The conclusion, by V. Belaj, is as follows: “These are not just points in the landscape any more... Mythically interpreted landscape transforms itself into an ideogram, read by those who within the culture were trained to do so. As ideogram is in fact script, the structured points in the landscape represent a written source about the early Slavic paganism.” The pattern that has emerged is that of a sacred triangle the characteristics of which have also been amply described by the above authors (Belaj, V. 2007: 423–424, 452–453; Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2014: 413) (Fig. 12). Fig. 11 Nerezi, St. Panteleimon, 1164 (photo by: V. Goss) Fig. 12 Pogano St. Peter, sacred triangle (Belaj V., Belaj J. 2014) S a cr a l i z at ion of t he V e r t i c a l 243 Fig. 13 Pogano St. Peter, view (photo by: V. Goss) A somewhat different model of a holy vertical, a tree, as in the World Tree, Tree ouf Life, Axis mundi, is another source of inspiration for manufactured verticals such as obelisks, menhirs, totem poles, Fig. 14 Timahoe, Rounded Tower, mid 12th ct. http://gotireland.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/Timahoeand commemorative columns. St. Willibald has described how such Round-Tower-Co.-Laois.jpg a giant donnereiche was cut down in Fritzlar (Giesmar) by St. Boniface on his campaign to convert the Germans (Hinz 2002: 1–2). It is often present in literary texts believed to reflect the early Slavic traditions as beautifully demonstrated by Professor Katičić in his analysis of old White Russian folk poems. This tree is often the seat of Perun’s court (Katičić 2008: 90–96). Whereas a Holy Mountain, basically a triangular lump growing toward a single central peak, fits the image of a church in a number of schools of Christian art, the skinnier model of a tree is relatable to what we are about to explore in some detail – the tower. The Holy Mountain can be improved by a work of human hands or mouth, i.e., we may have either a real, material addition, or a verbal one – a shrine, a tomb, a fort, or a story. The three models are the Holy Mountain and/or World Tree, a Holy Mountain improved by human hands, and a Holy Mountain and World Tree manufactured by the humans. One cannot but notice that in fact the “Holy Mountain” and the “Tree of Life” models have much in common. Every mountain has its peak, and a vertical axis that passes through it. In my research it has become quite clear that to qualify for holiness the mountain should have a very clear pyramidal shape with a prominent peak (Olympus, Pirin, Kailash; in Croatia, Sveto Brdo on the Velebit, Pogani Vrh on the Papuk (Fig. 13; the peak on the right), Sveti Jakob on the Medvednica; Triglav (Fig. 2) and Storžič in Slovenia, etc. (Goss, Mikić 2010). So also a domed church, or, in fact, any church, has a sacred axis, be it longitudinal in case of basilican structures (Fig. 4) be it vertical, in case of centralized buildings (Figs. 8, 9, 10). The more prominent is the growth toward the center and the steeper the dome and the roof, the central axis of the body is more powerful (Fig. 9). Anybody familiar with the medieval architecture would quickly come to conclusion that, for example, an orthodox church is primarily a holy mountain (Fig. 11), whereas in the West the idea of a Holy Tree is brought forward by various towers, belfries and steeples, incorporated within a building or standing alone (rounded towers of Ravenna and the Northern Adriatic, Romanesque campanilli, Irish rounded towers (Fig. 14), Laternes des Morts of Western France. The integration of the two as it occurs in the high medieval culture of the West (Fig. 15), in the so-called Romanesque and the Gothic, is a very important chapter of any architectural study of the period. Its first stage is what interests us here, that is, the appearance of the turris, the westwork. There is plentiful literature on that fascinating architectural feature which made its appearance within the central lands of Carolingian Empire toward 800. In a brief but brilliant statement, Uwe Lobbeday has most correctly pointed out that we really do not know the source of the Carolingian turris, that marvelous invention which turned the boring, low-lying Early 244 V l a d imir P e t e r Go ss Fig. 15 Chartres, Cathedral, west façade, 12th ct. and later (photo by: V. Goss) Christian basilica into an exciting asset to the landscape, profoundly changing its expressive content in the process (Fig. 16). By proposing a very useful distinction between a westwork proper and a “westbau”, Lobbeday has reminded us that western annexes existed along the facades of Christian churches from a much earlier period. Only, they mostly complied with the simple silhouette of the building’s body. Many western burial chambers of Pre-Romanesque churches, from Asturias to Croatia, follow that principle (E.g., San Salvador de Valdedios in Asturias). Once a “turris” rises over that “crypt”, we have a westwork (Gvozdanović 1976; Lobbeday 2002). In what is still in my opinion the most thorough discussion of the western massif issue, Carol Heitz has explained the full westwork, dealing with St. Riquier at Centula (799, Fig. 16), as a place reserved for the liturgy of the Savior (Christmas and Easter), topping a “crypt” with an altar (Heitz 1963). As the westwork does not seem to have any precedents in Classical architecture of the Mediterranean, one could speculate about potential pre-historic or “barbarian” sources, such as menhirs, stelae on top of burial tumuli, some forms of Celtic religious architecture, postulated wooden forms, early medieval tower like structures containing a tomb or an altar allegedly existing in the Eastern Alps, and, of course, natural elevations, but there is, at this point, as far as I can see no single convincing source (Ginhart 1937: 48). Fig. 16 Centula, St. Riquier, 799 (drawing by: K. Sladović) Heitz’s analysis does not rule out different paradigms, e. g., the imperial iconography, proposed in various studies by Alois Fuchs, or westworks which could be tied to the iconography of a single, identifiable person such as the westwork of the Palatine Chapel at Aachen ruled by the iconography of Charlemagne, as explained by Braunfels (Fuchs 1950; Brunfels 1991). Let us not forget, either, that the westwork is in principle a centralized structure. Thus, putting together a westwork and a rotunda would seem to be a tautology (Figs. 17, 18). Yet it did occur at the Palatine Chapel at Aachen. As opposed to the exactly contemporary St. Riquier at Centula (Heitz 1963: Fig. 16), where a centralized western annex was attached to a longitudinal nave, the sequence in Aachen is (atrium=nave – western turris – centralized (polygonal) “nave” – rectangular sanctuary. That sequence – tower, rotunda, sanctuary – is well-known from Eastern Europe, where, no doubt, the Aachen model was applied on local level (Fig. 8). What we indeed have, one might say, is a “World Tree” attached to a “Holy Mountain.” This is not without consequences for the profusion of Central and East European centralized structures, primarily rotundas, indeed to such an extent that Veronica Gervers Molnar said that rotunda should be seen as a regular, not exceptional feature of Central and East Central European cultural landscape (Goss 2009b; 2010b: 16–17). S a cr a l i z at ion of t he V e r t i c a l 245 Fig. 17 Aachen, Palatine Chapel, 793–805, reconstruction https://s- Fig. 18 Aachen, Palatine Chapel, 793–805, section https://classconnecmedia-cache-ak0.pinimg.com/736x/03/18/f6/0318f661402bb8 tion.s3.amazonaws.com/252/flashcards/1192252/jpg/113748l– e96b8b3d9e74501ac6.jpg 1427BBDD2F9775A1DF9.jpg The turris at Aachen is relatively simple compared to St. Riquier at Centula, or the magnificent westwork at Corvey, yet more assertive than other chronologically close achievements such as at Inden or Steinbach (Figs. 16, 17). In a careful analysis Braunfels has distinguished the functions of the several areas of the Chapel. The “Palatine Chapel” is the octagonal space in the middle (Fig. 19), the upper story is reserved for the ruler and his retinue, with a throne of the Emperor at its western side, next to the tower which contained another Emperor’s throne, facing the atrium, and above, on the upper story, there was the chamber storing the relics (Fig. 18) (Goss 2010b: 17). The throne that faced the atrium was placed so the Ruler could receive the laudes of the public. It was above the tomb of Charlemagne which was so well hidden that the Normans missed it when sacking Aachen in 881 and Otto III barely managed to find it in 1000. The central area, surmounted by a dome showing Christ and the Elders of the Apocalypse was the earliest preserved “sacred space” to the north of the Alps, a Holy Mountain containing a Dome of Heaven (Fig. 18). What is, according to Braunfels, absolutely new, is the appearance of the tribune with the throne (although one may have stood at the westbau of St. Denis) (Goss 2010b: 16–17). What is also worth noting is the separation of the sacred (central space) and the turris zone. Or, as the turris as an Axis Mundi is also sacralized (and so also its denizen, the Holy Roman Emperor), the two sacred zones are separated and clearly defined. One belongs to the Supreme God, the other to the Executive God, the Supreme Deity’s delegate, an important insight which needs to be borne in mind (Fig. 18). This does not seem to have been the case at St. Riquier, another argument for the role of local and individual factors in the creation of individual westworks. The early history of the site of the Palatine Chapel is not without interest. Aachen, Aquae Grani, is a place dedicated to a Celtic deity of water. It continued to be a popular spa, and a pilgrimage spot. St. Mary duly inherited the place, and in the 5th century her sanctuary was built over Grano’s springs. The place is for the first time mentioned in written sources when Pepin restored the chapel in 761–766. It was apparently a rotunda with rectangular annexes, something like a hall plus a sanctuary? (Goss 2010b: 17). Fig. 19 Aachen, Palatine Chapel, 793-805, ground plan https://cluster71files.instructure.com/courses/200544/files/2586135/course%20 files/15-Carolingian/palatine-plan.jpg 246 V l a d imir P e t e r Go ss We repeat that westwork (Fig. 5) did not have precursors in the sacred architecture of Antiquity. The vertical, as copiously witnessed by Pausanias, did. If the westwork had not been passed to the Carolingians from “Rome”, the only other source would have been the “barbarians”. In our case it could mean Celts, Germans and/or Slavs. The Geeks were initially also Northern barbarians who had immigrated to the South, and whose lore has been duly recorded by Pausanias (Pauzanija 2008). We have demonstrated that the concept of the Holy Mountain is common to many people around the world, including the Indo-Europeans. Belorussian folk poetry and the Donar-Eiche of Giesmar tell us the same for the “World Tree” sacred to Thor and Perun alike. The westwork of Aachen comes very close to that image: ground floor – tomb, netherworld, the domain of Veles; first floor – ruler’s gallery, Perun’s court; top – relics, divine power, protection (Goss 2010b: 21). Additionally, as the peak dedicated to Perun is not always the highest peak of a ridge, the relation between the westwork and the domed area with the Triumphant Christ is the same as, for example that of the Perun peak and Suhi Vrh on Učka, or of Sveti Jakob’s peak and Sljeme on the Medvednica – that of the executive God (Perun, Thor, etc., lower peak) and God the Creator (higher peak). Charles is thus, architecturally, fully identified as the Vicar of the Lord! Moreover, the outside gallery throne of the Chapel communicates with the atrium wherefrom Charles received the laudes of the people. This is the third point of a tripartite sacred chain. As we watch Perun at Perun or St. Jacob from Zaglav or Medvedgrad, so the people watch and praise Charles, the Holy Emperor on the outdoors throne, whereas, by turning and moving a few meters inside, Charles, himself seated on the inner throne confronts Christ at the Dome of Heaven! (Goss, Gudek 2009: 14–15) (Fig.18). Is it not also interesting that the Chapel in fact bore a triple dedication: To the Virgin, the Savior, and St. Peter (Lemonde 2009: 5–6). This trinity is not structurally unlike the triad of barbarian, concretely Slavic Gods – Mokoš, Veles and Perun, bearing in mind that in Croatia (Veleševec, Petrov vrh, Marija Bistrica) the Prince of Apostles took over the place held by Veles! (Goss, Gudek, 2009: 18) Could one at least make an intelligent guess as to possible “Germano-Slavic” sources of the westwork? As the linguists invoke non-existing but presumed verbal forms (marked *) referring to Indo and Pre-Indo European past, it would be equally legitimate to do so in the area of visual *forms (Goss 2010b: 20). Fig. 20 Žehra, Holy Ghost, second half of the 13th ct. (photo by: V. Jukić) S a cr a l i z at ion of t he V e r t i c a l 247 If you visit the Spiš (Zips) region in eastern Slovakia you will discover as one of the greatest assets of an anyhow delightful landscape a medieval village church, aisleless and with a rectangular sanctuary, and a sturdy tower at the entrance (Fig. 20). Just like in Polish, the tower is called “veža,” somewhat confusing for a speaker of Croatian who associates the same word with a “porch,” or “entrance hall.” The word appears to derive from the Indo-European root *aug indicating “light,” in pre-Slavic weg- which with a suffix –ja gives wegja, i.e. veža. We know that the early Slavs made a big use of “zemunicas,” half-buried dwellings – a rectangular area dug into the ground, covered by some kind of a gable roof. We have a description of such a building from the White Croatia beyond the Carpathians by the Arab traveler Ahmed ibn Omar ibn Rosteh (early 10th ct.): “In the Slavic land of Gurab the winters are very cold, so they dig holes which they cover with pointed roofs such as one can see in Christian churches upon which they put clay...” Thus the “zemunicas” (at least some) bore a certain not negligible superstructure which recalled “pointed” church roofs (gable or pyramid?) (Belaj 2007: 138–139). The Czech scholar, Šimun Ondruš, has suggested that one type of Slavic home was a half-buried building with an added entrance structure constructed from logs. The hole is the Veles’s world of “down there,” darkness and winter, the superstructure is the “wegja,” Perun’s world of “up there,” summer and light. It would be nice to have an exact reconstruction of an early Slavic veža, but even this may suffice to raise a very intriguing question: do we have in the wegja, or its possible Germanic equivalents, the source of one of the most fascinating and revolutionary inventions of Pre-Romanesque architecture, the westwork? (Goss 2010b: 20) A view of Perun’s court “on a mountain,” or the tree, the pine on the dry top of which Perun sits, while Veles hides among the wet roots, is easily applicable as an image to the westwork, having a place of distinction at the top (Savior, Emperor, nobleman, relics, St. Michael…) and a tomb/altar at the ground floor. Also please note that in Slovene “vežica” means a mortuary chapel (Goss 2010b: 20–21). One should note that within the core of the Early Medieval Croatian state, Central Dalmatia and the Dalmatian Highlands around Knin, in the ninth and the tenth centuries, there stood a group of buildings displaying characteristics of the contemporary Carolingian architecture, including the westwork. The buildings could be related to the highest officials of the state – this is why I named it the Royal Pre-Romanesque group – and the best preserved example, the church at the source of the Cetina, even bore a dedication to the Savior (Fig. 5). In Croatia there are 12 churches (one is in Hungary) with a western massif as a common feature datable to the ninth or early 10th ct. Croatian and Lower Pannonian dukes (Borna in 818, Braslav, Pribina, Kocil) and their envoys (Borna, Ljudevit) visiting throughout the 9th ct. Carolingian state gatherings learned by autopsy what was “right” for a ruler’s church. They would have seen the westwork of the Palatine Chapel at Aachen, constructed for and by Charlemagne and ruled by the imperial iconography. Could the appearance and precocity of this key motif of Carolingian architecture at the southeastern border of the Empire be also accounted for because the Croats knew, or kept the memory, of the veža they used in the old country, and so they readily accepted the suggestion that the prince’s church should be prefaced by a tower? There is no evidence I could offer to substantiate this suggestion, but I think that this is a way of investigation worth pursuing (Goss 2010b: 21). Charlemagne’s empire was the Imperium Romanum – resurrected, Aachen was a new, little, Roma, Charlemagne a new Constantine. But neither the Empire nor its art were Roman. Even among the bronze masters of the Chapel, along with almost impeccable classicism of some pieces, there are works which look into the future, toward the art of High Middle Ages (McClendon 2005: 112–113). The same is true of the figured arts of the Court School, as the step from the Coronations Gospels to the Centula or Ada Gospels eloquently testifies. In that, the Palatine Chapel, we submit, plays an enormous creative role. It seems to bring together practically all themes available at the times (Goss 2010b: 21). I. e., while not denying the classical sources of the Palatine chapel (McClendon 2005: 105–127), each of its parts could, and we believe should be seen as anchored within another, native, northern European memory. We have a veža, (Turris, World Tree) a centralized “sacred space” based on the number eight (Holy Mountain, Dome of Heaven), and the rectangular sanctuary of the northern architecture in wood (Goss 2010b: 21). Recently, Andrej Pleterski has in a masterful article on the Slavic sanctuaries at Pohansko reinforced my ideas expressed above (Pleterski 2011: 108). The material we just reviewed even given that there are several loose ends, speaks eloquently for the need to seriously open up the studies of the Early Middle Ages to include the “barbarian” contribution. The dilemma of Western Culture has not been Oreint oder Rom or North versus South or Classical versus Barbarian (Strzygowski 1901, Goss 2015: 519–520). Whe- 248 V l a d imir P e t e r Go ss reas I firmly stand by an inclusivist position, i.e., both Rome and the “Barbarians”, and seriously challenge any exclusivist “either/or” theory, I do maintain that there has always been a key dichotomy of complements, rather than opposites – Urbs and Rus – as ingenuously captured by Pausanias, sensed by Strzygowski and masterfully outlined by Louis Mumford (Mumford 1961; Pauzanija 2008, Goss 2015: 52). The Christian countryside culture as it evolved throughout the European early middle ages had an ample store of living models of the eternal rus, and it was by its own nature most happy to use them. A Holy Mount or a World Tree in a form of a powerful artificial vertical structure carried on that old tradition of the vertical into the orbit of Christian faith to fully blossom out in the two-tower facades of the High Middle Ages (Fig. 15). The turris has always been an image of strength, an image of power, and in the case of the Carolingians, a beacon of a New Europe asserting itself after an interregnum of several centuries paving the way for yet another New Europe of the High Middle Ages. An image which creates a new landscape in which there is no more place for a low, boxlike Christian temple. In that, the westwork is a shining example of that “metamorphosis in progress, where principal vector was still art,” invoked by Francois Pinault in his introductory words to the Catalogue of the exhibition Rome and Barbarians in the Palazzo Grassi (Aillagon 2008: 31). In as much as we do not yet know the exact mechanisms of that metamorphosis, I hope to have demonstrated that we can outline some basic steps in the sacralization of the vertical as a part of European Culture. Vladimir Peter Goss University of Rijeka Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Art History Department Sveučilišna avenija 4 HR-51000 Rijeka VGoss@aol.com S a cr a l i z at ion of t he V e r t i c a l 249 BIBLIOGRAPHY Aillagon, J-J. (ed.), 2008, Rome and the Barbarians. Exhibition Catalogue. Palazzo Grassi, Venice. Belaj, V. 2007, Hod kroz godinu, Golden Marketng, Zagreb. Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2014, Sveti trokuti. Topografija hrvatske mitologije, Ibis grafika et al., Zagreb. 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T. 1958, Carolingian Influences in the Early Medieval Architecture in Croatia, Actes du 19e Congrès d’histoire de l’art, Paris, 117–121. McClendon, C. B. 2005, The Origins of Medieval Architecture, Yale University Press, New Haven. Merhautova-Livorova, A. 1970, Einfache mitteleuropäische Rundkirchen, Academia, Prague. Millet, G. 1916, L’école Grecque dans l’architecture Byzantine, Ernest Leroux, Paris. Pauzanija, 2008, Vodić po Heladi, Croatian translation by U. Pasini, Književni krug, Split. Pleterski, A., 2011, Wie auf der Erde, so im Himmel – himmlischer Hof bei den Slawen in: Macháček J., Ungerman, Š. (eds), Frühgeschichtliche Zentralorte in Mitteleuropa, Studien zur Archäologie Europas Vol. 14, 125–132. Pleterski, A. 2014, Kulturni genom, Založba ZRC, Ljubljana. Strzygowski, J. 1901, Orinet oder Rom?, Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung, Leipzig. Strzygowski, J. 1904, Der Dom zu Aachen und seine Enstellung, J. C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung, Leipzig. Strzygowski, J. 1927, Starohrvatska umjetnost, Matica hrvatska, Zagreb. Strzygowski, J. 1928, Early Church Art in Northern Europe, B. T. Bratsford, Ltd., London. 250 Ivana Peškan, Vesna Pascuttini-Juraga Forming of Cultural Landscape through the Network of Ecclesiastical Buildings in the Valley of the River Bednja Professional paper The river Bednja, situated in the northwestern Croatia, forms a valley that is used as a travelling and trading route today, as it was in the past. Sacral or secular centers are placed in favourable positions on the hilltops above the valley and sometimes the two functions are intertwined. The cultural ladscape is formed by urban and rural agglomerations and also by the religious buildings or forts placed outside the agglomerations. The churches form a network along the valley and they are placed on the visually connected relay points. In this paper the most important buildings and agglomerations, as well as the rich layers of cultural heritage and cultural landscape will be presented. Key words: the Bednja river, Trakošćan, Ivanec, Lepoglava, Varaždinske Toplice, Ludbreg, cultural landscape The fertile valleys near the rivers and natural communication routes beside the rivers were always important for the migrations of communities or individual travellers. The river Bednja, situated in the northwestern Croatia, forms a valley on its course that was used in that way through the past. Bednja is a river whose entire course flows through Croatia and it is the right tributary of the river Drava. It springs at Trakošćan in Maceljsko gorje in the Croatian region Hrvatsko zagorje and flows into the river Drava at Mali Bukovec near Ludbreg (Peškan, Pascuttini-Juraga 2010: 209–218). The finding of the boat – monoxile in the river Bednja near Novi Marof (Registar 1997: 123) can implicate that Bednja was a navigable river, and that its valley was suitable for travelling either on the river or beside it. In addition to an exceptional natural landscape, the valley of the Bednja river is a favourable place for the development of settlements, which caused the creation of equally interesting cultural landscape. In the Register of archaeological findings and sites there are more than 80 listed localities in the Bednja valley (Map 1). A large amount of archaeological findings - fragments of pottery, stone axes and other archaeological findings indicate a rich history of the early population of this region. Not many of the listed sites are explored, and there are still excavations to be performed by the generations of colleagues. In this paper a short overview of the sites is given from art historian point of view, in order to show the rich layers that form a cultural landscape in the valley of the river Bednja (Fig. 1). The valley has been explored only fragmentarily so far, and the cultural landscape of the valley as a whole has not been explored or presented until now. The first list of cultural heritage with the descriptions of the buildings was written by Gjuro Szabo (Spomenici kotara Ivanec, Kroz Hrvatsko zagorje). After that, the area was explored fragmentarily, in commemorative issues about Trakošćan, Ivanec, Lepoglava, Remetinec, Varaždinske Toplice. The only area that was explored with more details is Ludbreg in the art topography issue Ludbreg, Ludbreška Podravina (Reberski 1997). For the archaeological sites, the Register of archaeological findings and sites is a basic literature. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 251–258 252 I va n a P e š k a n , V e s n a P a s cu t t ini -J ur a g a Map 1 Varaždin County with marked sites that form a cultural landscape in the valley of the river Bednja Fig. 1 The view at the Bednja valley from the top of the Ravna gora mountain (photo by: I. Peškan) FORMING OF CULTURAL LAND S CA P E THROU G H THE NETWORK OF ECCLE S IA S TICAL BUILDING S IN THE VALLEY OF THE RIVER BEDNJA 253 The source of the river is near today’s castle Trakošćan, which is one of the trademarks of the northwestern Croatia.1 On the basis of the accidental archaeological finds, it is known that the area has been inhabited since the Neolitic (sites Brezova gora, Cvetlin, Jazbina Cvetlinska, Jamno), (Registar 1997: 99–100, 110–111). The castle Trakošćan is situated on a steep hill, above the Bednja river, on a good strategic position, surveying the road bellow. The name Trakošćan was mentioned in the written documents for the first time in 1334, in the list of parishes (Buturac 1984: 51) as “item ecclesia de Trakustian”, but the castle was first mentioned in 1399 (Beusan 2005 : 121). Today’s distinctive appearance of the castle emerged in the radical reconstruction in the 19th century, and does not tell us much about its early history. The central part of the courtyard and the tower are presumed to be the oldest parts of the castle. Around this medieval core, in the next centuries the castle was fortified and enlarged, and the residential and economic parts were built (Szabo 1919: 67). At a slightly lower hill, very close to the castle, a small chapel of St. Cross is located. The chapel is a simple one-nave building with a semicircular apse. It is built of stone, well oriented, and although it was mentioned for the first time in 1752, some authors assume that the chapel was built in the Middle Ages (Balog 1993: 73) or that there was an older sacral building on the same site.2 If we travel a little further down the river, we arrive to the settlement that shares the name with the river Bednja (Fig. 2). The cultural layers that are now forming this region trace their roots mainly from the Middle Ages. The parish church of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Bednja is the most important religious building. It is a well oriented one-nave building with a semicircular apse, and within the peripheral walls of today’s church a medieval church is preserved and partially presented. Wall paintings – frescoes are partially preserved on the walls in the tower and on the northern wall of the church interior (Vukičević-Samaržija 1993: 218). The church was mentioned for the first time in 1334 (Buturac 1984: 51).3 Favourable position in the valley of the Bednja river, several archaeological finds and sites (Registar 1997: 96–97) confirm the long continuity of settlement in this place. In addition, the whole area is monitored by the net of visually connected points on which chapels or fortresses were often built. Although today’s cultural landscape of the Bednja region is very rich with cultural heritage monuments, even more sacral and secular buildings that were destroyed over time existed in this area. If we look at the period of just last two hundred years, many buildings have been lost, for example on the Beyschlag map from 1801 a chapel of St. Urban in Šaša and chapel of the Holy Ghost in Ravna Gora are marked, along with the forts in Zajčevo, Prašnica, Rinkovec, Šaša. Fig. 2 The view from south at the village Bednja (photo by: I. Peškan) 1 The castle Trakošćan is one of the best preserved castles in the area and a very popular museum. Inspite of that, its early history is not yet completely known. 2 The chapel is not explored, the documentation regarding the history of the chapel is scarse and full research that should include archaeological excavations is needed in the future. 3 as “item ecclesia de Trakustian”, that is pinpointed in the village Bednja 254 I va n a P e š k a n , V e s n a P a s cu t t ini -J ur a g a The hill Hum, on which the chapel of St. Joseph is situated overlooking the village Bednja, is an extraordinary relay point. Although the clearing with the chapel is framed by thick forest, the tower offers an excellent view to the east, west and south and on the north side the hill is hidden by the steep cliff of the Ravna gora mountain. The chapel originates from the early Baroque period, it was first mentioned in 1666 (Szabo 1919: 53) but the strategic point on which it is located can be indicative that in the past the place was an important point to monitor the surroundings. The next strategically important point is on the top of the Ravna gora mountain, and on the spot where a vast area can be monitored the late medieval chapel of St. Three Kings is situated. This is a well oriented one nave-chapel with an interesting sanctuary that ends on the east side with a pointed angle that could be found only on a few churches in the area (for example Nova Ves Petrijanečka, church of St. Catherine, the remains of medieval parish church in Bednja). It was first mentioned in 1666 (Szabo 1919: 52). After passing the village Bednja, the river Bednja enters a vast valley that leads to Varaždin, and before it turns one more time away from Varaždin and hides in the hills, it passes close to two cities, small but historically very important, and these are Lepoglava and Ivanec. In the wider area of the today’s city of Lepoglava there are several archaeological sites in the Register of archaeological findings of northwestern Croatia. The first site that is mentioned is Bračkova pećina / cave with findings from the Late Bronze Age and Late Antiquity (Registar 1997: 116) , then the site Kameni vrh / Gaveznica, a fort type settlement from Late Bronze Age (Registar 1997: 116–117), then there is the site Budim with the finding of roman coins, (Registar 1997: 116), as well as the presumed route of a Roman road, and the site Gorica where today is a Chapel of St. John and once was a fortification – a castle from the Middle Ages placed on an excellent strategic position that controlled the valley of the river Bednja (Registar 1997: 116). Particularly noteworthy is the Gothic-Baroque church of St. Mary with a Pauline monastery, an important cultural and intellectual seat of the region, ever since the Middle Ages.4 The church is a one-nave building with poligonal sanctuary. It is a late – Gothic structure built in the 15th century, with an important Baroque phase. The frescoes on the wall of the sanctuary are masterpieces made by one of the most important 18th century painters in the region, Ivan Krstitelj Ranger. Due to the importance of the monastery and the church the site has been explored on many levels, from the points of view of the archaeology, history, art history and other sciences. The list of the relevant literature is long and points that an important cultural point that had influence on the the vast area was developed here (Fig. 3). Approximately 10 km from Lepoglava, a small town Ivanec is placed near the Roman road that leads from Varaždin to the west, towards Lepoglava and Slovenia. Although the first written documents date back only to the 14th century, archaeological excavations at the site of the Old City of Ivanec, conducted by dr. sc. Juraj Belaj proved the continuity of the village for a much longer period of time. In the medieval period the place was a part of the large estate of the Knights Hospitallers with the center at the Bela fort (Dobronić 2002: 137). The medieval buildings - the churches and the fort in Ivanec - are preserved only in archaeological strata (excavations have proved the existence of at least three churches, built one next to or above the other). A few pieces of stone sculpture have remained as a testimony of the rich layers of history of today’s settlement. Beside the fragments of the architectural decoration dated to the Romanesque period (Belaj 2008a: 24), the sculptures of two sandstone lions were built into the western wall of the church interior of today’s late Baroque parish church of St. Mary Magdalene. Forms and artistic expression reveal a Gothic author - they are simple but very expressive. It could be assumed that these two sculptures are remains of a much older architectural decoration, probably of a portal, and that the lions outlived the building for which they had been made (Pascuttini-Juraga, Peškan 2011: 178). After the river Bednja passes near Ivanec, it turns to the east and forms a small valley while curving among the hills. First larger village on this path is Margečan, where the church of St. Margaret is situated. This well-oriented church is located in the center of the village, on an elevated plateau above the road very near to the river Bednja. It forms the historical, cultural and sacral center of the village. It was first mentioned in the archive sources in 1488 (Lukinović 1998: 14). It is a late baroque building with classicist elements from the second half of the 18th century. The bell tower and the sacristy date from the late 19th century. The church dominates a vast area in the central part of the river Bednja valley. Near Margečan, a fort named Cukovec / Gradišće is situated on the hill which oversees the flow of the river Bednja. The fort has large dimensions with the remains of the defensive tower that guarded the entrance. The archaeological excavations revealed the findings from the prehistoric times, and findings also from the Middle Ages (Belaj 2004: 19). The fort is 4 Lepoglava and the Pauline monastery are a constant source of new knowledges, they are described and explored in numerous literature, but they still offer a lot to researchers. Gjuro Szabo: Spomenici kotara Ivanec, Zagreb 1919.; Gjuro Szabo: Hrvatsko Zagorje, Zagreb 1939; Kamilo Dočkal: Povijest pavlinskog samostana Blažene Djevice Marije u Lepoglavi , Zagreb 2014. FORMING OF CULTURAL LAND S CA P E THROU G H THE NETWORK OF ECCLE S IA S TICAL BUILDING S IN THE VALLEY OF THE RIVER BEDNJA 255 Fig. 3 The interior of the church of St. Mary in Lepoglava (photo by: I. Peškan) in the literature associated with the Hospitallers who had a seat nearby, in the fort Pusta Bela on the other side of the river Bednja (Dobronić 1984: 106). The fort Pusta Bela on the crossrooad near Margečan is located on a cliff, at the entrance to the Belski dol, a notch through which the old Roman road went. The castle Bela was mentioned in a document from 1275, when this was the seat of Order of St. John Knights. The fort was abandoned in the 17th century. It has a form of an irregular quadrilateral and the entrance was possible only on the north side (Belaj 2008b: 4–6). The parish church of All Saints, located on the plateau of the hill with a view at the valley of Bednja river, is the center of the village Beletinec. Although the site was mentioned earlier, the first mention of the church of All Saints was in 1501 (Vukičević-Samaržija 1993: 148). The church is a well-oriented, one-nave longitudinal building with a lower and narrower square sanctuary and a sacristy on the north side of the sanctuary. Over time it has not suffered major changes that would have changed its original appearance, so it has a preserved original medieval shell. There is a small, pointed window on the east wall and the remains of medieval wall painting in the interior. The city of Novi Marof and the nearby settlement Remetinec are situated on the spot where Bednja river forms a wide valley between the mountains Ivanščica and Kalnik. There are two sites near Novi Marof with the findings from the Antiquity. One of them is Ciglišće with the findings of the building material (Registar 1997: 122), and the other one is the site Pleta, where a river boat is found, that could probably be dated to the Antiquity but it has been undetermined so far (Registar 1997: 123). The village Remetinec nearby is an important medieval site with a large late Gothic church and a franciscan monastery. The church was first mentioned in 1467 (Vukičević-Samaržija 1993: 194) and it is, along with the church in Lepoglava, the largest late medieval sacral building in the Bednja valley. The church is a one-nave building with poligonal sanctuary. It has a very valuable architectural decoration – ribs and keystones - dated to the late 15th and the beginning of the 16th century (Košćak 1998: 41–49). The monastery is preserved only partially and today it serves as a home for the vicar. The next important agglomeration in the valley of the river Bednja today is the city of Varaždinske Toplice. The exceptional strategic location of Varaždinske Toplice, hidden in the hills and also the presence of thermal springs, influenced the choice of this location for a settlement and its continuation through a long period of time (Registar 1997: 137). Its first known inhabitants were the tribe Jasi (Filipan 2005: 32). The Romans established here a famous Bath Aqua Iasae that prospered from the 1st to the 4th century (Gorenc-Vikić 1980: 3–36). During the medieval period thermal water continued to be used and the settlement still flourished as a bath. The backbones of the cultural landscape today are: the archeological site with the remains of the Roman temples, forum and basilica, then the church of the Holy Spirit and the church of St. Martin (Fig. 4). The most important sacral and secular focus of the city ever since the Middle Ages has been the church of St. Martin, which displays layers of historical styles in architecture and wall painting from the 13th century onwards. This church is an important accent in the views on the city from the south. Next to the church the fortress was built, dated to 14th century. It expanded over time and together with the church it makes the nucleus of the medieval town. A few kilometers to the east from Varaždinske Toplice there are two interesting sacral buildings on excellent strategic 256 I va n a P e š k a n , V e s n a P a s cu t t ini -J ur a g a Fig. 4 Varaždinske Toplice, the view from the south (photo by: I. Peškan) positions that monitor the road near the river. First is the church of St. Three Kings in Svibovec. This late baroque building forms an accent in the vast area of the valley. It became a parish church in 1790 (Filipan 2005: 233). The other sacral building is the church of St. Mary in Rukljevina. Historical sources about this chapel are rare. It was first mentioned as a parish church in 1334, as „item ecclesia beate virginis in Polyana“, the village is placed a few kilometers away from the church (Buturac 1984: 74). Today’s architecture of the chapel can be dated to the 17th century. In 1986 the tower of the chapel collapsed and the stone elements hidden in the walls for centuries came to light. Apart from the mixture of small stone fragments and bricks, the walls contained elements of high-quality carved stone that was a part of a medieval building, in fact, of its architectural decorations. These spolia showed and proved the quality of medieval architecture and of its decorative elements, which are, unfortunately, preserved only in fragments. Artistic treatment of this fragment suggests a good early Gothic mason, probably a part of a church portal (Peškan, Pascuttini-Juraga 2011: 180–181). Following the flow of the river Bednja we reach an important settlement - today’s town Ludbreg, located at the river crossing. This is one of the oldest settlements in the northwestern Croatia, evidenced by archaeological findings from the Iron and Bronze Age, Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Registar 1997: 118–119). Due to the favourable position at the crossroads of the important routes, the Romans established here a fortified settlement Iovia-Botivo in the first century (Registar 1997: 119). The Gothic parish church of the Holy Trinity mentioned in 1334 (Buturac 1984: 75) and extended in 1829 is located next to the archaeological site from the Roman times. The archaeological research within the enclosure wall of the church in 1973 brought to light early medieval jewellery from 10th–11th century (Registar 1997: 119), and the remains of the medieval architecture. On this basis, we can conclude that on this place there is a richness of cultural layers, and that, once again, sacral building is placed on the important historical point. Next, we reach the area of today’s village Sveti Petar, where nine archaeological sites are known until now (Registar 1997: 130–132). The findings are dated from the Bronze Age to the Middle Ages. In the center of the village is the Gothic church of St. Peter, first mentioned in 1334 (Buturac 1984: 75), which was completely renovated in 1979 and the remains of medieval architecture are visible only in the foundations and in transversal construction of the older church. FORMING OF CULTURAL LAND S CA P E THROU G H THE NETWORK OF ECCLE S IA S TICAL BUILDING S IN THE VALLEY OF THE RIVER BEDNJA 257 At the end of the river Bednja flow lies the settlement Veliki Bukovec. On the southern part of the village is a castle that belongs to the noble family Drašković. It is a Baroque castle, one of the largest in the northwestern Croatia. In the courtyard the graves of the medieval cemetery from the 10th–11th century were discovered (Registar 1997: 138), which can indicate the long continuity of living on this favourable place near the estuary of the river Bednja. The parish church in the village is dedicated to St. Francis, and dates to early 19th century, but it was built over an older church mentioned in the first list of parishes in 1334 (Buturac 1984: 75). On this site, the continuity of the settlement and the sacred place are still visible today. Conclusion The cultural landscape of the valley that is formed by the river Bednja is diversiform. Small, closed particles with the rural type agglomerations alternate with the wider, broader ones, occupied with the cities and urban life. Those different forms of agglomerations are connected with a network of sacral buildings placed on the hilltops that intertwine with the significantly large parish churches in the villages and cities. All that combined together forms a rich cultural heritage along the river Bednja. Even if some sacral and secular buildings and agglomerations have been irrevocably lost, we can still reconstruct the layers of cultural landscape through research that includes historical sources, documents, maps and archaeological excavations. Ivana Peškan Ministry of culture of the Republic of Croatia Conservation Department of Varaždin Ivana Gundulića 2 HR–42000 Varaždin ivana.peskan@min-kulture.hr Vesna Pascuttini – Juraga Ministry of culture of the Republic of Croatia Conservation Department of Varaždin Ivana Gundulića 2 HR–42000 Varaždin vesna.pascuttini-juraga@min-kulture.hr 258 I va n a P e š k a n , V e s n a P a s cu t t ini -J ur a g a BIBLIOGRAPHY Balog, Z. 1993, Kapelica sv. Križa (sv. Ivana) u trakošćanskom perivoju, Kaj 5-6, 69–77. Belaj, J. 2004, Gradišće kraj Margečana, Probno sondažno arheološko istraživanje, rekognosciranje i dokumentiranje lokaliteta – izvješće, Zagreb. Belaj, J. 2008a, Ivanec kroz slojeve prošlosti, deset godina arheoloških istraživanja u Ivancu, Ivanec. Belaj, J. 2008b, Bela – ivanovački burg na Ivanščici, Prilozi instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu, 25, 155-182.. Belaj, J. 2009, Arheološka istraživanja crkve sv. Ivana Krstitelja u Ivancu 2008. godine, Annales Instituti Archaeologici, V, 90-94. Beusan, M. 2005, Dvor Trakošćan – od feudalne utvrde do rezidencije grofova Drašković, Kaj 4-5, 119-134. Buturac, J. 1984, Popis župa zagrebacke biskupije 1334. i 1501. godine, Starine JAZU, Vol. 59, 43–127. Dobronić, L. 1984, Viteški redovi. Templari i Ivanovci u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb. Filipan, B. 2005, Varaždinske Toplice i naselja, Varaždinske Toplice. Gorenc, M., Vikić, B. 1980, Varaždinske Toplice – Aquae Iasae, Varaždinske Toplice. Košćak, A. 1998, Remetinec i Oštrice, Zagreb-Remetinec. Lukinović, A. 1998, Župa Margečan, Margečan. Pascuttini-Juraga, V., Peškan, I. 2011, Spolia – hidden codes of the past, Hortus Artium Medievalium Vol. 17, Zagreb-Motovun 175–184. Peškan, I., Pascuttini-Juraga, V. 2009, Neki ulomci srednjovjekovne kamene plastike na varaždinskom području, Peristil, 52, Zagreb 27–34. Peškan, I., Pascuttini – Juraga, V. 2010, Kulturni krajolik bednjanskog kraja, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, 37, 209–218. Reberski I. (ed.) 1997, Ludbreg - ludbreška Podravina, Zagreb. Registar arheoloških nalaza i nalazišta sjeverozapadne Hrvatske, 1997, Bjelovar. Spomenici kotara Ivanec, Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu, Vol. 14, No. 1, 22-97. Szabo, G. 1920, Sredovječni gradovi u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji, Zagreb. Szabo, G. 1939, Kroz Hrvatsko Zagorje, Zagreb. Krznar, S., Mravlinčić, I. 2007, Trakošćan burg - muzej, Trakošćan. Vukičević-Samaržija, D. 1993, Gotičke crkve Hrvatskog zagorja, Zagreb. Jela Duvnjak, Marija Marić Baković Continuity of the Sacral and Actuality of the Cult on the Cemetery of St. Ivo in Livno Scientific paper The authors of this paper aim at drawing attention, through archaeological and ethnographic context, to the sacral continuity of the archaeological site on the locality of St. Ivo in Livno, Bosnia and Herzegovina, from ancient to modern times, as well as the actuality of reverence of the cult of St. John the Baptist through various aspects of belief and folkways among the inhabitants of the Livno area. The cult of St. Ivo on this locality dates back to the Late Middle Ages, evident from the remains of the Franciscan monastery, which was, according to written sources, dedicated to St. John the Baptist; whereas the pilgrimatic procession on the site, whose toponym preserved the memory of the cult, reflects the actuality of the cult in this day and age. Former ethnological research generally regarded St. John as a substitute for pagan gods, a topic briefly addressed in this paper as well. Special reference is made to the participation of the faithful of other religions, especially Muslims, in folkways relating to the worship of St. John the Baptist. Key words: Livno, Cemetery of St. Ivo, monastery, cult continuity, St. John the Baptist, St. Ivo, pilgrimage, folkways The locality of the Cemetery of St. Ivo is situated near the bank of the river Bistrica in Livno, a known sanctuary since ancient times, with a special celebratory day and in our time existent pilgrimatic procession. The concept of continuity in this paper is used in its religious meaning in the sense of longevity of a particular cult, in this case the cult of St. John the Baptist; additionally it refers to the continued use of a certain place where different aspects of religion interchange, such as Roman cults, an early Christian basilica and a medieval church and monastery. The actuality of the cult is reflected through the existent pilgrimatic procession on the locality of the Cemetery of St. Ivo on the Feast day of St. John the Baptist. The theme of this work is the result of complex archaeological and ethnographic research.1 Results of Archaeological Research: Continuity from the Antiquity to the Late Middle Ages Based on folklore and written sources, archaeological research on the site of the Cemetery of St. Ivo was conducted in several campaigns in the years 1991, 1993 and 1994.2 The research has confirmed the sacral-sepulchral tradition of the site, dating from Roman Antiquity through the Middle Ages to the Modern Age, while the ceramic findings indicate even broader time frames and date up to the Early Iron Age. The complexity and stratification is confirmed by movable findings and architectural remains from different cultural and historical periods reflecting the continuity of the cult over a longer period in one place. The layer of Roman Antiquity, over layered by subsequent layers, has unfortunately remained largely 1 Religion and religiousness in Croatian ethnology have not been systematically explored, M. Belaj writes of the reasons in his work Religijske teme u Hrvatskoj etnologiji u proteklih četvrt stoljeća (Belaj 2014: 13–24). This is the reason for the scarce literature on this topic. 2 The results of a probing excavation in 1974 were a prerequisite for the continuation of extensive archaeological research almost twenty years later. Systematic archaeological research in 1991 was organised in collaboration with the Franciscan monastery on Gorica in Livno, the Livno Municipality and the National Museum in Sarajevo. The excavations continue in the year 1993, organised by the Livno Municipality, the Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sport of the CR Herzeg-Bosnia and the Franciscan monastery in Livno. Head of excavations was archaeologist Tihomir Glavaš, while Fr. Bono Vrdoljak and from 1993 archaeologist Boško Marijan also participated in the excavations. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 259–276 260 Je l a D u v n j a k , M a ri j a M a ri ć B a ko v i ć unexplored.3 According to the features of the majority of movable findings, it is evident that a Roman necropolis with the prevailing ritual of incineration existed on this site. This is supported by fragments of Roman gravestones, among which the majority of findings are fragments of stone osteothekes4 that were specific for the area of the Livno Plain and are present on several other ancient sites (Pač 1906: 167–177; Paškvalin 1983: T. II–IV; Škegro 1999: 15–25; 2003: 140–144; Škegro et al. 2008: 259–288; Petrinec et al. 1999: 64–66). Generally, funeral customs and beliefs in the afterlife represent a mystery in this area; however, all the symbolisms that is concentrated on the front (and lateral) sides of the osteothekes on this and other sites gives us a basic notion of the cult of the dead from the period of Roman Antiquity. The attributes and symbols on headstones reflect the cult affiliation of the deceased, or the community, they contain a genuine religious and sacral component. Relief iconography on the lids of the osteothekes with amphorae, aedicule and dolphins on one side and with crescent moons, rosettes, concentric circles and swastikas on the other side, indicates the Roman cult syncretism of Liber with some indigenous Delmatic deity in which the features of the Sylvanus cult are also contained (Fig. 1). The cult of Fig. 1 Lid of the stone osteotheke, FMGG-Livno, inv. No. FMGG-73 (photo by: Z. Alajbeg, 1999) Liber-Dionysius has been repeatedly recorded in the Livno area through symbolism on grave monuments, as well as votive monuments to Liber (Paškvalin 1983: 174–175; 1986: 62–64). His accentuated role in the cult of the dead is evident and can be explained by the so called Eastern belief in the afterlife, since Roman soldiers brought the oriental cults of Dionysius (Liber), Magna Mater and Attis from Asia Minor into this area during the 1st century, as evidenced by votive monuments and symbolism on grave monuments. The osteotheke casket fragments carved in a stone block are decorated with architectonic motifs of recessed rectangles with a moulded edge, which symbolise the door to the afterlife world – porta Inferi (Fig. 2), originating from the Greek-Hellenistic culture (Marijan 2001: 177). The motif of porta Inferi reached the interior of the province of Dalmatia through the stonemasons, who created grave monuments primarily for the members of legio VII stationed in the camps Tilurium (Gardun near Trilj, Croatia) and Bigeste (Humac, Ljubuški in western Herzegovina). Therefore, the monuments with this motif date from the twenties of the 1st century and the middle of the same century (Bojanovski 1985: 77; Škegro 2003: 141). We assume that this motif was used in a symbolic or decorative sense after the specified period, however, it has been noted that over time with the decrease of iconographic repertoire the architecto3 Examples of republican and imperial coins, glass and ceramic fragments and sporadic parts of costume and jewellery also bear witness to the period of Antiquity on the site. 4 Given the discovery of a stone casket for bones with a lid in situ (Škegro et al. 2008: 274), for this kind of monument on the Livno Plain we will use the term osteotheca (or ossuarium), and not urn as is customary in archaeological literature. C on t inu i t y of t he S a cr a l a nd A c t u a l i t y of t he C ult on t he C e me t e r y of S t. I v o in L i v no 261 Fig. 2 Fragment of the osteotheke with motif of the Porta Inferi, FMGG-Livno, inv. No. FMGG-75 (photo by: Z. Alajbeg, 1999) nic motifs disappear (Marijan 2001: 181). Also found on the site were panels of rectangular stone osteothekes with a pedestal and gabled cover, of the so called composite type, with a distinctly local manner of relief decoration. In this type of stone osteothekes, all elements – the gabled cover, pedestal, casket and columns,5 its spatial and functional layout – mimic the form of archetypical temples of the Antique. Essentially, it is the form on which also monolithic osteothekes are based. In this form of grave monuments, the sacral is clearly identified with the funeral (Marijan 2001: 179).6 Two panels of the casket for the storage of the bones of the deceased are decorated with a unique geometric composition within the rectangle in combination with six-petal rosettes, ivy leaves and rhombuses (Fig. 3). This type of decoration has also been recorded on the neighbouring locality in Suhača near Livno.7 The geometric composition consists of an alternating repetition of geometric motifs that merge one into the other, allowing an inversive method of observation. The signs of a pentagram and a swastika were subsequently engraved on one of the panels. Both signs belong to solar symbols. Known at the time of Roman Antiquity, in the period of the Late Antiquity they possess a manifold Christian symbolism, they occur also on medieval monuments since the Early Middle Ages. For the medieval population the motif of the pentagram possessed magical power against evil and curses (Trošelj 2010: 85), whereas on the Cemetery of St. Ivo, it has been recorded along the even later Glagolitic inscription. Both motifs have been engraved on the panel of the osteotheke during the late Antiquity or, even more likely, during the medieval period. In later periods, a sacral-sepulchral place in the spirit of the Christian tradition developed on the basis of this Roman necropolis. During the period of the Late Antiquity an early Christian complex with a basilica and a cemetery was erected. The church was oriented towards the southeast. Its south-western and southern part with the nave, southern annexes and narthex can be partially defined, while the sanctuary towards the southeast has been entirely destroyed. 8 The base of lime mortar is partially preserved in the premises of the nave and the south annex. Despite the only partial preservation of architecture, more elements were in favour of identifying the structure as an early Christian basilica, primarily the fragments of 5 Or engaged columns done in relief on the frontal sides of the casket's panels. 6 Rectangular stone osteothekes or urns from the Livno and Duvno Plains are specific to the area, the work of local stonemasons, with similarities in neighbouring areas. They represent a special type of sepulchral monument of the provincial Roman culture and art, white the decorative motifs indicate their Oriental or wider Mediterranean origin (Marijan 2001: 181). 7 The site Štitić in Suhača, cca 2 km away from the Cemetery of St. Ivo in Livno, has not yet been systematically explored, but the majority of accidental findings that belong to fragments of osteothekes, suggest a Roman necropolis. 8 A significant part of the site with the early Christian structure and the older cultural layers has been destroyed with the construction of a stone-concrete fence and the installation of water and sewage systems that ran through the remains of the basilica. Even before the early Christian architecture has been partially overlaid by medieval architecture and graves, as well as a larger number of recent graves. 262 Je l a D u v n j a k , M a ri j a M a ri ć B a ko v i ć Fig. 3 Osteotheke tablet with a distinctly authentic manner of relief decorating, FMGGLivno, inv. No. FMGG-17 (photo by: Z. Alajbeg, 1999) church furniture, liturgical glass dishes and two vaulted tombs that commonly occur along with early Christian basilicas. Both tombs excel with their almost monumental proportions, built out of broken stone and limestone with lime mortar binder, they had rectangular vaulted chambers, where the bearing for the deceased were kept. In the construction of the tomb’s facade were built in panels, lids and parts of osteotheke crates from the earlier Roman period (Fig. 4).9 Using fragments of Roman urns as building material reflected the attitude towards paganism, gravestones were already objects deprived of attention and respect. Nevertheless, the awareness about the cult of the place is evident, given that the early Christian complex arose on the basis of a Roman necropolis. Fragments of stone furniture found on the site bear relief decorations with plant motifs of the classic early Christian repertoire (Figs. 5, 6). In addition, fragments of liturgical glassware were found, among which is a hanging lamp with a metal holder in which a burning wick would float in oil (Petrinec et al. 1999: 78–80, 83). Fragments of such glassware were found on the majority of early Christian sites with sacral structures in the interior of the province of Dalmatia. The patron of the early Christian church in Livno remains unknown; speculations based on later traditions on the locality will not be discussed in this paper. The sepulchral tradition on this site sustained even during the Early Middle Ages, as the several explored old Croatian graves would suggest. One of the graves was Fig. 4 Spolias from an earlier Roman period, were built into the facade of Late Antiquity vaulted tombs (photo by: Archives FMGGLivno) 9 All movable findings from the Early Roman Antiquity have been displaced, while the circumstances of their find suggest that the Roman necropolis had been devastated already during the Late Antiquity. C on t inu i t y of t he S a cr a l a nd A c t u a l i t y of t he C ult on t he C e me t e r y of S t. I v o in L i v no Fig. 5 Fragment of Early Christian stone furniture, FMGG-Livno, inv. No. FMGG-8 (photo by: Z. Alajbeg, 1999) 263 Fig. 6 Fragment of an early Christian stone furniture, FMGGLivno, inv. No. FMGG-26 (photo by: Z. Alajbeg, 1999) within the burglarised tomb from the Late Antiquity. Due to the accompanying items, among which is a ceramic dish, an iron knife and a dagger, tinder and metal fittings of a wooden container, it is a grave with pagan burial characteristics, from the end of the 8th and beginning of the 9th century, meaning prior to the final Christianisation of the newly settled Croats that occurred precisely during the mentioned period (Glavaš 1994a: 339; Petrinec et al. 1999: 34, 89, cat. 238–241). No fragments of decorative plastic, which would suggest a sacral building from the early medieval period, were found on the site. The condition on the site does not give any possible indication that a smaller old Croatian church was built within the framework of the old Christian church. It seems that during the time that monastery was built, in the first quarter of the 14th century, the remains of the early Christian church were visible, but there is no archaeological evidence that the church, which was destroyed at the very end of the 6th of beginning of the 7th century, was again being used within the framework of the earlier defined architecture. In any case, the awareness about the sacredness of this place was preserved in continuity.10 As regards the Cemetery of St. Ivo, we presume that an early Christian building was erected on the basis of the Roman necropolis, which was then overlaid by old Croatian graves and a Franciscan monastery from the 14th century. The Monastery of St. John the Baptist The most complete structural set on the Cemetery of St. Ivo represent the remains of the monastery complex with monastic cells, dining room, outbuildings, cloister and a monastic cemetery in the cloister (Fig. 7).11 The layout of the interior rooms that are aligned around the yard fits into the general scheme of European monastic architecture of the High and Late Middle Ages. Also belonging to the monastery complex was a bell tower, preserved in its rectangular foundation with the dimensions of 2,80 x 2,90 m. From the remains of the architecture, it seems that it is the bell tower of the monastery church, yet its exact position essentially remains undefined.12 Generally, Franciscan monasteries were established in the vicinity of urban settlements and towns, including the monastery in Livno. For the construction site, a place outside of the walls of the fortified town was selected, that is, near the bank of the river Bistrica, with an already existing sacral-sepulchral tradition (Fig. 8). 10 During the Early Middle Ages, Livno (lat. Cleuna; old Croatian Hlivno) develops as a fortified town, the governing-administrative centre of the county. The Hlivno County, whose name is identical to its centre, as the governing-territorial unit was involved in the county organisation of the early medieval Croatian state. The remains of the old Croatian sacral architecture on the area of the Hlivno County have been explored or presumed on several sites, while the end of the 9th and beginning of the 10 th century is the time of their intensive construction (Petrinec et al. 1999: 35; Marić 2009: 14–34; Marić Baković 2014: 33–62). 11 The walls of the monastery, together with the panels of the foundation, are preserved up to 1,00 m in height and 0,50–0,60 m in width. 12 In the year 1944, an aerial bomb fell onto the site and its explosion damaged the northwest part of the site, destroying the remains of the monastery and cemetery. The assumed location of the church is in the same area. 264 Je l a D u v n j a k , M a ri j a M a ri ć B a ko v i ć Fig. 7 The remains of an early Christian church and medieval monastery of St. John the Baptist in Livno (drawing by: M. Palčok, 1994) Fig. 8 The remains of the medieval monastery of St. John the Baptist in Livno (photo by: Z. Alajbeg, 2001) C on t inu i t y of t he S a cr a l a nd A c t u a l i t y of t he C ult on t he C e me t e r y of S t. I v o in L i v no 265 The building of monasteries in medieval Bosnia is tied to the arrival of the Franciscan. After six decades of the Dominican’s missionary work and the weakening of their influence, in the year 1291, the Franciscans came to the area of Bosnia as missionaries and heresy investigators (Barun 2006: 8–9). Moreover, under the patronage of the Croatian noble family Šubić, the Franciscan missionary activity spread from Dalmatian monasteries in Split, Trogir and Zadar inland. Later, the Franciscans would with the help of Ban Stjepan II Kotromanić further develop their mission in Bosnia. This particularly applies to the period after 1339/40, when the Franciscan Bosnian Vicariate was founded and divided into seven territorial units, Custodies. Thus with the help of the Bosnian Ban and Croatian-Bosnian noblemen, the intensive building of churches and monasteries began, 36 of them (or 35) on the area of the Bosnian Vicariate (Vrdoljak 1994: 116–117), which flourished especially in the 15th century during the rule of the Bosnian King Stjepan Tomaš. In ecclesial terms, during the whole Middle Ages, Livno was under the jurisdiction of the Archbishopric of Split, while the authority over the parish of Livno was confirmed by the Hungarian-Croatian kings Coloman (1103) and Andrew II (1207), the Split Church Council (1185) and Pope Celestine III, who bestowed the pallium upon the Archbishop of Split in 1192 (Klaić 1928: 17).13 Despite efforts to establish new dioceses on the territory of Bosnia, the parish of Livno remained a part of the Archbishopric of Split, whose collegiate chapter is mentioned around 1400 in Livno.14 The time of existence of the monastery of St. John in Livno and the dating of all findings from that layer has been tentatively determined with the findings of Bosnian, Venetian and Hungarian coins from the 14th and 15th century (Petrinec et al. Fig. 9 Signet ring of Bishop Guido de Guisio of Modena, FMGG-Livno, inv. No. FMGG-190 (photo by: Z. Alajbeg, 1999) 1999: 119–123). However, crucial for the time of the construction of the monastery is the signet ring of Bishop Guido of Modena. The bronze oval-shaped signet ring has an embossed gothic depiction of the Madonna with the Child Jesus, a bishop and orant in the central area (Fig. 9). Along the edge of the signet ring runs the following inscription in Gothic script: + S. GUIDONIS. DI. ET.AP. SE – DIS GRACIA. MUTIN. EPI. According to the preserved historical sources and the chronotaxes of the Bishop and Archbishop of the city Modena in Italy, the owner of the signet was probably Bishop Guido de Guisi (1318–1334). As a supporter of Pope John XXII, he was banished from Modena for two years in 1329, at the same time the legate of Pope John XXII was sent to Dalmatia and Bosnia in order to investigate the dispute about the inquisitorial service between the Dominicans and the Franciscans in Bosnia, as well as deliver a letter of the Pope’s gratitude to Ban Stjepan II Kotromanić on behalf of his expressed sympathy for the Franciscans. Considering that the signet was found on the floor of the monastery, the legate in question could have been Guido de Guisi (Vrdoljak 1994: 119–121; Glavaš 1994b: 109). When he was passing through Livno, he probably stayed in the monastery and there, under unexplained circumstances, his signet remained.15 Thus it was concluded that around 1330 the monastery had already been built, in other words, before the founding of the Bosnian Vicariate, which makes this monastery one of the oldest in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Until the founding of the Bosnian Vicariate, when it was still a part of the Duvno Custody, the monastery in Livno belonged to one of the oldest provinces of the Franciscan order, the Croatian Franciscan community Provincia Sclavoniae. As most monasteries of that time, it was founded by powerful donors such as feudal fa13 The situation remained as such until 1736, when the Propaganda first temporarily, then permanently in 1757, joined the Livno Parish to the Apostolic Vicariate in Bosnia (Vrdoljak 1994: 116). 14 In 1514, due to the new circumstances of life and work of the Franciscans, the Bosnian Vicariate is divided into Bosna Srebrena and Bosna Hrvatska, and with the Bull of Pope Leon X in 1517 they are declared provinces. 15 The signet ring is displayed in the archaeological exhibition of the Franciscan Museum and Gallery Gorica-Livno, under inv. no. FMGG-190. 266 Je l a D u v n j a k , M a ri j a M a ri ć B a ko v i ć milies. The founding and building of the monastery in Livno was probably supported by the noble family Šubić of Bribir, who are mentioned as the dukes of Livno (Tropolja, Hlivno and Cetina) in 1301 (Klaić 1928: 17), while Mladen II Šubić attended the feast of the Mayor of Livno in 1304.16 Furthermore, it is well known that the Šubić favoured the Franciscan order, with which they cultivated close connections that they used in religious, political and diplomatic purposes (Karbić 2001: 148).17 Moreover, they considered John the Baptist, the patron of the monastery and church in Livno, as the protector of their family.18 Consequently, the construction of the monastery in Livno is set in the first quarter of the 14th century, before 1322,19 and certainly before the year 1330. Previously, the Šubić family erected the Franciscan monastery in Skradin as a family endowment, whose patron is also St. John (1299).20 The sanctification of the monastery in Livno to John the Baptist is witnessed by the regesta of Pope Nicholas V (1447–1455) from 1448, where it is referred to as the house/monastery of the Friars Minor, St. John (domum ordinis Minorum, S. Johannis de Bistrica) (Vrdoljak 1994: 118). The town of Livno (castrum Cleune) is in some documents from the 14th and 15th century referred to as castrum Bystryze, given that over the source of the river Bistrica, which flows through Livno, used to be a medieval fort. Prior to that, the monastery is mentioned along with other monasteries of the Duvno Custody in the testament of Andrija Pervošija from Split in 1367 and in the list of monasteries by Bartholomew of Pisa (1385/90, according to data from 1375) (Vrdoljak 1994: 118). We assume that the monastery in Livno, in the spirit of the tradition of that time, was the centre for science and education of the wider area of Livno, thus given the written sources and archaeological findings, the monastery was also a meeting place for religious and political individuals with high social standing. It is known that some of the written documents of the Bosnian kingdom from the 15th century were written in Livno (Klaić 1928: 18, 23). In addition, preserved inscriptions in stone, written in the Glagolitic and Croatian Cyrillic script, bear witness to the tradition of written culture in this monastery. On one of the two capitals of the altar partition in the early Christian basilica is a Glagolitic inscription with the year 1368 and the name Luka dijak (Fig. 10),21 a medieval scribe who conducted diplomatic, legal and consulting activities in the monastery or at the Kaptol in Bistrica town (Vrdoljak 2003: 239, 241–242). This fragment contains information on the long continuity of sacredness, from the early Christian church furniture to the inscription, probably relating to the monastery, from the 14th century. Apart from this rare Glagolitic inscription in stone, there are several other inscriptions on the site written in Croatian Cyrillic with the names of one Restoja and one Ratko (Vrdoljak 2003: 242–243).22 When taking into account the earlier inscriptions on Roman monuments written in Latin script, then there are three types of script recorded on this site: the Latin, Glagolitic and Cyrillic script, which is a reflection of cultural complexity on this locality. The repertoire of movable archaeological material includes fragments of ceramic and glass vessels and various usable items that bear witness to everyday life in the monastery. Among the frequent examples of medieval glass of Venetian and German provenance, a special find represents the entirely preserved biconical glass bottle with a ribbon decoration, the kind which was produced in the glass workshops of Murano from the middle of the 14th to the beginning of the 16th century. Also, represented with a large number of fragments are glasses decorated with teardrop applications, so called Krautstrunk, the kind that was made in central European and Venetian workshops during the 14th and 15th century (Petrinec et al. 1999: 37, 93). Besides coarse cookware, frequently used were glazed and painted ceramics – majolica, which came along the trading routes through Dalmatian towns out of Italian workshop centres (Fig. 11). Dishes and fragments of dishes found in the area of the Livno monastery were intended for everyday use within the religious community, while analogies 16 Among possible builders of the monastery are representatives of Livno's noble families from the beginning of the 14th century such as Mihovilović and Voihnić (Ančić 2001: 20–22). 17 On the area under their rule they founded the Bishopric of Šibenik, Duvno and Makarska, whose first Bishops were Franciscans. 18 In one document Ban Pavao Šubić stated that he chooses St. John, along with the Blessed Virgin Mary, to be his patron saint and the protector of his successors (Karbić 2001: 160). 19 The power of Mladen II Šubić, Croatian and Bosnian Ban, was destroyed after the battle at Bliska in 1322, among his opponents were members of the Mihovilović family from Livno. It was believed that Livno or Bistrica town was under the rule of Stjepan II Kotromanić since 1326 (Klaić 1928: 23; Petrić 1961: 24; Marijan 1995: 126), who also favoured Franciscan activities in Bosnia. However, the recent historiographic position is that Livno was a border area of the Croatian-Hungarian Kingdom throughout the 14th century, and until the beginning of the 15th century, was not under the rule of Bosnian rulers (Ančić 2001: 24–26). 20 In the second half of the 13th century the Šubić family founded the Franciscan monastery dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary in Bribir, which was the burial place for the members of their kin in the 14th and 15th century, as well as the monastery of the Clarisses in Skradin (Karbić 2001: 151–152, 155–156, 161). 21 Above the inscription is an inept carving of the pentagram motif. 22 The names Luka, Restoja and Ratko presumably stand for individuals that are mentioned in written sources from the 14th and 15th century and are brought into relation with Livno: Luka dijak- scribe, Restoje Milohna, protovestiarios and chancellor on the Bosnian court, and Ratko, builder or scribe from Livno (Vrdoljak 2003: 244–245). C on t inu i t y of t he S a cr a l a nd A c t u a l i t y of t he C ult on t he C e me t e r y of S t. I v o in L i v no Fig. 10 Glagolitic inscription with name Luka dijak and year 1368, FMGG-Livno, inv. No. FMGG-1 (photo by: Z. Alajbeg, 1999) 267 Fig. 11 Items of everyday life in the monastery, FMGG-Livno, inv. No. FMGG-93, 117, 741, 740 (photo by: Z. Alajbeg, 2001) for the mentioned dishes were found in Bribir and some other late medieval localities (Petrinec et al. 1999: 37). 23 The rooms of the monastery were heated by a large ceramic furnace, as indicated by the finding of ceramic tiles in the form of cups that were imprinted into the thick clay wall. The Cult of St. John the Baptist during the Middle Ages We learned about the dedication of the monastery to St. John from written sources, which lead us to the concept of the cult of saints as one of the most impressive forms of medieval religiousness, which includes the cult of relics and pilgrimage sites. Certain saint cults, their emergence and distribution, are characteristic for a certain period and can therefore be connected with the influx of various religious, cultural or political influences. In this context we can assume that the origin of the cult of St. John the Baptist was in medieval Livno. In comparison, we will first examine the veneration of another saint, whose cult has been noted on the area of Livno since the Early Middle Ages until the Modern Age. It is the cult of St. Peter the Apostle, to whom the church in Rapovine near Livno was dedicated, as confirmed by the epigraph. It was built at the end of the 9th or the beginning of the 10th century and destroyed at the end of the 17th century, as the last church on the Livno Plain during the Ottoman Empire (Delonga 1994: 84; Marić Baković 2014: 33–62). 24 According to the Turkish defter from the 16th century (TD 233 (1575), 336), another early medieval church of St. Peter was in Potočani near Livno, which was 23 During the Late Middle Ages, Livno was on an intensive trading and work exchange route. Luxury products from European workshops bear witness to the well organised trade in the second half of the 14th and the first half of the 15th century, when the commercial traffic between coastal cities and Bosnia, as well as Bosnia and Italy, intensified. Split was the shipping port for goods from central Bosnia. The caravan route led from Split through the Klis pass and Sinj to Livno, Kupres, Uskoplje and Jajce. According to trading agreements between Venice and Bosnian kings, the King had to provide accommodation for the merchants, their entourage, horses and trading goods (Pederin 1994: 127–133). 24 In 1854, among the first churches after the Ottoman Empire, the church and monastery dedicated to St. Peter and St. Paul was built in Livno. 268 Je l a D u v n j a k , M a ri j a M a ri ć B a ko v i ć confirmed with fragments of church furniture.25 Hence, the titular of St. Peter in the vicinity of Livno is confirmed by two early medieval churches. For the cult of St. Peter, given the numerous churches with this dedication, we can say that it was widespread in the early medieval Croatian state in the 9th century and can be associated with the Pope’s blessing of the Croatian Duke Branimir and his people (879), which confirmed Branimir’s allegiance to St. Peter and the Church of Rome (Šanjek 1988: 120–121). Also characteristic for the Early Middle Ages is the cult revival of a certain number of saints who had a high place in Christian hagiography (Marasović-Alujević 1985: 301), including the cult of St. Peter. On the other hand, the worship of St. John the Baptist has been widespread since the period of early Christianity, but the cult with his relics flourished especially in the 12th and 13th century, which is certainly a reflection of political and religious conditions of that time. John the Baptist is considered as one of the most important people in the history of Christianity, on the crossroad of the Old and New Testament, a preacher, a hermit and prophet, the person who baptised Jesus Christ.26 According to the Gospels, John is the last and greatest of the Old Testament prophets – Elijah during his last days, announces the arrival of the Messiah (Greek. Christ). For some time, his doing overlaps with that of Jesus and John the Baptist withdraws, because Jesus, in whom he recognises the Messiah, attracts more people (Biblijski priručnik 1989: 477, 482, 499, 534, 536). The historical data that we can bring forth about John’s life are his preaching during his 26th and 29th year,27 and that he was imprisoned and executed by Herod Antipas, who was the governor of Galilee at the time of the Roman emperors Tiberius (14–37) and Caligula (37–41), when he was overthrown. The titular of St. John the Baptist in Livno near the river Bistrica is confirmed for the first time in the 15th century by written sources. Given that the titular of the early Christian church on the same site is unknown to us, we cannot determine if the saint cult from the Late Middle Ages continued on the basis of early Christian tradition. Historical circumstances have lead us to the assumption that the cult of John the Baptist is tied to the feudal family Šubić of Bribir, while the origin of the cult lies in the religious and cultural climate of Christian Europe of that time. Namely, during the High Middle Ages, a special phenomenon of piety towards the Blessed Virgin Mary, Christ and the saints developed. Cities lived under the protection of saints and certain groups of people (feudal families, guilds) declared saints as their patrons. For this purpose, churches, chapel and monasteries were built, often as a place for the reverence of relics. 28 It is known that on the area of medieval Split, under whose ecclesial jurisdiction Livno also was, a greater number of churches from the 12th and 13th century dedicated to John the Baptist existed (Marasović-Alujević 1985: 279), which corresponds to the period when the reverence of this cult was revived. The reason for the growth of the cult of St. John the Baptist can be found in the political and religious climate of Europe of that time. From that time we have the first mention of the Crusader Hospitaller Order in this area. Since the 11th century, one of the main forms of medieval piety were all the more frequent pilgrimages of European Christians to Christ’s tomb in Jerusalem,29 which was one of the indirect causes of leading the so called Crusades between the 11th and 13th century. In relation to the European crusading spirit of that period are the orders of Hospitaller Knights and Templar Knights. The Hospitallers or the „The Order of Knights of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem“ was founded in 1099 in Jerusalem and their initiator was Gerard from Amalfi, who commissioned the church of St. John the Baptist in Jerusalem in 1048 (Šanjek 1988: 194). The first mention of the Hospitallers in Croatian regions is tied to the Bosnian Ban Borić (1154–1163); during the 13th century they spread to Slavonia, today’s Bosnia, Croatian zagorje and elsewhere, where they were, as well as across Europe, granted estates, churches and monasteries, and in the first decades of the 14th century they were also present in Dalmatia (Andrijanić 2008: 244–246). Although their first role was tied to the monasteries and providing assistance to travellers, pilgrims and crusaders on their way to the Holy Land, the Hospitallers played an important role in the church and political life on the area of the former Croatian-Hungarian kingdom. In the dynastic struggles 25 Although the site Crkvina in Potočani has not yet been archaeologically explored, according to the archaeological findings, it seems that a church from the early Christian and later early medieval period existed there. 26 According to the Gospel of Matthew, Jesus' baptism is an act of his equalisation with people, taking responsibility for mankind's sin and the consequences of that sin (Biblijski priručnik 1989: 477), and not the act of a personal baptism. 27 According to the Gospel of Luke, which is historically and archaeologically considered to be the most precise. Even though the Gospels convey historical data, one must keep in mind that these are primarily religious texts, written by convinced Christians. 28 During the Middle Ages, relics became so popular that their authenticity is often questionable – known is the story about the five or six heads of John the Baptist – perhaps the best reference about relics is by contemporary writer Umberto Eco in his work Name of the Rose: „I have seen many other fragments of the cross, in other churches. If all were genuine, our Lord’s torment could not have been on a couple of planks nailed together, but on an entire forest“, in the same way he referred to the relics of the head of John the Baptist (Eco 1984: 457–458). On the other hand, from the standpoint of the Church, the prevalence of relics is a reflection of the spread of piety in the High Middle Ages, which is why their nonauthenticity is not observed critically. 29 During the Middle Ages, pilgrimages represented a public act of faith, pilgrims travelled to sacred places in order to touch the powers of the saints and see the places and items of veneration, which represented a kind of contact with God. Besides Jerusalem, the most popular medieval pilgrimage sites were Rome, Santiago de Compostela, Aachen and others (Šanjek 1988: 356). C on t inu i t y of t he S a cr a l a nd A c t u a l i t y of t he C ult on t he C e me t e r y of S t. I v o in L i v no 269 between the Houses of Arpad and Anjou, the Hospitallers stood by Pavao Šubić of Bribir on the side of the House of Anjou (Andrijanić: 2008, 245).30 In this kind of atmosphere, we can imagine the circumstances in which the cult of St. John the Baptist developed, the building of the monastery in Livno and the tie to the Šubić of Bribir. The actuality of the cult of St. John since the Middle Ages until today, on the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina, has been recorded in Kraljeva Sutjeska31 and numerous smaller sanctuaries in addition to Livno, while the most popular pilgrimage sanctuary is in Podmilačje near Jajce. The period from the end of the 15th century is marked by the beginning of the Ottoman rule, which lead to fundamental changes in society, economy and politics both in Livno and the entire territory of Bosnia and neighbouring countries. In the year 1463, when the Turks conquered the greater part of the Bosnian kingdom and briefly occupied Livno, the monastery was probably devastated. Afterwards, Livno was liberated and the monastery rebuilt as evidenced by the Bull Sacrae religionis of Pope Paul II from 1469, according to which the monastery in Livno is one of the safe and rebuilt monasteries of the Bosnian Vicariate to which the liturgical vestments and vessels, as well as the books, that the Franciscans stored in Dalmatia, can be returned (Vrdoljak 1994: 118, 123). This is also the last written mention of the monastery. After that, it remains unknown whether the monastery was burned down after the final conquest of Livno by the Ottomans32 or demolished in the middle of the 17th century, when the monasteries in Kraljeva Sutjeska and Fojnica were destroyed. 33 It is significant that it is no longer to be found on the lists of monasteries in the Bosnian Province from the years 1514 and 1539 (Vrdoljak 1994: 123). While there is no clear archaeological information on the church or chapel that belonged to the monastery complex, the church of St. John is mentioned in Turkish defters from 1604, albeit as the church of St. John in Zastinje, however, the entire area on the right bank of the river Bistrica, therefore the Cemetery of St. Ivo, used to belong to Zastinje (Glavaš 1994b: 106), which is why this information can be taken as the last mention of a sacral object on this locality. Different Aspects of Vener ation of St. John the Baptist in Livno The site with the remains of the monastery was an active graveyard for the last 200 to 300 years,34 hence the toponym Graveyard of St. Ivo, which also preserved the memory of the cult of St. John the Baptist, who in the local version and otherwise on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina is known as St. Ivo. With time, the remains of the monastery were not visible anymore, but the strong tradition of the sacredness of this place remained. Based on this tradition, a chapel, also dedicated to St. Ivo, was built on the site in the year 1885, which with its dedication and position represented a memorial of the destroyed monastery and church.35 Written sources from the 14th and 15th century confirmed the folk tradition about the Cemetery of St. Ivo and the dedication of the monastery to St. John the Baptist, whereas the archaeological research confirmed both the folk tradition and historical sources. A special characteristic of this place is the current cult of St. John, who is celebrated on June 24th in the Catholic Church. According to the Gospel of St. Luke, John the Baptist was born six months before Jesus, therefore, June 24th is considered to be the date of his birth. Related to the veneration of this saint is a pilgrimage with the intention of reaching the sacred place in order to touch the powers of the saint, in this case his sculpture, or in other words, to see the site or object of veneration, the source of which has been found in the Middle Ages. On the feast of St. John at the Cemetery of St. Ivo, in addition to the Mass, a pilgrimage procession is common, to which different folkways are tied that are created by the veneration of this saint, who is said to have great mercy bestowed directly from God (Fig. 12). Besides the locality, the pilgrimage continues to the site of veneration, along which the Rosary of St. Ivo is being prayed.36 On the locality the course of the pilgrimatic procession moved from the west in a clockwise direction, closing a circle within which, according to legend, the monastery and church of St. Ivo stood. Today, when the remains of the monastery are visible after the archaeological excavations, it was shown that the direction of movement always fol30 At the end of the Middle Ages, with the beginning of the Turkish conquest, the knightly order of St. John of Jerusalem disappears from these lands. 31 The monastery and church of St. John the Baptist in Kraljeva Sutjeska date from the middle of the 14th century; King Tvrtko I was alternatively seated in Sutjeska and Bobovac, as well as his successors, and by way of his mother Jelena Šubić he was kin to the Šubić of Bribir. 32 In the eighties – certainly before 1485, the Turks conquered Livno, namely from that year dates the first Turkish defter about Livno. After the Turkish conquest of Bosnia, the Sultan Mehmed II with the Imperial Charter (Ahd-nama) from 1463 allowed the Bosnian Franciscans a narrow, but extremely important activity under the Ottoman rule. However, in 1520 there was a mass expulsion of the Catholic population, which is when the monastery in Livno might have been destroyed. 33 The final faith of the monastery is evidenced by traces of burning on the remains of the monastery walls and destruction layer that covered the entire surface of the monastery complex. 34 Burials on this site were active until the Second World War. 35 For research purposes in 1993, the chapel, along which the traditional pilgrimatic procession took place, was demolished and later a new chapel was built on the explored and conserved site. 36 A specially adapted rosary that consists of the Creed, fourteen Hail Mary, Our Father and Glory Be prayers. 270 Je l a D u v n j a k , M a ri j a M a ri ć B a ko v i ć Fig. 12 The Feast of St. John the Baptist (photo by: J. Duvnjak, 2016) lowed the rim of the former monastic building, from which it is clear that the direction of movement was preserved in the memory of the cult (Fig. 13). During the pilgrimatic procession the sculpture of St. John is turned from east to west.37 Most often a pilgrim would walk around three times or the duration of the votive prayer, walking on his feet or on his knees, while the greater number of pilgrims would create a closed circle in movement. The sculpture of St. John, here as in many other cases, has the role of the relic, while it was believed that the items that touched the sculpture held special powers. Individuals would carry scarves with which they would wipe the sculpture and these scarves were stored and used in cases of severe illness or suffering as a cure. Family members, who did not participate in the pilgrimage or the Mass, would be wiped with handkerchiefs in the sign of the cross along with the prayer Creed. Since the site is located next to the hospital, the handkerchiefs would be given to the patients and women in labour. The same belief applies to both the handkerchiefs, with which the sculpture of St. John is touched and the flowers, with which the sculpture is regularly decorated with. The faithful would take flowers and wipe the sculpture with them, and those flowers would be stored and always kept at hand as relics. In this analysis different folkways intertwine: those that are still current, but also relate to earlier traditions; and those that are losing their meaning and therefore gradually disappear, such as in the case of objects that touch the sculpture, nowadays maintained only amongst the older population. In various tribulations of life one would resort to the veneration of St. John the Baptist, but a special feature of his cult in Bosnia and Herzegovina represents the belief in the so called cleansing power from mental illness, in which the possession of a person by demons or the devil was evident. This belief resulted in the act of exorcism being performed publicly on the Feast of St. John the Baptist in the sanctuary of the same name in Podmilačje, where the faithful from the Livno area would go on a pilgrimage, often witnessing the treatment of the possessed during Mass, that is, the very exorcism. 38 According to the convictions of the narrators and the statements of the priests, it was performed by exorcist priests, who prepared especially for the ritual in question. By analysing the folkways related to the celebration of the Feast of St. John the Baptist, the connection of this cult with pre-Christian cults is inevitable, thus in the act of exorcism performed on the 37 The tour around the cemetery, that is, the remains of the monastery represented the so called great vow, while the tour around the chapel or the sculpture of St. Ivo represented a small vow. 38 The sanctuary in Podmilačje near Jajce is the greatest sanctuary of St. Ivo in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with continuity since the Middle Ages until today. C on t inu i t y of t he S a cr a l a nd A c t u a l i t y of t he C ult on t he C e me t e r y of S t. I v o in L i v no 271 Fig. 13 The tradition of pilgrimages on the Feast of St. John the Baptist (photo by: Archives FMGG-Livno, 1994) Feast of St. John the Baptist we see the reflection of folk beliefs incorporated in Catholic tradition. The Feast of St. John was always tied to events in nature, namely the summer solstice or suncostaj, the time when the Sun in its apparent movement around the Earth reaches the highest possible declination. The summer solstice occurs during June; that is when the day is the longest on Earth’s northern hemisphere and summer begins. Once upon a time, the people who worshipped nature, celebrated the solstice as the day of fire, the day of the sun and the beginning of a new cycle. The solstice was celebrated 3 days after the actual solstice, because on that day, observed from Earth, the Sun appears to have stopped and after three days, it begins to move in the opposite direction. Consequently, in Christianity the Feast of St. John corresponds to the summer solstice, just as the birth of Jesus Christ corresponds to the winter solstice. The shortening of days between the two solstices is recorded among the people with the saying „from Ivo to Ivo“, as the period between St. John the Baptist and St. John the Apostle. During the mentioned period in the Livno area, the custom of wearing knitted silk bracelets has been recorded, which women would put around their wrists and men around their elbows. The most significant folkway tied to the Feast of St. John the Baptist in Livno is the burning of and jumping over bonfires in the eve of the feast. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in Livno, the synonym for a bonfire is svitnjak. The burning of bonfires is also related to the summer solstice; symbolically it is the time between sowing and reaping. In the etymology of the word krijes (bonfire) lies a pre-Christian holiday that celebrated fertility, growth of vegetation, especially grains (Gavazzi 1991: 93). In addition, it was believed that the symbolic act of lighting fire would help the Sun, whose strength began to decline, in order for it to remain strong during the whole period of the growth of crops (Dragić 2007: 383). Hills or courtyards are most often chosen as the places for burning the bonfire. According to folk tradition, fire has purifying powers and protects against demons, while in folk perception, diseases are such demonic beings and by jumping over fire, the demons are defeated. In this we find the explanation for the exorcism that would be performed on the Feast of St. John. In folk belief throughout Europe, various aspects of belief exist that relate to bonfires and the summer solstice, which in these parts, unified with the reverence of the cult of St. John the Baptist, still preserving old traditions and believing in the purifying power of fire and ash.39 In Livno and the surrounding villages, the burning of bonfires and jumping over them is still an existing tradition, while 39 According to the data we have from the 15th century, Georges Lengherand records in his pilgrimage writings from 1485–1486, the burning of bonfires by pagans on Midsummer’s Night Eve along the coast of Zadar (Lengherand 2012: 92; Richard 1986:34). 272 Je l a D u v n j a k , M a ri j a M a ri ć B a ko v i ć Fig. 14 Tradition of burning bonfires and jumping over them in the villages Zabrišće, Komorani and Strupnić, Municipality of Livno (photo by: V. Dronjić, J. Duvnjak, S. Damjanović, 2016) the belief that this act will protect from various diseases, especially back pain, is still remembered (Fig. 14). In the year 2016, the burning of bonfires was documented on several locations in town, which attracted a great number of children and adults (Fig. 15). Midsummer folkways are also related to water and ritual cleansing, in which apotropaic characteristics can be discerned. The custom of washing off ash from one’s feet in the morning of the Feast of St. John has been recorded in the Livno area. The morning after the burning of bonfires, before sunrise and while there still is dew, people would go to the field and roll in wheat stalks. Then everyone, both children and adults, would go to the bonfire site and walk barefoot over the ash in the form of a cross, and invoke: „Save us from calluses“.40 Afterwards, they would go to the nearest water and wash the ash off their feet. The belief was that with this ritual St. Ivo would protect from calluses forming on feet, Fig. 15 Tradition of burning bonfires and jumping over them in Livno (photo by: J. Duvnjak, 2016) which were a result of walking without shoes.41 On the other side, folkways related to water and ritual cleansing can be linked to St. John, as well as the act of christening by immersion into water, which symbolised complete purification from 40 Narrator M.D. said that: Tako smo mi radili ko dica …i kažu nećete tako imati naboja. Je traga ….mi odali bosi i na svašta se ubodi i to se upali i opet smo imali naboje. [That's what we did as children… and they said you wouldn't get calluses. Sure…we walked barefoot and got stung on all sorts of things and that would become infected and still we got calluses.] 41 The custom was recorded 40 years ago and according to the narrator, as a prayer for something that still represented a problem in that time. With time, this custom disappeared, we presume together with the problem related to calluses on feet. C on t inu i t y of t he S a cr a l a nd A c t u a l i t y of t he C ult on t he C e me t e r y of S t. I v o in L i v no 273 any former filth in a man’s life (Biblijski priručnik 1989: 477). Coincidence or not, the monastery in Livno was built in the immediate proximity of water.42 In old Slavic mythical texts, the coming of spring is described as the meeting of Mara and Juraj, who is replaced by Ivo in midsummer texts. During the summer Ivo and Mara enjoy their life, but then Ivo tricks Mara, from which we can discern the unpredictable aspect of Juraj, or in this case Ivo, of the Moon before the Sun. Mara then kills Ivo with arrows that resemble lighting, the weapon of Perun, after which she turns into Morana, the goddess of winter and death, who then dies, only to be reborn several weeks later (Belaj 1998: 317–321). Preserved is the prayer that is uttered for the protection from thunder in the Livno area. Although this invocation has been Christianised, it still contains several aspects of this cult; thus the old Slavic mythology intertwined with biblical motifs can be distinguished here as well: Biži, biži Irudice/prokletnice, svetog Ive raspetice, Biži grome od nas, Bog je kod nas, Gospe čuvaj nas. [Go away, go away Irudica/damned one, Saint Ivo’s lynch, Thunder go away, God is with us, Our Lady keep us safe.] In the tradition of the Livno area, Irudica is considered to be damned, sv. Ive krvi sapeta [St. Ivo’s blood lynch], and is driven into the mountain: tamo di pivac ne piva, ovca ne bleji, di kobila ne rže, di vo ne muče [where the rooster does not sing, the sheep does not bleat, the mare does not neigh, the ox does not moo] (Papić 2013: 67). This relates also to the belief that hail and low clouds can be broken up by ringing church bells and that St. Elijah the Thunderer persecutes Irudica (Herodias), that is to say, hail by firing thunder, that is, church bells. St. John the Baptist in the Islamic religion Although the Cemetery of St. Ivo is a place of Catholic veneration, besides Catholics, the Orthodox Christians and Muslims of Livno also participated in the votive worship of the saint. On the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the veneration of St. John is rooted in the tradition of Muslims and Orthodox Christians, manifesting mainly through the visiting of pilgrimage sites with the cult of this saint. The cult of St. John is extremely strong in the Orthodox Church; therefore the participation of the Orthodox in this cult is no rarity. On the other hand, in the Islamic religion, John the Baptist is a prophet, Yahya, son of Zechariah, who had a special role as no other prophet of God. The Qur’an mentions four Surah, of which only two speak of him in detail (Krilić 1956: 3).43 In one of them, in chapter 19 entitled Maryam, Yahya (St. John) and Isa (Jesus) are interpreted as the last representatives of Israel. The description of Yahya begins with God’s promise to Zechariah that he will receive a son, and ends with him growing into a wise, pious, clean and obedient person, who needs to carry out the laws of the Taurat-Torah (Kura’n Časni 1969: 415–417). Accordingly, St. John the Baptist is revered as a prophet in Islam, Yahya. Prophets are very pious people of exemplary personal and social behaviour, which were chosen by God in order to guide the faithful to God’s will. The duty of the faithful is to respect prophets, but finally, accept only the provisions of Muhammad (Hamidullah 1973: 60–61). The reverence of the cult of St. John the Baptist in Bosnia and Herzegovina is recorded trough various folkways; however, it is a vague tradition, which means that even when an individual, family or community revere the cult of St. John in some way, the origin of that cult in their religious practice remains mainly unclear to them. Thus, the respondents are unaware of the fact that St. John is one of the prophets mentioned in the Qur’an, even though this fact could be the reason of his reverence. The situation is different in the countries of the Middle East, where entire buildings bear witness to the veneration of St. John the Baptist. In Damascus, in Syria, is one of the largest and oldest mosques, the Umayyad mosque, which is believed to hold the head of John the Baptist, who is revered by both Muslims and Christians (Župić 2009). The elements of shared reverence of the cult of St. John among Catholics and the faithful of the Islamic religion in Livno are visible in many aspects, but primarily through the pilgrimatic procession on the Cemetery of St. Ivo. The married couple Alić from Livno is familiar with the practice of Muslims going to the Cemetery of St. Ivo and making a vow by walking around the chapel. They also gave a gift of money for their prayer to be heard. According to them, the only difference in the pilgrimage of Muslims and Catholics was that the Muslims performed the vow only by walking, while the Catholics also walked on their knees. It has also been recorded that Muslims, who regularly stayed last, collected every single flower that the sculpture of St. Ivo was decorated with and took them home as relics (Vrdoljak 1994: 122). According to another testimony, Muslims (and Orthodox Christians) brought contributions on the eve of the feast that they left by the sculpture of St. Ivo, which is why the sculpture was guarded during that night.44 Muslims also participated in the burning of bonfires and jumping over them. They believed that if a girl or boy jumped over well, they would marry better. By talking about this to42 The sanctuary in Podmilačje is also located near a water source. 43 According to Krilić, St. John the Baptist did not receive his true meaning and correct interpretation as the forerunner of Jesus. 44 Witnessed by Fr. Miro Vrgoč from Livno, who as a young seminarian, also guarded the sculpture on the Cemetery of St. Ivo. 274 Je l a D u v n j a k , M a ri j a M a ri ć B a ko v i ć pic the respondents fondly remember the cohabitation with Catholics, which used to be less burdened with religious and national differences. It is generally believed that in Livno, the practice of Muslims going on a pilgrimage to St. Ivo ceased after the last war. Nowadays, Muslims turn to St. Ivo only in difficult life situations. Interesting is the point of view of Livno’s Catholics on the pilgrimage to St. Ivo among Livno’s Muslims, in which they see the consequence of their belief in „different scriptures“ that are not effective, and hence they turn to this saint for help in times of great need.45 It is well known that Muslims from Livno also visited the pilgrimage site in Podmilačje, and when they were not able, they sent donations for a vow via Catholics. Among the Catholics, it is generally believed that a prayer directed to St. Ivo is more likely to be granted when directed by a Muslim, because it comes from firm faith. In the end, it can be concluded that the reverence of the cult of John the Baptist among Muslims mainly resulted from the cohabitation with the Catholic population.46 Conclusion The aim of this paper was to draw attention to the continuity of sacredness on the locality of the Cemetery of St. Ivo in Livno, since the period of Antiquity to the Modern Age, as well as the actuality of the reverence of the cult of St. John the Baptist through folkways and beliefs among the inhabitants of the Livno region. The cult of St. John on this locality dates from the Late Middle Ages, which is evident from the remains of the Franciscan monastery that was, according to written sources, dedicated to St. John the Baptist. Historical circumstances have lead us to the assumption that the cult of John the Baptist was tied to the feudal family Šubić of Bribir, as well as that the origin of the cult lies in the religious and cultural climate of Christian Europe of that time. Even after the monastery was destroyed during the 16th or the 17th century, the toponym of the locality Cemetery of St. Ivo preserved the memory of the cult of St. John the Baptist, who is referred to as St. Ivo in the local version and generally on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It seems that after the Middle Ages, only traces of the cult of St. John in Livno remained, however, the awareness of the cult was always present and was revived to a greater extent after the remains of the church and monastery were revealed. A special feature of this site is the still existing cult of St. John, which is celebrated on June 24th in the Catholic Church. On the Feast of St. John, on the Cemetery of St. Ivo, in addition to the Mass, a pilgrimatic procession takes place, to which different folkways are tied that are created by the veneration of this saint, in which pre-Christian, Christian and Old Slavic elements intertwine. In contrast to Podmilačje, a pilgrimage site for the faithful from the whole Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as from Dalmatia, the pilgrimage site in Livno is of local character, tied exclusively to the Livno area. While the folkways related to St. John the Baptist in the Livno area, mostly belong to the wider circle of Christian traditions, special attention causes the veneration of this saint among the believers of the Islamic religion. Even though he is referred to as the prophet Yahya in their religious teachings, in this case they revere him solely as a Christian saint, thus the giving of moneys as a votive gift to prophets does not exists in the provisions of religious duties of Muslims (Hamidullah 1973:77–80). This paper has certainly not exhausted the mentioned topic, but can only be taken as a starting point for some future research. Jela Duvnjak Franciscan Museum and Gallery Gorica-Livno Gorička cesta b.b. BiH–80101 Livno fmgglivno.jela.vrdoljak@gmail.com Marija Marić Baković Franciscan Museum and Gallery Gorica-Livno Gorička cesta b.b. BiH–80101 Livno marija.maric.b@gmail.com 45 It is known that the Romani family Bajrić would go on a pilgrimage to St. Ivo mainly during great troubles. 46 A reflection of that is also the practice of Livno's Muslims to give eggs to their children for Easter, so that they could play together with the other children. C on t inu i t y of t he S a cr a l a nd A c t u a l i t y of t he C ult on t he C e me t e r y of S t. I v o in L i v no 275 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ančić, M. 2001, Livno, srednjovjekovna hrvatska županija, Muzej hrvatskih arheoloških spomenika, Split. Andrijanić, Lj. 2008, Ivanovci u hrvatskim zemljama u srednjem vijeku, Povijesni zbornik: godišnjak za kulturu i povijesno naslijeđe, Vol. 2 No. 3, Filozofski fakultet u Osijeku, 241–255. Barun, A. 2006, Franjevci u Bosni, Livno-Zagreb. 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Ecclesia, Villa, Comitatus, Insula Scientific paper In the Middle Ages one method of sacralising the landscape was undoubtedly through the construction of religious buildings bearing the names of their patron saints; often these patrons were also the patrons of the settlements in which the sacred building, consecrated to them, was located. In a number of examples it can be noted that one of the products of this process were the settlements’ names, or names of smaller spatial units within the landscape, which had roots in a personal name, i.e., the name of a saint – hagiotoponyms. The article presents the example of the medieval settlement of Ivanić, today’s Kloštar Ivanić, mentioned for the first time in 1246. This is an interesting example because the Church of St John the Baptist was built in the early 16th century, but the name of the settlement indicates the existence of an earlier architectural structure of religious purpose bearing the same patron, i.e. indicates the continuity of the worship of St John. As early as the second half of the 13th century the name of the settlement was used as the name of a newly formed unit of the episcopal estate or county (comitatus Iwanch). An interesting phenomenon is also the phrase Insula Iwanich, which appears in the late medieval written sources. Key words: Middle Ages, Zagreb Diocese, Slavonia, patron saints, settlements, St John, Ivanić Introduction One way of sacralising the landscape in the Middle Ages was undoubtedly through the construction of religious buildings dedicated to specific patron saints. Often these saints were also the patron saints of the settlements in which the sacred building, dedicated to them, was located. In a number of examples it can be noted that one of the products of this process was a settlement’s name, or the name of smaller spatial units within the landscape, which have roots in a personal name, i.e., in the name of a saint – hagiotoponyms. In the introduction part I would like to briefly present the situation of hagiotoponyms visible in the lists of parishes of the Zagreb Diocese from 1334 and 1501. The chapels and churches that did not have the function of a parish church or a filial chapel are not included in this list, even though we also have a large number of examples where the settlements or possessions carried the name of their church or chapel or monastery patron saint. Their existence is mostly visible in the raw data (historical sources) and some scholar works (e. g., Balog 2004: 59–72; Badurina 2006; Vedriš 2016: 285–310; Dujmović 2016: 39–48), so processing all of them on the territory of the Zagreb Diocese is a wide theme that should be deeply examined and presented in a separate article. Luckily, a list of parish churches of the Zagreb Diocese written by Ivan (John), the Archdeacon of Gora, in the 14th century and that from 1501 were researched and located by Josip Buturac (Buturac 1984). It is also an important starting point for the research on the theme of hagiotoponyms on the territory of the Zagreb Diocese. Helpful publications on this theme are undoubtedly Patrocíniumok a középkori Magyarországon [Patron Saints of Medieval Hungary] by András Mező (Mező 2003) and Heller’s overview of the settlements of former Hungarian counties (Heller 1976; 1977; 1978; 1980a; 1980b). Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 277–285 278 M a j a Ce p e t i ć Ro gi ć On the territory of the Zagreb Diocese altogether, in 1334 and 1501, we have listed 575 parishes (Buturac 1984). If we look closer, 57 patron saints of parish churches in the High and Late Middle Ages gave the name to the settlement or possession in which they were located (Tab. 1). It is 9.9% out of the total number. In addition it is possible to notice that the largest number of them (compared to the number of all parish churches in some archdeaconry) were in the Archdeaconry of Varaždin, 33.3%, Komarnica, 24.2%, Kalnik, 20%, and Vaška, 20% (Tab. 2). These archdeaconries were situated in the central and north-eastern part of the Zagreb Diocese, an area that geographically tended to be more under Hungarian influence. The percentage declines towards the south and southwest. According to this we can perhaps assume that the “trend” of naming settlements or possessions after patron saints came to medieval Slavonia through Hungary. In addition, it is interesting to notice that all of the medieval hagiotoponyms are derivatives of the names of the male saints among whom the most popular were St Peter (in 10 places), St Martin (in 7 places), St Michael and the Holy Cross (both in 5 places). The first necessary step would be to examine the entire territory of the Kingdom for settlements or possessions named not only after the patron saints of parish churches, but also after the patron saints of a monastery, chapel or another religious building. For now, in general, we can say that naming a settlement or possession after a patron saint was certainly not rare in the Middle Ages, be it on the territory of the Zagreb Diocese or on the territory of the Lands of the Crown of St Stephen and further afield. Distribution of the hagiotoponyms in the Zagreb Diocese (until 1501) Patron saint of the parish Medieval name of the settlement (S) / No. Archdeaconry 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Gora Zagorje Zagorje Zagorje Svetačje Svetačje Gušće Gušće Gušće Gušće Gušće church* Martin Michael (Mihael / Mihovil) Ladislas (Ladislav) George (Juraj) Peter (Petar) Peter (Petar) John (Ivan) Ambrose (Ambrozije) Adrian All Saints (Svi Sveti) Paul (Pavao) 12 Zagreb All Saints (Svi Sveti) 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 Zagreb Zagreb Zagreb Komarnica Komarnica Komarnica Komarnica Komarnica Komarnica Komarnica Komarnica Komarnica Komarnica Komarnica Komarnica Komarnica Komarnica Komarnica Martin Peter (Petar) Trinity (Trojstvo) Ladislas (Ladislav) Clement (Klement) Martin George (Juraj) Peter (Petar) Peter (Petar) Michael (Mihael / Mihovil) George (Juraj) All Saints (Svi Sveti) Nicholas (Nikola) Peter (Petar) Paul (Pavao) Martin Holy Cross (Križ) Dominic (Dominik) 31 Gorica Paul (Pavao) 32 33 34 Gorica Kalnik Kalnik Peter (Petar) John (Ivan) Peter (Petar) Today’s name possession (P)** 1501: Marthonfalwa (S) 1456: Myholane, Myhowlan (S) 1456: Sancto Ladislao; 1509: Ladislawcz (S) 1258: sancti Georgii (P) 1469: Poganazenthpeter (S) 1390: Zenthpeterfálua, Petrouina (S) 1479: Zenthivan (P) 1417: Zenthambros (P) 1501: de Oderyanoych (S) 1379: Mendsscench (P) 1495: Paulowcz, Zenthpal (S) 1314: omnium sanctorum (P), 1397: Martinska Ves Mihovljan Ladislavec Juranšćina Pogano Sv. Petar (?) near Kreštelovac Gradina, Brezovica (?) near Virovitica Oderjan (?) near Nova Rača Pavlovac Mendzenth 1209: Sancti Martini (P) 1334: Petrovina (S) 1256 (?): Nedeliche (P); 1501: Nedelcz (S) 1367: sancti Ladislai (S) 1272: Sancto Clemente (S) 1436: Martinecz (P) 1239: Sancti Georgi (S) 1265 (?): Zarpetri (P); 1353: Zentpether (P) 1330: sancti Petri (P) 1405: Mykonech (P) 1270: Sancti Georgii (S) 1495: Myndzenth (S) 1403: Bothkafeuulde és Zenthmiklos (P) 1431: Palychnazenthpeter (P) 1400: Zenthpal (S) 1418: Marthonouch (P) 1397: Kereztwr (P) 1438: Zelnicza-Damankos (P) 1455/64: Paulochane, Pawlowchane maio- Prozorje, Martin-breg Petrovina Sveta Nedelja Vlajislav Kelemen Martijanec Sv. Đurđ (Ludbreški) Sv. Petar (Ludbreški) Peteranec Miholjanec Đurđevac Podravske Sesvete Patkovac (?) Severin (?) Stari Pavljani Martinac (Veliko Trojstvo) Križ Gornji Domankuš ris et minoris (P) (S) 1288: Petrowina (P) 1411: Zenthiwan (S?) 1353: Zentpether (P) Sesvete Pavlovčan Petrovina Sv. Ivan Zelina Sv. Petar Orehovec P at ron s a in t s a nd n a ming of t he l a nd s c a p e . S t J ohn a nd I va nić . E c cl e s i a , v il l a , c o mi tat u s , in s ul a No. Archdeaconry 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 Kalnik Kalnik Kalnik Kalnik Kalnik Vaška Vaška 42 Vaška 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 Vaška Čazma Čazma Čazma Čazma Bekšin Bekšin Bekšin Bekšin Bekšin 53 Varaždin 54 55 56 57 Varaždin Varaždin Varaždin Varaždin Distribution of the hagiotoponyms in the Zagreb Diocese (until 1501) Patron saint of the parish Medieval name of the settlement (S) / church* Holy Cross (Križ) Peter (Petar) John (Ivan) Michael (Mihael / Mihovil) All Saints (Svi Sveti) Holy Cross (Križ) Nicholas (Nikola) Cosmas and Damian (Kuzma i Damjan) Michael (Mihael / Mihovil) Martin Holy Cross (Križ) Thomas (Toma) Ladislas (Ladislav) Nicholas (Nikola) Martin Trinity (Trojstvo) Martin Michael (Mihael / Mihovil) Bartholomew (Bartolomej, Bartol) James (Jakov, Jakob) Holy Cross (Križ) Peter (Petar) Vitus (Vid) 279 Today’s name possession (P)** 1223: Cris (S) 1435: Cherezthuec Zenthpeter (P) 1352: Scenthivan (S) 1495: Mykowcz (S) 1413: Bliznamendsenth (P) 1267: sancte Crucis (P) 1345: Zenthmiklous (P) Križevci Sv. Petar Čvrstec Sv. Ivan Žabno Miholec Velike Sesvete (?) Vaška Novak Mikleuš 1488: Kuzmyncz (P) Kuzma 1330: Scentmyhal (S) 1232: de sancto Martino (P) 1339: sancta Cruce (S) 1363: Zenthamas (P) 1395: Szentlaszlo (P) 1222: Sen Niclous (S) 1321: sancti Martini (S) 1367: Nedelycze (S) 1478: Zenth Marton (S) 1456: Myhowlan (S) Donji Miholjac Martinac Križ Tomašica Ladislav Tornyiszentmiklós Tótszentmárton Nedelišće Sv. Martin na Muri Mihovljan 1437: Zenthbertalan (P) Bartolovec 1391/93: Zenth Jacab (S) 1501: Crysowlyan (S) 1459: Petryancz (P) 1430: Zenth Wyd (P) Jakopovec Križovljan (Radovečki) Petrijanec Vidovec * After Buturac 1984. ** The listed names of the settlement or possession are only the first written mention of it as “hagiotoponym” (some settlements changed their name during medieval times). For more information about the names of the settlements through history please see the primary sources for this table column: Heller 1976; 1977; 1978; 1980a; 1980b; Mező 2003. Tab. 1 Distribution of the hagiotoponyms in the Zagreb Diocese (until 1501) Percentage of the medieval settlements or possessions named after a patron saint of a parish church in the Archdeaconry Zagreb Diocese (until 1501) Settlements or possessions named Parish churches after a patron saint of a parish 1334 and 1501 (No.) church (No.) % Gora 61 1 1.6 Zagorje 17 3 17.6 Svetačje 42 2 4.8 Gušće 48 5 10.4 Zagreb 37 4 10.8 Dubica 54 0 0 Komarnica 62 15 24.2 Gorica 73 2 2.7 Kalnik 35 7 20 Vaška 20 4 20 280 M a j a Ce p e t i ć Ro gi ć Percentage of the medieval settlements or possessions named after a patron saint of a parish church in the Archdeaconry Zagreb Diocese (until 1501) Settlements or possessions named Parish churches after a patron saint of a parish 1334 and 1501 (No.) church (No.) % Čazma 60 4 6.7 Bekšin 46 5 10.9 Varaždin 15 5 33.3 Vrbovec 5 0 0 ZAGREB DIOCESE = 575 = 57 = 9. 9 % Tab. 2 Percentage of the medieval settlements or possessions named after a patron saint of a parish church in the Zagreb Diocese (until 1501) St John and Ivanić Although the list of parishes, because of its consistency, is the easiest way to see the relation between the patron saint and the naming of the settlements on the territory of the Zagreb Diocese, my key example here is the settlement of Ivanić (Kloštar), where both in the Middle Ages and today the parish church is dedicated to St Mary (Fig. 1). The church is also mentioned in the first list of parishes in 1334 (Buturac 1984: 95). Obviously the patron saint of the parish church did not give her name to the settlement. So, what happened here? The important thing in the research of the settlement and its wider surroundings goes back to the earliest documents with the aim to connect the historical data to the present-day landscape, or, more precisely, to its spatial organisation. In the context of Ivanić, as we will see further, all the data helped to dig deeper into the theme and explore the origin of the name. Fig. 1 Kloštar Ivanić, view from the southwest, Church of St Mary (left) and Church St John the Baptist (right) (photo by: M. Cepetić Rogić 2014) P at ron s a in t s a nd n a ming of t he l a nd s c a p e . S t J ohn a nd I va nić . E c cl e s i a , v il l a , c o mi tat u s , in s ul a 281 Ecclesia → villa The medieval settlement of Ivanić, present-day Kloštar Ivanić, appears in written history in 1246, in a document issued by Bishop Stephen II (CD IV: 308–309). It relates mostly to the nuns – those who had left and another group that came at the request of King Bela IV and his wife in 1246. Herein we learn that the Church of St Mary was built by Bishop of Zagreb Stephen II for the first group of nuns that had left before 1246, so its construction could be placed between 1225 and 1242. Former research had already pointed expanded upon that (Klaić 1880: 103; Barbarić 1994: 183; Cvekan 2008: 17). The Church of St Mary was built in villa Iwanch, so the settlement named after Ivan (John) had already existed in the first half of the 13th century. Baltazar Adam Krčelić in his Historiarum cathedralis ecclesiae Zagrabiensis in 1770 (Krčelić 1994: 73–76) wrote in the chapter Curia Ivanić that the name came from the personal name of a Bishop of Zagreb, John [Ivan] I (1288–1295). Even at first glance the thesis seems incorrect because villa Iwanch is mentioned back in 1246, which is 52 years before Bishop John’s time. In addition, Ivanić is mentioned in 1288 as libera villa nostra de Iwanch in the charter issued by the above mentioned bishop (CD VI: 625). Modern scholars, Milan Kruhek and Paškal Cvekan, have pointed out Krčelić’s mistake (Kruhek 1978: 10–11; Cvekan 2008: 12). Both of them, without too much explanation, assume that the settlement’s name may have come from an older chapel or church dedicated to St John. It may be correct, but we need some stronger arguments. I should point out here, because we have Ivanić, not Sveti Ivan/Ivanić, that there are two possibilities in naming medieval settlements after a personal name: or (1) Ivan was a representative of the local gens, possibly during earlier Middle Ages (Goldstein 1996: 10)1 or (2) that Ivan was a patron saint of the church or chapel located in the village, which could be connected to the time of the Christianisation of this area in the first (9th century) or the second wave (from 11th century onwards). I propose to go in reverse order and start with the second possibility, which I also find more probable. The Church of St John the Baptist in present-day Kloštar Ivanić was finished in 1508 for the newly arrived Franciscans (Majer 2006: 65–68), but the earlier appearance of the settlement’s name, as a potential product of sacralisation, would indicate the existence of an earlier religious building dedicated to the same patron. During my former research on the history, development and spatial organisation of medieval Ivanić I identified two arguments to support the above mentioned thesis (Cepetić Rogić 2015: 21–48). The first argument can be found in a written record about the Ivanić annual fair on Midsummer in 1438 (Horvat 1931: 32–33; Cvekan 2008: 19), which is 70 years before the building of the Church of St John the Baptist. The omnipresent medieval custom of holding annual fairs tied to the patron saint of the settlement indicates the presence and continuity of the worship of St John and points to the existence of an earlier religious building dedicated to the same saint (Budak 1994: 68). Considering the fact that the name of the settlement, Iwanch, appears in 1246 we can assume that the worship of St John existed in Ivanić before that year. This would also include material proof of the cult in the shape of a chapel / church.2 Where could the older chapel or church of St John the Baptist have been situated? Here I cannot agree with Cvekan who has argued that the apse of Late Gothic church is a former Chapel of St John the Baptist, expanded with the nave towards the west at the beginning of the 16th century (Cvekan 2008: 46), as the entire construction dates from that period of time (Fig. 2). We conclude that to the visible stylistic forms and recent research that confirmed it as one of the best examples of the Late Gothic architecture in the western part of continental Croatia (Matica 1994: 102–112; Majer 2006: 65–68). Unfortunately, although the restoration works were extensive and lasted for several decades, no archaeological excavations were carried out inside nor in the near area of the church. Non-invasive geophysical researches conducted in 2008 show only existence of a massive crypt made of bricks (Geoarheo 2008). Due to this, we cannot be completely sure of the location of a chapel or a church that may have existed before this Late Gothic one. Its location may provide the second argument for the existence of an older chapel or church dedicated to St John. Due to the spatial organisation of the settlement it is obvious that the parish and nunnery Church of St Mary, built between 1225 and 1242, was located on the south western edge of the urban area (Cepetić Rogić 2015: 33–34). The position of a parish church on the edge of a settlement is a very frequent phenomenon in the 13th century Slavonia (Vučetić 2002: 54; 2005: 137, 150). The main reason could be seen in the already developed urban structure of the existing settlement. In addition, it is hard to believe that the first sacral building in the medieval bishop’s villa, on the first estate of the Zagreb Diocese (from the end of the 11th century), was St Mary’s in the second quarter of the 13th century, even more so as the villa, with the market place, existed at the time that the church was built. Citizens needed to have a holy place to pray and celebrate Christianity; and they also needed a patron saint. 1 During the Early Middle Ages there is frequent occurrence where certain places through their names kept the name of the local gens, and thus indicate the spatial organisation based on tribal basis. It is mostly visible in the organisation of a small area with a small number of people. This phenomenon precedes more complex organisation of the territory in a county during the High Middle Ages. 2 Another important annual fair is on 15th August, connected to the cult of St Mary who was the patron saint of Ivanić’s parish and nunnery church. 282 M a j a Ce p e t i ć Ro gi ć Fig. 2 Kloštar Ivanić, Church of St John the Baptist, beginning of the 16th ct., view from the northeast (photo by: M. Cepetić Rogić 2014) If we look closer at the spatial organisation of medieval Ivanić, we notice that the main axis around which the settlement was formed is the magna via, coming from two other bishop’s villae Čazma and Dubrava, situated further east, and leading towards the west, via Lupoglav to the seat of the Diocese, Zagreb. We can determine the urban structure as a being linear with the wide main street expanded to the market square in the shape of a triangle in the southwestern part of the settlement, still visible today. The main square was formed at the place where the main street (magna via) meets another one coming from the southwest, from the direction of the Sava River. Along the road in the north-eastern part of the settlement there was the bishop’s fortified residence, castrum, and on the south western part was the Parish Church of St Mary with the nunnery (Cepetić Rogić 2015: 36–39). If we bear in mind that the north-eastern part of the settlement is older, then it should also be the place where the earlier chapel or church of St John was situated. We can only assume it was in the same place as the Late Gothic one, respecting a holy place and also being part of the bishop’s castrum. Only archaeological excavations can confirm this however, none are planned. Still, all the arguments point to an earlier existence of a chapel or church dedicated to St John the Baptist. Ecclesia → villa → comitatus The story of the name Ivanić continues, and so does the sacralisation of the landscape. Back in the second half of the 13 century, in a document issued by Bishop John I, the name of the settlement was used as the name of the newly formed unit of the episcopal estate or county (comitatus Iwanch) with the administrative centre in Ivanić (CD VI: 625) (Map 1).3 We also have this kind of example, which shows further sacralisation process, in the case of vicinal Križevci: from ecclesia (Holy Cross) and villa (Cris, Kyris) to the comitatus (Crisiensis). It was not rare that a central settlement gave its name to a newly formed administrative unit, especially in the cases of medieval counties (comitatus); of course, not all of them included the patron saint’s name.4 th 3 Bishop estates Dubrava, Ivanić and Čazma were in the political way medieval counties (comitatus) with the bishop as comes. 4 In the vicinity there are also examples of transfers without a saint’s name, for example: Donbro, Dumbrau – comitatus de Donbro; Chasma – comitatus Chasmensis; Zagrabia – comitatus Zagrabiensis, etc. P at ron s a in t s a nd n a ming of t he l a nd s c a p e . S t J ohn a nd I va nić . E c cl e s i a , v il l a , c o mi tat u s , in s ul a 283 Ecclesia → villa → comitatus → insula The expression of Insula Iwangh appears in written sources in the Late Middle Ages. It is mentioned for the first time in 1335 (CD X: 245) in the context of roads, bridges and the taxes collected on them. Insula Iwangh is the mark of a geographical area that overlaps with the area of the medieval administrative unit of the episcopal estate or County of Ivanić. It is interesting to note that the phrase is still in use today, marking almost the same area as in the Late Middle Ages. Of course, Ivanić wasn’t insula in the real sense of the word, but the phrase nicely describes the geographical characteristics of the landscape. A hilly area in the centre (Marča wood) is surrounded by the rivers: Česma and Glogovnica on the East, and Črnec and Stara Zelina on the West. In between the hills and rivers we found a swampy area. So, in a way, we can see the territory of comitatus Iwanch as an island. Furthermore, the name “Ivanić” was taken over by the nearby settlement at the River Lonja, mentioned in 1503 as Ivanich Lonia (Cvekan 2008: 13); in subsequent history it is Ivanić-Tvrđa [Ivanić-Fort], present-day Ivanić-Grad [Ivanić-Town] (Heller 1978: 102). The importance which the “younger” Ivanić gained with its fortress during the Ottoman times, slowly but surely, led to the development of the new local centre that remains so to this day. Medieval Ivanić, present-day Kloštar Ivanić, receded into the background reminding us of where and how the story about Ivanić began. Map 1 Ivanić County in the 13th century, basis: topographic map 1:25 000 (author: M. Cepetić Rogić 2015) 284 M a j a Ce p e t i ć Ro gi ć Conclusion It is obvious that naming a settlement or possession after a patron saint is not exceptional in the Middle Ages, but one should be careful making such a conclusion without careful research. In the Early Modern period we can see that the phenomena of naming settlements after a patron saint of a parish church is still present. It is 4.3%, i.e. 25 out of 575 patron saints of the medieval parish churches gave their name to the Early Modern settlements. We can hardly find the reason solely in the Ottoman presence from the beginning of the 16th century to the late 17th, because we find the highest percentage of the “sacred” settlements’ names in the Early Modern period in the central parts of the Diocese: Archdeaconry of Zagorje, 17.6%, Kalnik, 11.4%, Čazma, 8.3% and Komarnica, 8.1% (Tab. 3). Most of the territory of Archdeaconries under Ottoman occupation had a much lower percentage: Gušće, Svetačje, Dubica (only about 2%), Vaška and Gora (no examples). Why is that so I cannot say, but it would be an interesting question for linguists, anthropologists and ethnologists. To conclude, the case of Ivanić is a good example of showing the sacralisation of the landscape through the name of a patron saint, i.e. through the creation of hagiotoponyms. Although in or around Ivanić we don’t have the remains of any chapel or church of St John from the High Middle Ages, which marked the first step in the Christian sacralisation of the area, other data, such as written sources, the names of settlements and of larger spatial units confirm that St John had successfully sacralised the medieval landscape. Percentage of the Early Modern and Modern settlements or possessions named after a medieval patron Archdeaconry saint of a parish church in the Zagreb Diocese (after 1501) Settlements or possessions named Parish churches after a patron saint of a parish church 1334 and 1501 (No.) (No.) % Gora 61 0 0 Zagorje 17 3 17.6 Svetačje 42 1 2.4 Gušće 48 1 2.1 Zagreb 37 2 5.4 Dubica 54 1 1.9 Komarnica 62 5 8.1 Gorica 73 3 4.1 Kalnik 35 4 11.4 Vaška 20 0 0 Čazma 60 5 8.3 Bekšin 46 0 0 Varaždin 15 0 0 Vrbovec 5 0 0 ZAGREB DIOCESE = 575 = 25 = 4. 3 % Tab. 3 Percentage of the Early Modern and Modern settlements or possessions named after a medieval patron saint of a parish church in the Zagreb Diocese (after 1501) Maja Cepetić Rogić University of Rijeka Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Art History Department Sveučilišna avenija 4 HR–51000 Rijeka maja.cepetic@gmail.com P at ron s a in t s a nd n a ming of t he l a nd s c a p e . S t J ohn a nd I va nić . 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(eds.), Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku i Hrvatsko katoličko sveučilište, Zagreb, 285–310. Vučetić, R. 2002, Prostorna struktura srednjovjekovnih gradskih naselja u Hrvatskom zagorju i njihov razvoj do 1. svjetskog rata, master’s thesis, Filozofski fakultet, Zagreb. Vučetić, R. 2005, Prostorni razvoj privilegiranih srednjovjekovnih gradova u sjeverozapadnoj Hrvatskoj do 18. stoljeća, Doctoral dissertation, Filozofski fakultet, Zagreb. 286 Rosana Ratkovčić Continuity and Discontinuity of the Holy Sites of Christianity and Islam in the Examples from the Sufi Tradition Scientific paper Many churches were turned into mosques after the arrival of the Ottomans in the Balkans and upon their departure they once again assumed their Christian role. In this paper we will show examples of the continuity of tradition of Christian and Muslim Sufi holy places, along with examples of discontinuity and of replacement of a holy place due to changes in the religious composition of the population caused by changing of political boundaries. Examples that will be discussed are located in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia and Serbia, the areas which once belonged to the Ottoman Empire. In Petrovaradin there is a church of Our Lady of the Tekke, which in its name combines Christian and Sufi origin and shows up as a witness of changing of these traditions. In Bulgaria, near Nova Zagora, there is a site called Kidemli Baba Tekke, set in a location which was continuously used as sanctuary from the pre-Christian times, as evidenced by its present name - St. Elijah. In the Croatian town of Stara Gradiška, near the fortress, there was the türbe of Sheikh Gaibija, the most famous Sufi from Slavonia in the Ottoman period. In 1954, at the request of the Socialist Republic of Croatia, the türbe was relocated from Stara Gradiška to Bosanska Gradiška. Key words: Holy Sites of Christianity and Islam, Ottoman culture, Sufism, tekke, türbe, Church of Our Lady of the Tekke in Petrovaradin, Sheikh Gaibija, Kidemli Baba Arrival of the Ottomans in Rumelia, the Balkans part of the Ottoman Empire, brought about significant changes in the religious composition of the population, which had previously been exclusively Christian – Catholic or Orthodox. The conquered areas were populated by members of the Islamic faith, while many local Christians have embraced Islam. Changes in the religious composition of the population were accompanied by the need for religious facilities adapted to the new faith. In addition to the construction of new religious facilities some Christian churches were turned into mosques. After the departure of the Ottomans these objects were turned back to their original purpose, and on the other hand, the Islamic religious buildings were now converted to Christianity. In the view of some researchers, the early arrival of the Sufis, dervishes and their sheikhs, preceded the Ottoman conquest and significantly contributed to the Islamization of the local population, the spread of Islam and Islamic culture (Hafizović 2011: 208). Sufism or tasawwuf is usually explained as Islamic mysticism. It is a particular way of religious, social and cultural life in which the boundaries between transcendence and material world are erased, while transcendental becomes an integral part of everyday life and work. Dervishes are followers of Sufism, sheikh (šejh) is the spiritual teacher for the group of dervishes, and there are various dervish orders known as tariqats. Tekke is a meeting place for dervishes and holding of religious ceremonies. Türbes are mausoleums erected for dervish sheikhs, although the term can refer to mausoleums of other important people in the Islamic tradition (Hadžibajrić 2011: 112). Sufism generally has a freer attitude towards the strict rules of Islamic faith, and therefore we could assume that is was more acceptable to Christians. Due to their open and humane behavior sheikhs and their dervishes were very popular among the people. In tekkes free food to the poor was distributed and protection to the sick and infirm people was provided. All people, regardless of race, gender, ethnicity or religion could find assistance and shelter (Ratkovčić 2014: 55). Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 287–297 288 Ro s a n a R at ko v či ć Facilities associated with the Sufi tradition of the Ottoman culture were selected as the subject of this research due to closer relations that Islam through Sufism established with Christianity and in the sacralisation of space one may find interesting examples that depart from the usual practice. Church of Our Lady of the Tekke (Gospa Tekijsk a) In Petrovaradin, near Novi Sad, there is the Church of Our Lady of the Tekke (Gospa Tekijska), which in its own name combines Christian and Sufi origins and stands as a witness to change of these traditions (fig. 1). In the place of present-day shrine of Our Lady of the Tekke from the 13th to 16th century stood a little church dedicated to the Virgin Mary. It was built Fig. 1 Petrovaradin, Church of Our Lady of the Tekke (photo by: R. Ratkovčić) by the Cistercians, who came there in 1237, at the invitation of the Hungarian-Croatian king Bela IV. After the Ottoman conquest of Petrovaradin Fortress in 1526, the church was allegedly demolished, and two dervishes raised in that place a shack, and a small mosque with a minaret was later built there (Kljajić 2004: 86). When the Ottomans withdrew from the Petrovaradin Fortress in October 1687, after the defeat at Nagyharsány, the mosque was abandoned. In 1693, the Jesuits came to Petrovaradin and turned the mosque at Tekije into the Chapel of the Virgin Mary’s Immaculate Conception (Kljajić 2004: 87). After two extensions, in 1735 and 1754, the church, then under Vicar Ilija Okrugić, was completely reconstructed by Herman Bollé in 1881. In the same year, the restoration of the church was solemnly celebrated. During the reconstruction of the church the old Ottoman mosque was demolished and in its place a dome with a small tower was built, and above the dome a crescent was placed, which is still there today, and a cross was placed above it (Kljajić 2004: 93) (Fig. 2). Due to numerous reconstructions of the church, especially because of the last major remodelling in 1881, unfortunately one can no longer find the remains of the earlier constructions in the church of Our Lady of the Tekke, which could tell us more about the layout of buildings that were once located in this place, or about their architectural changes. The name Tekije (tekkes) in Petrovaradin is nowhere recorded as a toponym, there is no city authority’s mark set up where one could read the name as a definition of the place where we are. The name Tekije is preserved only in the memory of the Catholics who lived there in the Ottoman period and continued to use it after the departure of the Muslim population. It indicates that the existence of tekke in this place had an important role for the people of Petrovaradin. A reminder of the former existence of tekke is also present in the name of processions for the feast of St. Anne on 26th July and Our Lady of the Snows, on 5th August, which in Petrovaradin are called Male Tekije (Small Tekkes) and Velike Tekije (Large Tekkes). Both processions were banned by Joseph II (Kljajić 2004: 93). However, these holidays are celebrated today in the church of Our Lady of the Tekke (fig. 3). Fig. 2 Petrovaradin, Church of Our Lady of the Tekke, detail (photo by: R. Ratkovčić) C on t inui t y a nd D i s c on t inui t y of t he H oly S i t e s of C hri s t i a ni t y a nd Is l a m in t he E x a mp l e s f rom t he S uf i T r a d i t ion 289 Fig. 3 Petrovaradin, Church of Our Lady of the Tekke, poster with the program of celebration "Velike Tekije" (Great Tekkes) (photo by: R. Ratkovčić) On 5th August 1716 near the church on Tekije, a major battle took place in which the army of Eugene of Savoy defeated the Ottoman army (Omerbašić 2010: 356). As the battle took place on the day of Our Lady of the Snows, Eugene of Savoy as a sign of gratitude for the victory donated to the chapel a copy of a painting with an image of Our Lady of the Snows, the original of which is in the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome (Kljajić 2004: 91). Today the celebration of Our Lady of the Tekke is mainly associated with this victory over the Ottoman army. The cross, which was placed above the crescent on the dome above the sanctuary of the church, is interpreted as a symbol of the victory of the cross over the crescent, Christianity over Islam (Kljajić 2004: 93). However, the fact that the cross and the crescent moon are situated above the place where a mosque once stood might be interpreted in the way that the crescent was placed there in memory of the mosque that once stood on the site (Ratkovčić 2014: 61). Tekke of Kidemli Baba One of the most interesting monuments of the Sufi tradition from the Ottoman period in Bulgaria is a site called the Tekke of Kidemli Baba, about 15 kilometers south of Nova Zagora, in Sliven Province. Although the literature mentions that the site is located near the village Grafitovo (USCPAH 20101: 15; Mikov 2012: 482), on our field trip to the site we could not find the village and it appears to be located in an uninhabited place, on a hill from which the view extends to the wide plateau.3 The top of the hill on which this site is located is called St. Elijah (Sveti Iliya) (Mikov 2012: 48) which leads to the assumption that this was where the Early Christian shrine for Elijah the Thunderer was, since it was him who in Christianity assumed the role of pre-Christian Slavic deity Perun (Belaj 2009: 179). It is believed that this site has continuously been sacred, ever since the pre-Christian times, and later on this place stood a Byzantine fortress, Christian church, tekke and St. Elias Orthodox monastery (USCPAH 2010: 15). Today no remains of these earlier structures are identifiable, on which we could base their more precise features. At the beginning of the hiking trail which leads to the türbe of Kidemli Baba, on a hill in a completely deserted land, is a handwritten sign which points to the church of St. Elijah (Fig. 4). This indicates that today among the locals this site is better known as the Church of St. Elijah than as the Tekke of Kidemli Baba.4 Although the literature mentions that the site is called the Tekke of Kidemli Baba, only the türbe is located here5 (fig. 5). Tekke as the name of the site probably indicates that once there was a tekke, as reported by Evliya Çelebi. It may be linked to information given by Lyubomir Mikov that heterodox dervish türbes were used for holding religious ceremonies, which 1 Publication USCPAH is a result of the work of a larger number of contributors who were not listed as its authors. The authorship was attributed to the United States Commission for the Preservation of America's Heritage, and I therefore chose this abbreviation as a reference. Although the name sounds pretty imperial, which is not surprising given its founder, this is a valuable publication because it contains descriptions of fifty sites with Islamic monuments in the territory of Bulgaria and explains their architectural and historical significance. I would like to thank USCPAH for sending me at my request two copies of the publication. 2 I would like to thank a friend and colleague Hristo Saldžijev from the Trakia University in Stara Zagora who recommended literature which I used for this study, and my friend and colleague Eveline Grozdanova from the Plovdiv University who acquired and brought these books from Bulgaria to Zagreb. 3 I visited this site on 1st November 2015 during my stay in Plovdiv, while participating in the symposium Pajsijevi dani organized by the Plovdiv University. At my request Evelina Grozdanova, one of the organizers, acquired a van and my traveling participants were driver Zdravko Sirakov, Evelina Grozdanova, Lidija Bajuk, and Suzana Marjanić. Maria Slavcheva, who was our guide, joined us later in Stara Zagora. Herein I wish to thank all of them for their cooperation. 4 Perhaps this could be explained by the generally negative attitude that exists in Bulgaria towards the Muslims, as a legacy of anti-Muslim and antiTurkish policy of the Bulgarian government in the seventies and eighties of the 20 th century. In the eighties the campaign for Regeneration was launched to wipe out the Muslim and Turkish religious and cultural identity and force the Muslim and Turkish citizens of Bulgaria to accept Bulgaria's ethnic and religious identity or to emigrate. This resulted in a mass exodus of 360,000 Bulgarian Turks to Turkey in the summer of 1989 (USCPAH 2010: 10). 5 The site is referred to as the Kidemli Baba tekke in the USCPAH publication (2010: 15) and in the book by N. Gramatikova (Gramatikova 2011: 428), whereas Mikov (Mikov 2012: 48) lists it as the Kidemli Baba türbe. 290 Ro s a n a R at ko v či ć Fig. 4 Nova Zagora, surroundings – signpost to the Church of St. Elijah, ie. Kidemli Baba türbe (photo by: R. Ratkovčić) Fig. 5 Nova Zagora, surroundings – Kidemli Baba türbe (photo by: R. Ratkovčić) were normally held in tekkes (Mikov 2012: 559). The türbe is a seven-sided dome building, with a dome hidden in a drum. It was recorded that the dome was covered with lead, and today it is covered with tiles (Gramatikova 2011: 431). The türbe is entered through a closed and domed square portico. On the outer walls of the türbe is marble panelling from properly cut and processed white marble blocks, C on t inui t y a nd D i s c on t inui t y of t he H oly S i t e s of C hri s t i a ni t y a nd Is l a m in t he E x a mp l e s f rom t he S uf i T r a d i t ion 291 and the interior is built from brick and plaster. There are no traces of earlier cult objects at the site, only the crosses placed over the dome and portico testify of later existence of the Orthodox monastery of St. Elias. Kidemli Baba was a spiritual guide of the Alevis-Bektashi6 in Bulgarian countries in the first half of the 16th century (Gramatikova 2011: 435). Gramatikova states that Evliya Çelebi described this place in detail in the third and the eighth volume of his travelogues (Gramatikova 2011: 428). Evliya Çelebi writes about Kidemli Baba and his affiliation to Bektashi order and mentions that he was a shepherd7 (Gramatikova 2011: 222). Kidemli Baba is also mentioned in Vilayetnama (journal) by Demir (Timur) Baba, where it says that his real name was Musa Čoban8 and that he was a Bektashi Sheikh (Gramatikova 2001: 223). In the third volume of his travelogue Evliya Çelebi mentiones Sultan Mehmed I (1381–1421) as the one responsible for the construction of the “sacred dome over the grave of this righteous man” (Gramatikova 2011: 428), and thus the construction of türbe can be dated back to the beginning of the 15th century. He also mentions that Sultan Mehmed I endowed seven villages for maintaining of the tekke and that along with the türbe of Kidemli Baba there were also a tekke, an imaret and a masjid9 (Gramatikova 2011: 428), which have not been preserved. Evliya Çelebi recorded that all the dignitaries from the region paid respect to the saint and wanted to pay tribute to his grave (Gramatikova 2011: 429). Recent researches base for dating Kidemli Baba life and construction of türbe found in Demir Baba’s Vilayetnama, as well as in stylistic features of the türbe (Gramatikova 2001; 2011; Mikov 2012). Demir Baba’s Vilayetnama also notes that the construction of the türbe began three years after Kidemli Baba death, which is set to around 1547, before 1550–1551 (Gramatikova 2011: 429). From the 20s to the 40s of the 16th century Kidemli Baba’s tekke functioned as cultural and religious centre of Islam in the unorthodox Thracian area (Gramatikova 2011: 429). Lyubomir Mikov states that the türbe of Kidemli Baba is one of four monumental türbes from the 16th century belonging to the medieval cult architecture associated with religious needs of heterodox Muslims in Bulgaria. Other türbes in this group are Otman Baba’s türbe in the village of Teketo, Haskovo region, Akyazili Baba türbe in the village Obrochista, Balchik region, and Demir Baba türbe near the village of Sveshtari, Isperih region (Mikov 2012: 560). The most distinctive feature of these türbes is their heptagonal shape, which has no analogy in the Muslim cult architecture until the 19th century (Mikov 2012: 561). This type of heptagonal architecture does not exist in the Ottoman, or in previous Seljuk cult architecture, nor is it noted in Central Asia (Mikov 2012: 560); therefore, it can be considered a special feature of the Bulgarian architecture of the Ottoman period. The seven-sided structure, which is difficult to build accurately, presents a form that is associated with Hurufi and Bektashi türbes (USCPAH 2010: 15). The specific architectural layout of Kidemli Baba türbe also speaks for dating it to the 16th century, because there is no analogy before the 15th century in Bulgaria. Moreover, it is similar to the plan of Otman and Akyazili Baba’s türbes, which were built in the first half of the 16th century (Mikov 2012: 52). Dating it to the 16th century can also be confirmed with the relief rosette which is located above the south window, an architectural element of the 16th century (Gramatikova 2011: 431; Mikov 2012: 52). The sixteenth century was a time when spiritual leaders of heterodox Islam reached their peak of popularity and influence (Mikov 2012: 52). In Demir Baba’s Vilayetnama it is said that Kidemli Baba treated children and beloved wife of Sultan Suleiman I (1494–1566) of “foreign disease” (Mikov 2012: 52), which also confirms that Kidemli Baba lived at the time of Sultan Suleiman I and allows for the dating of the construction of the türbe to the 50s of the 16th century. Today the türbe is completely neglected, overgrown with bushes, and on its exterior a large number of marble slabs are destroyed or removed. At the top of the dome is the cross, and above the entrance is another cross, which is damaged and bent. The sarcophagus and tomb of Kidemli Baba were destroyed, opened and burned, and only traces of the stones on the ground indicate the place where the grave was once located (Fig. 6). In 2010 it was stated that the interior walls were recently painted green and white (USCPAH 2010: 16), while today only traces of white paint are evident, through which 6 Bektashis were members of a heterodox dervish order, tariqat, which was widespread in Bulgaria in the Ottoman time. Because of their association with the Janissaries, they were protected from prosecution by the authorities to which heterodox dervish orders were often exposed. However, when in 1826 the Janissaries were abolished the great persecution of Bektashis began (Mičijević 2016: 14-15). 7 I would like to thank Mr. Lubomir Petkashev from the International Center for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations, for sending me at my request a copy of the mentioned publication. 8 Čoban (tur. çoban) is the word used in some Slavic languagues in the meaning of shepherd. 9 Masjid is a smaller Muslim place of worship that has no minaret, and imaret is a public charity kitchen where the poor and travellers were served free food. Mention of the imaret in this desolate place today leads to the assumption that at the time of Kidemli Baba in the 16th century, and at the time of Evliya Çelebi in the 17th century, the area was much more populated. 292 Ro s a n a R at ko v či ć moisture penetrates, with other damage to the walls. Exterior and interior walls are inscribed with recent spray paint-made graffiti with various names written in Cyrillic, which could be seen as a representation of negative attitude of today’s Bulgarian society towards the Islamic heritage of the Ottoman era.10 Fig. 6 Nova Zagora, surroundings – Kidemli Baba türbe, interior (photo by: R. Ratkovčić) Türbe of Sheikh Gaibija Apart from these examples that show continuity of sacred places along with the change of the cult to which they belong to, on Croatian and Bosnian banks of the Sava River we have an example of relocating the holy site because of the change of borders and religious composition of the population. In Stara Gradiška, next to the fort, once stood the türbe of Sheikh Gaibija, the most famous Sufi from Slavonia from the Ottoman period. In 1954, at the request of the Socialist Republic of Croatia, the türbe of Sheikh Gaibija was moved from Stara Gradiška in Croatia to Bosanska Gradiška in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Hadžialagić 2001: 10, 11) (Fig. 7). Sheikh Mustafa Gaibija lived in Gradiška in the second half of the 17th century.11 Many stories and tales about him have survived. The most famous legend about Sheikh Gaibija talks about how in 1683, when the Austro-Ottoman war began, he announced the defeat at Vienna to Kara Mustafa Pasha, the grand vizier, which came true (Hadžialagić 2001: 13). Another famous tale relates that after the defeat at Vienna Sheikh Gaibija answered the question of where would the new border between Austria and the Ottoman Empire be set by saying “Border is on Sava and on my back” (Sava međa i moja leđa) (Omerbašić 2010: 329). Furthermore, the tradition says that after the Ottoman army had been defeated at Vienna it retreated across the Sava River. Sheikh Gaibija was killed by an Ottoman soldier because he did not want to go with them. He was buried on the bank of Sava River and at the place where his remains were laid to rest, the border was set between Austria and the Ottoman Empire, as he predicted (Omerbašić 2010: 329). Christians from Slavonia paid tribute to Sheikh Gaibija as a sign of gratitude for his prediction of the failure of the Ottoman army at Vienna, after which the border was established on the Sava River. On the other side, Muslims from Bosnia until 1878 believed that “the spirit of Gaibija was watching over the Bosnian border and protecting them from the enemy” (Hadžialagić 2001: 31). 10 For the explanation of the negative attitude in Bulgaria towards the Muslims please see the note 4. 11 At the time of the Ottoman rule, there is no mention of two towns bearing the name of Gradiška, so it is assumed that back then Gradiška was one city on the two banks of the Sava River. Only after the siege of Vienna and the Karlowitz peace treaty of 1699, which established the border between the Ottoman Empire and Austria on the Sava River, the mention of two Gradiškas began (Hadžialagić 2001: 9). C on t inui t y a nd D i s c on t inui t y of t he H oly S i t e s of C hri s t i a ni t y a nd Is l a m in t he E x a mp l e s f rom t he S uf i T r a d i t ion 293 Fig. 7 Bosanska Gradiška, Sheikh Gaibija türbe (photo by: R. Ratkovčić) According to old photographs it can be seen that the türbe of Sheikh Gaibija in Stara Gradiška was a brick building with a hipped roof and round arches over the doors and windows. It had decorated environment with greenery and flowers and a beautiful iron fence, which gave a more complete and solemn appearance to it (Hadžialagić 2001: 13) (fig. 8). During the relocation of the türbe from Stara Gradiška, a faithful reconstruction of the old türbe was not made. Today the türbe is located in the harem (graveyard) of The Tekke Mosque (Tekijska džamija) in Bosanska Gradiška,12 near the fence, on the north side. It is a brick square structure, small in size, plastered in white, with a hipped roof (Ratkovčić 2014: 64). The street that leads from the mosque harem to the west today is called Tekijska ulica (Tekke Street), and the street leading to the cemetery of the Tekke Mosque in Bosanska Gradiška, where the türbe of Sheikh Gaibija is, is called Gajibina ulica (Gajibina Street) (Fig. 9). The oldest record of Sheikh Gaibija can be found in Liber Memorabilium parochiae Vetero Gradiscanae (The Book of Memorabilia of Stara Gradiška Parish), stored in the parish hall in Stara Gradiška, and dated in 18th century. The record of Sheikh Gaibija is written in Latin, and the title is Sepulcro magni prophetae Gaibia (The Tomb of the Great Prophet Gaibija) (Hadžialagić 2001: 34). The very title shows that the Catholic parish priest who wrote Liber respected the Sheikh. In Liber, the chronicler mentions that during the period of plague which raged in Stara Gradiška in 1690, Gaibija made the sign of a cross on some houses and that in those houses no one died from the plague. Based on that he doubts whether Gaibija was even a Muslim (Jedna čudna ličnost, 1937: 3). In the same record in Liber we learn something about the appearance of the türbe of Sheikh Gaibija, which was open and had a low walled fence and four pillars that carried the roof (Hadžialagić 2001: 34). In 1828, at the request of Emperor Franz I, the tomb was enclosed by a wall and protected by a roof. At the same time, at the expense of the Turks a metal lamp was made in the shape of a crescent which was lit on certain days and burned all night, and the Bosnian Muslims acquired three large iron balls for the decoration of the mausoleum (Jedna čudna ličnost..., 1937: 3). Liber also states that people crossed the Sava River in boats and prayed by Gaibija’s türbe (Hadžialagić 2001: 35). Safet-beg Bašagić also writes that “Bosnian Muslims frequently crossed the Sava River to Stara Gradiška in order to visit the grave of Sheikh Gaibija” (Bašagić 1931: 227). Sheikh Gaibija was much appreciated by the people that it is mentioned 12 The Tekke Mosque in Bosanska Gradiška was built in 1620 with wooden minaret and hipped roof, and it was in function until 1966 when a new domed mosque was built, and the old one demolished. This mosque was destroyed on 25th March 1993, and in its place a new mosque was built in 2003. 294 Ro s a n a R at ko v či ć Fig. 8 Stara Gradiška, Sheikh Gaibija türbe, 20-s of the 20th century (http://old.kons.gov.ba/html/slike/1087476072.jpg) that those who due to poverty or poor health could not go to Mecca to perform Hajj, the pilgrimage, used to visit Gaibija’s grave instead (Kostić, 1934: 99–100). Croatian priest, politician and traveller Mihovil Pavlinović visited Stara Gradiška in 1875, where he heard the legend related by the locals saying that Gaibija rises from the dead and goes among the believers whenever a war starts (Hadžialagić 2001: 38). Pavlinović wrote that the Turkish authorities of Berbir even sought to move the grave to Bosnia, but that the Vienna Government “was not crazy to allow it,” Pavlinović says, but allowed pilgrimages and prayers (Hadžialagić 2001: 38). Pavlinović further writes that the tomb was stone walled and authorities from Berbir were allowed to make a roof and thus türbe was built. Local authorities from Berbir as well as the Turkish government in Istanbul took care of it, and a guard was employed to change towels and water for ablution, for Gaibija and visitors worship (Hadžialagić 2001: 38). Husref Hadžialagić relates that older citizens of Gradiška testified that between the world wars Gaibija’s türbe had a guardhouse with a guard. The guard daily cleaned and maintained the türbe, which included regular changing of towels and bringing fresh water in a pitcher for ablution. According to their statements, early in the morning the guard would sometimes find a wet towel, which meant that on that morning Sheikh Gaibija took ablution and performed the fajr (dawn) prayer (Hadžialagić 2001: 38). Hadžialagić also writes that he learned from a citizen of Gradiška that in the period of great drought Muslims from Bosanska Gradiška, led by their hodjas (Muslim clerics), used to go to the bank of the Sava in Jalija, where the Jaruga River flowed into the Sava River. Looking from that place just across the Sava, one could see Gaibija’s türbe. Everyone would turn around, raise hands and pray, asking Allah to give them rain (Hadžialagić 2001: 39). In Zagreb newspaper in German Agramer Tagblatt (Zagrebački dnevnik), published on 20th May 1898, a feuilleton entitled “Grob Gajbabe u Staroj Gradišci” (The Grave of Gajbija in Stara Gradiška) was published, signed by initials M-ć. It is the oldest newspaper record of Sheikh Gaibija and his türbe (Hadžialagić 2001: 40). Describing Gaibija’s türbe, the author states that the senior restorer Jozef Feldinger, who was hired by military authorities to restore the Stara Gradiška fortress, also restored Gaibija’s türbe, turned the space in front of the tomb into a park and planted flowers (Hadžialagić 2001: 40). He also mentions that a delegation from Bosanska Gradiška, composed of the mayor, the kadi (Muslim judge), the mullah (learned, respectable man) and one trader, came to thank the restorer for his efforts (Hadžialagić 2001: 40). The author states that the residents of Stara Gradiška like to spend time next to Gaibija’s türbe, enjoying the greenery and flowers (Hadžialagić 2001: 40). Sheikh Gaibija is also mentioned in Croatian folk poetry, which Luka Ilić Oriovčanin collected and published in his book Lovorike in 1874 (Ilić 1990: 78–81). Entitled Turski sedmogodišnji rat i Slavonci od god. 1683. do 1690. (Turkish Seven Years’ War and Slavonians from the year 1683 to 1690), the most famous Gaibija’s prediction is celebrated, the defeat of Ottoman army at Vienna, and this poem was written in the 19th century by Ivo Šljivarić, a postman from Oriovac (Hadžialagić 2001: 32). In the footnotes, the editor extensively describes the life and work of Sheikh Gaibija, as well as his death. Gaibija is called a “witch doctor and fortune teller”, who stood with “the Turks in great admiration”. (Ilić 1990: 80) It is also written that it is not known whether he was a Muslim or a Christian, because he “used to use in his craft the sign of a cross as well” (Ilić 1990: 80). All these records, articles, stories, tales and legends indicate that Sheikh Gaibija was a person who for a long time after his death evoked respect, admiration and fear of members of both religions who lived in the area, Muslims and Christians C on t inui t y a nd D i s c on t inui t y of t he H oly S i t e s of C hri s t i a ni t y a nd Is l a m in t he E x a mp l e s f rom t he S uf i T r a d i t ion 295 Fig. 9 Bosanska Gradiška, Gajbina street (photo by: R. Ratkovčić) alike (Ratkovčić 2014: 66). The fact that the construction of his türbe in Stara Gradiška was commissioned by Emperor Franz I, and that it was paid for from the Treasury, indicates that Sheikh Gaibija was respected by the Emperor of Austria himself in the sense that the Austrian emperor considered pragmatic investing funds to maintain the tomb of Sheikh Gaibija, where so many visitors gathered. Before its relocation to Bosanska Gradiška, the Gaibija’s türbe in Stara Gradiška, along with the Djulbaba türbe in Buda, were the only Islamic monuments of this kind in the area north of the Sava River that was once under Ottoman rule. On the basis of the selected examples from former Rumelia, the Balkan part of the Ottoman Empire, we could see the relation between the Christian tradition and Sufism in appropriating the sacred space. In the Church of Our Lady of the Tekke in Petrovaradin, the official narrative is linking the importance of the church with the victory of Eugene of Savoy over the Ottomans and his donation of a copy of a famous painting of Our Lady, which was attributed with miraculous properties. On the other side, in the folk tradition the name of Our Lady of the Tekke is preserved, thereby preserving the memory of the existence of the tekke in that place and indicating its significance for former residents, regardless of religion. This interreligious semantic combination is repeated in the motif of the cross and the crescent placed above the dome of the church. In Bulgaria, the Kidemli Baba türbe next to which once stood the tekke and other supporting structures was built at the top of St. Elijah on which there was a continuity of the holy places of pre-Christian and Christian tradition. Although it is a supreme monument of Islamic culture, art and architecture, today this tomb is completely neglected, desacralized and devastated, because of the negative attitude of the Bulgarian society against Islam and Muslims. That is the reason why except in the scientific literature it is not mentioned under the name of the Kidemli Baba türbe, but as St. Elijah. In the life of Sheikh Gaibija and the history of his türbe which was relocated from Stara to Bosanska Gradiška, we can see reflection of the history of the border on the Sava River and the population living along this border. According to tradition Sheikh Gaibija foresaw the defeat of the Ottoman army at Vienna and establishing of the border on the Sava River associated with his death and his final resting place. The border on the Sava River was then actually established, at first between the empires, then between the Socialist Republics, to the present state border between the Republic of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although the earlier ideas about the relocating of the türbe were dismissed, and a homage was expressed to Sheikh Gaibija in Stara Gradiška for centuries by both Catholics and Muslims, and there was a care for its maintenance, in 1954 the 296 Ro s a n a R at ko v či ć türbe was moved from Stara to Bosanska Gradiška at the request of the then Federal Republic of Croatia. Today the türbe is located in the harem of the Tekke Mosque in Bosanska Gradiška, and after the last war in the region, in the nineties of 20th century, when this area became a part of Republika Srpska with domination of Serbian population of Orthodox religion, the türbe of Sheikh Gaibija again found itself in an environment in which it does not belong. No more visitors and pilgrims, the stories and legends of Sheikh Gaibija are forgotten, that have been for three centuries a lively presence in all segments of the population, from the Austrian Emperor who paid for the reconstruction of türbe, Gradiška priest who wrote The Book of Memorabilia, to Muslim pilgrims from Bosnia and Croatian folk poets. Translated by Dunja Nekić Rosana Ratkovčić University North Trg dr. Žarka Dolinara 1 HR-48000 Koprivnica rosana.ratkovcic@zg.t-com.hr C on t inui t y a nd D i s c on t inui t y of t he H oly S i t e s of C hri s t i a ni t y a nd Is l a m in t he E x a mp l e s f rom t he S uf i T r a d i t ion 297 BIBLIOGRAPHY Bašagić, S. 1931, Znameniti Hrvati, Bošnjaci i Hercegovci u Turskoj carevini, Matica hrvatska, Zagreb. Belaj, V. 2009, Poganski bogovi i njihovi kršćanski supstituti, Studia ethnologica Croatica, 21, 169–197. Gramatikova, N. 2001, Islamic Non-Orthodox Trends in Bulgarian Lands, in: History of Muslim Culture in Bulgarian Lands, Gradeva R. (ed.), International Center for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations, Sofia, 282–284. Gramatikova, N. 2011, Unorthodox Islam in Bulgarian Lands. Past and Present, Gutenberg Publishing, Sofia. Hadžialagić, H. 2001, Šejh Gaibija: i druge bilješke iz povijesti Bosanske Gradiške, Rijeka. Hadžibajrić, F. 2011, Mali rječnik sufijsko-tarikatskih izraza [Small Glossary of Sufi Terms], Kelamu’l Šifa’, časopis za kulturu, historijsko nasljeđe i tesavvuf, 3031, VII/1432/2011, 112–114. Hafizović, F. 2011, Slavonija – pitanje uloge derviša u širenju islama, in: Mjesto i uloga derviških redova u Bosni i Hercegovini, Zbornik radova povodom obilježavanja 800 godina od rođenja Dželaluddina Rumija, Sarajevo, 277–283. Ilić, L. 1990, Hafizović R., (ed.), Lovorike, Hrvatska de- mokratska stranka, Nova Gradiška. Jedna čudna ličnost, 1937, Jedna čudna ličnost u našoj povijesti: Mistični prorok i pjesnik Mustafa ef. Gaibija i njegovo turbe u Staroj Gradišci, Muslimanska svijest, br. 40, Zagreb, 4. prosinac 1937., str. 3, SN. Kljajić, M. 2004, Sveti Juraj u Petrovaradinu, Maxima, Petrovaradin. Kostić, D. 1934, Gaibijino turbe kod Stare Gradiške, Narodna starina 13, 95–103. Mičijević, S. 2016, Nauk bektašijskog tarikata, Dobra knjiga, Sarajevo. Mikov, Lj. 2012, Cult Architecture and Art of Heterodox Muslims in Bulgaria (XVI-XX Century) Bektaşi and Kizilbaş/Alevȋ, „Prof. Marin Drinov“Academic Publishing House, Sofia. Omerbašić, Š. 2010, Islam i muslimani u Hrvatskoj, Mešihat Islamske zajednice u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb. Ratkovčić, R. 2014, Prisustvo derviša na području Slavonije i Srijema u vrijeme osmanske vladavine, Scrinia Slavonica, Vol. 14, 53–78. USCPAH 2010, Selected Muslim Historical Monuments and Sites in Bulgaria, United States Commission for the Preservation of America’s Heritage, Washington. 298 Andrea Rimpf, Dražen Arbutina Ilok Ottoman mosques and ideal reconstruction of Mehmed Agha Mosque Scientific paper This paper will demonstrate the possible location of individual Ottoman houses of worship on the basis of interdisciplinary research of available historical sources, visual and cartographic displays of Ilok with archaeological findings, as well as a methodology and results of the ideal architectural reconstruction of the Mehmed Agha Mosque. Written, visual and cartographic sources in Ilok mention three to seven mosques dating from the 16th and the first half of the 17th century. Material remains, indicating the locations of possible Ottoman mosques in Ilok, which will be discussed are: tombstones – so-called nişans, located on mezarluks or cemeteries of the Ottoman period; mausoleum – turbe; as well as the only preserved framed picture – levha. Key words: mezarluks, nişans, turbe, levha, mosques, ideal reconstruction Islam before the arrival of the Ottomans to Ilok Islam as a religion spread rapidly across the European mainland from the 8th century. Islamic scholars were on numerous royal courts as scientists and writers. The first recordings in the historical books about Islam and Muslims in the area of Syrmia dukedom, and, therefore, Ilok, were written by a church historian, Josip Koller in the 18th century in The History of Episcopatus Quinqueecceliarum / History of the Pécs diocese, from 1410 in the third volume of this book. The act states that the rector of the monastery in Morović notified the antipope John XXIII that there are a number of pagans in Morović who refused to accept the bishop in Pécs and pay him any fees. Citing John Rudolf, he writes that those people are patarenes or bogumils1 (Koller 1784: 312). The confirmation of these records about the existence of the pagans2 in the area of the Syrmia dukedom can be found in Chapter 14 of the Statute of the City of Ilok from 1525, which relate to the royal privileges given to the town of Ilok in 1453, where it is written, “Those who despise the Christian faith and praise the faith of the pagans and sinners have no right to their patrimony. If any of these people left anything to their sons, or their son, in their testament of their patrimony and movable property, and he crosses ovet with those moving property among the infidels by approaching them and mingling with them, such as the protestants founded by John Wycliffe, schismatics and the pagans...” (Kiš 1970: 92). Given the richness of Syrmia dukedom at the time of Újlaki Miklós, my opinion is that these pagans were also Muslim merchants who settled in the dukedom or in the vicinity of it. Also, a series of historically unexplained events occurred during the time of his son, Újlaki Lõrinc, and charges of a conspiracy against King Vladislaus II Jagiellon in which Lőrinc was accused of working with the Ottomans (Hammer 1979: 267). Certainly, the successful influence of his father in diplomacy enabled Lőrinc to come into direct contact with the Ottoman beys and sultans through his new Muslims subjects in order 1 Koller also outlined the definition of Kalis and called on to the events from the 13th century and reports by John Cinamos which states that the bogumils (Cro. kalizej) defended Syrmia and Eastern Slavonia from Byzantines and were of Persian religion and refused to be Christianized (see Koller 1784: 315). Also, other opinions, but with the same conclusions about the presence of Muslims in Slavonia and Syrmia, have been made by Hafizović 2016: 183. 2 The pagan name refers to non-Christian inhabitants. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 299–323 300 A nd re a Rimp f, D r a ž e n A rb u t in a to secure the boundaries of his dukedom. However, to date the material remains of the early presence of the Muslims and Islam religion are not recorded in the area of Ilok. Architecture of mosques During the conquest of the new territories, the Ottomans maintained an existing urban plan and transformed a newlyconquered settlement. This is known as istimâlet3 – the policy of the policy of obtaining loyalty of the local non-Muslim population, which implies taking old forms, institutions and anything else which wasn’t in harmony with sharia. The process of transformation was manifested in a way that first they built a religious complex: cāmi4 with madrasa5, maktab6, imaret7 and shops; these facilities were the core of a new town/settlement. When the Ottomans occupied the settlement and if there was enough space inside the walls, they would build up onto the existing architecture. However, if the city was overcrowded, its new center would be formed outside the walls (Pašić 1989: 1). The Ottomans had two types of architectural construction: official and vernacular. The official monumental buildings were built out of stone, along with decorative brickwork. The stone could also be used secondarily because that kind of used stone was considered a valuable, old-fashioned material that had highly symbolic significance (Faroqhi 2009: 162–163). An example of transformation is Ilok, which was gradually transformed from the medieval fortress into the oriental one. Due to the surrender to sultan Süleyman Kanuni in 1526, the Fortress was not damaged and the buildings were preserved. Until 1580 the interior of the Fortress, Upper and Lower Town, adopted the oriental characteristics of official Ottoman architectural construction, while retaining traditional architecture for informal buildings. The word mosque – cāmi was initially the name of the cult places, e.g. Kaaba in Mecca, the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem and Muhammad’s House in Medina. Over time, all mosques were called mescit8, however, from the 10th century mescit is a mere word for a smaller space intended for ordinary prayers, while the main mosques, called Ulu mosque or the Grand mosque, marked the place where hutbä9 was held. Therefore, the word mosque marks the place of gathering of the faithful where they would jointly fulfill the religious ceremonies (Oto-Dorn 1971: 16). The basic harmony and principles of Islamic architecture are manifested in the foundations of belief: the tevhid or divine unity; a caliph or a man as God’s vicar on Earth and his dual relationship and connection with God as the creator and his environment as part of God’s creation for which he is responsible as a vicar; and ihsan or overwhelming perfection of a man and Islam, or the last universal proclamation of worlds. By adopting and applying these principles, architects have created a concept of not only sacred objects but profane as well (Kukavica 2015: 4). The development of buildings with a dome dates back to the Selçuk period of the 11th and 12th centuries, and its central space is defined by the shape of a square covered by a high dome. The emphasis is on the exterior that is framed by a portal embellished with shallow floral ornaments. This space remained a preoccupation in the Ottoman period which is also under the influence of Byzantine architecture (Redžić 1983: 94). Its influence is evident in the combination of a dome with a small cupola or cupolas. This architectural expression influenced the constructive concept of large Istanbul mosques such as the mosque of Sultan Bayezid II from 1506 (Redžić 1982: 52). Therefore, the Ottoman mosques were created by the modification of the “Arab mosque” of the Selçuk type in combination with Byzantine architecture, resulting in a single-room mosque with a dome and a porch on the entrance side covered with cupolas. The mosque is made out of geometric shapes: a cube, a semi-circle, a cylinder, a prism and a cone. Cubus, tambour and dome are the three main bands in the vertical section of the space, which parts are equally emphasized in the exterior and interior. The windows are subordinated to a full wall that closes the space. Their size is determined by the need for natural light, but not the glittering (Redžić 1982: 53, 68; Andrejević 1984: 69). The portal is accentuated 3 For more about the istimâlet see Bešlija, S. 2012, Istimâlet u Historiji Ibrahima Alajbegovića Pečevije – Prilog izučavanju osmanske istimâlet politike, Anali Gazi Husrev-begove biblioteke, 33, 145-166. 4 Mosque, ar. ğāmi, tr. cāmi, a Muslim oratory / house of worship oriented towards Mecca. 5 Madrasa, ar. muddy, an Islamic religious college, middle and high school rank. 6 Maktab, ar. mäktäb, an Islamic elementary school. 7 Imaret, ar. imārä, a charitable public kitchen next to the mosque. 8 Mescit, ar. mäsğid, an Islamic oratory without a minaret and no Friday prayers. In the wider sense, every place where a prayer kneels down to pray. The term mescit signifies every place where sajdah is performed, a prayer as a whole. It is commonly referred to as a sacral object of smaller dimensions in relation to the mosque, which most often has a wooden minaret or does not have it at all. There is often no mimbar and mandatory sermon - hutbe -on Fridays or the Bayramic holidays, because these two obligatory prayers are not held in them (see Hafizović 2016a: 18, 29). In addition to the mosques in Ilok, there are numerous mescits: “Hadži Islamov, Mustafa begov, Kara Balija“. These mescits occure from 1578 to 1595 (see Moačanin 2001: 87). 9 Hütba, ar. hutbä, signifies the sermon on Fridays and the Bayram which imam holds in the mosque. Il ok O t t o m a n m o s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of Me h me d Ag h a Mo s que 301 with the decorticated decor with stalactites10 and, thus, separates two spaces: the space of nature and the space created by man for himself. The open semi-dome porch is a contrast to the enclosed space, and it represents a preparation for the experience of the prayer space without mysticism. It reminds us of the residence that is arranged for total concentration of thought and perfect peace (Redžić 1983: 96–97). The classic look of the mosque11 that is characteristic for the western parts of the Ottoman Empire is characterized by: architectural harmony, volume proportions, line and surface. Domes, trompes, arches and pendentives are individualized and harmonious (Redžić 1982: 39). The dome is always lying on the walls, never on the columns, and the space combined with cupolas and a dome was realized only in the Gazi Husrev Bey´s Mosque in Sarajevo and Ferhat Pasha Mosque in Banja Luka (Redžić 1983: 94–95). Therefore, architecture was the most developed branch of art in which the mi’mār12, who built bigger buildings (unlike dülger13 who built smaller oratories, shops, houses, etc.), played a big role. Topogr aphy of Ilok mosques When it comes to the architecture of the mosques in Ilok during the 16th and 17th centuries, they belong to the classic style of Ottoman architecture. The architectural construction in Ilok is evidenced by the existence of a city architect or mi’mār agha (Çelebi 2003: 53). The Ilok mosques were built during the period from around 1540 to 1650. Their number increased over time with the rise of Muslim population. During the 17th century, after the end of the Long War in 1606, the population grew and new mosques were erected. The new mosques could have also been created by promoting some of the mescit, erecting mimbär14 and naming a hatīb15(Moačanin 2001: 87, 98). That could have also been the case with certain mosques in Ilok, similar to the example of Sarajevo, where Ishak Bey raised a mescit which later became the mosque of Mehmed Han (Zlatar 2013: 136–137). According to the graphic illustrations and pictures, the mosques in Ilok belong to one spatial type with cupolas on the porch. Their possible topographic accommodation is the result of available literature, archive materials, archaeological excavations and visual representations of Ilok from the 16th and 17th centuries. According to the available published archival materials in the tax list from 1568 to 1579, there is a mention of the honorable mosque16 and several well-visited mescits17 (McGown 1983: 15; Moačanin 2001: 65), and by 1580 there are three mosques (Moačanin 2001: 165). The three mosques are also mentioned in the travelogue of Reihold Lubenau from 1587 (Zirojević 2009: 186) and in the Seyahatname of Evliya Çelebi in 1664 (Čelebija 1973: 523–524; Çelebi 2003: 53–54). Further on this article describes their topographic accommodation inside Ilok and the interpretation and the establishment of hypotheses for their accommodation. Çelebi mentions in detail the Fortress mosques and the mosques from the Upper Town. Considering the time of life of certain individuals referred to as maecenas and by comparing Çelebi’s text and visual representations, it can be concluded that these three mosques correspond to Sultan Süleyman’s Mosque, Mehmed Bey Yahyapaşa - oğlu Mosque (Çarsi Mosque) and Arslan Bey Yahyapaşa - oğlu Mosque. The existence of the first mosque within the Fortress is also mentioned by the Sanjak of Syrmia mufassil tahrir defter from 1568, which mentions imam inside the Fortress congregation and a honorable mosque (McGowan 1983: 7.15), while Çelebi cites the mufti18 (Čelebija 1973: 526; Çelebi 2003: 53). In the graphic illustration, made by Maximilian Prandstätter from 1608, two minarets are displayed in the Fortress, one of which is partially made, and the other minaret in the graphic on the left corresponds to the position of the church and 10 The stalactite is a plastic ornament with stone, wood and plaster. It is made of many small spiky niches that are formed and inclined one over the other. The upper niches are moved forward and towards the ground they are moved backwards, and in the place where the three niches meet, they appear to hang out as if they were stalactite in caves. For more see Knoll, P. 1999, O muslimanskoj umjetnosti u Bosni, Most – Časopis za obrazovanje, nauku i kulturu, No.112-113, vol. XXV, March / April 1999, Mostar, http://www.most.ba/02324/079.htm. 11 Mimar Hayrüddin formed the classical style with the architectural design of Sultan Bayezid Mosque from 1506. He first constructed a longitudinal space beneath one central dome and two semi-domes that rely on the arches on which the central dome lies. For more about styles see Redžić 1982: 54–70. 12 ar. mi'mār, an educated builder, architector. 13 ar. dulger, a builder and woodcutter, carpenter. 14 ar. Mimbär, a memorial, a pulpit in a mosque with a sermon on Fridays and Bayram. 15 ar. Hatīb, a preacher who holds a sermon on Friday and Bayram, and in the smaller mosques he is replaced by Imam. 16 The Royal Mosque is the name for the Sultan mosque. 17 It is possible that some mescits in Ilok were promoted to mosques. 18 Mufti in Islam signifies a person who must have a high Islamic education and represents the official interpreter of the Islamic law called the Sharia law who is chosen by the most religious authorities. Based on this law, he makes decisions for all questions that arise in practice and for questions for which there are no established rules. 302 A nd re a Rimp f, D r a ž e n A rb u t in a Fig. 1 The graphic of Ilok from 1608, Ilok Town Museum, inv. no. RD - 2, (recorded by M. Barić 2008, complemented by A. Rimpf) its bell tower (Fig. 1: 1). Also, in the graphic illustration of The Liberation of Ilok from 1688 made by Jacobus Harevyn, there are two towers with a crescent moon, from which the tower on the right side of the fort represents a mosque minaret (Fig. 2: 1). The Papal Visitor Abbot Bonini in 1688 states that the Ottomans Turks have turned the church of Saint Peter and Paul the Apostles into a lavish mosque, but was in a poor condition because the lead and iron were removed from it and tran- Fig. 2 Liberation of Ilok from 1688 by Jacobus Harevyn, Ilok Town Museum, (recorded by M. Barić, 2008, complemented by A. Rimpf) sformed into weapons (Jačov 1991: 41; Andrić 2001: 168). Sometime after Bonini’s visit, in 1699, Joseph Cinesiae Firmanus states that among the civilian objects in the Fortress he could see the temples with columns made with excellent skill, which were saved by the enemy, and turned into their sanctuaries (Firman 1998: 21). About the statement that the church of St. Peter and Paul the Apostles became a mosque, an orthodox priest Jovan Kozobarić writes in 1909 describing the town according to the plan from 1784 known as De lineatio Geometrica et oppidi Illok. Kozobarić states that the church of Il ok O t t o m a n m o s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of Me h me d Ag h a Mo s que 303 Fig. 3 De lineatio Geometrica et oppidi Illok, 1784 (Barbarić 1975 a: 8) St. Peter and Paul the Apostles was a mosque during the Ottomans (Fig. 3) (Kozobarić 1909: 14–17). Also, on a geographical map of an unknown author, Ilok is depicted with three mosques19 (Fig. 4) (Omerbašić 2010: 208). In the remaining graphics depicting Ilok from the late 17th and 18th centuries this minaret no longer exists which is in line with Bonini’s report on the removal of the lead roof. During the archaeological excavations on a part of the church of St. Peter and Paul the Apostles from 2006 to 2008, waste pits from the Ottoman period were discovered on the outside of the building between the counterforts. Also, inside the building on one side it was discovered that the church floor was rebuilt at the time of the Ottomans (Tomičić et al. 2007: 4–5). Fig. 4 Map of Croatia and Bosnia in the 16th and 17th century (Omerbašić 2010: 208) The necessary existence of a religious object within the Fortress, primarily because of the army located there, suggests the fortress Szigetvár, where we can see the remains of the mosque of Sultan Süleyman. The conversion of Catholic churches into mosques is reported in an edict from 1568 for the town of Mohács. It is written that the settlement hasn’t got a 19 Geographic map is published in the book Omerbašić, Š. 2010, Islam i muslimani u Hrvatskoj, Mešihat islamske zajednice u Hrvatskoj, p. 208, the book doesn't mention the century the map is from. The map most likely wanted to show the number of Muslim population, because the town Osijek is shown with a smaller number of mosques, although it is known that it had more of them, like the town of Požega. 304 A nd re a Rimp f, D r a ž e n A rb u t in a mosque and that the cost of construction is high, and that there is an abandoned church (Moačanin 2001: 69). This kind of conversion of a religious object into another religious object took place in the towns of Syrmia, Vojvodina and Slavonia.20 A fine example is Požega, where the Gothic church of St. Mary (nowadays St. Lawrence), became the first mosque of Sultan Süleyman; the church of St. Demetrie (nowadays All Saints), was the second emperor’s mosque Selim II (Uzelac 1994: 53), while Moačanin and Hafizović state that it belonged to Sultan Murat III (Moačanin 2001: 87; Hafizović 2016: 111, 154). Alterations also occurred in Petrovaradin, Mitrovica (Moačanin 2001: 83) and Bač, where the Franciscan church with the monastery complex was converted into a mosque and the tower of the church into the minaret (Fig. 5) (Špehar 2008: 13). Fig. 5 Mihrab in the Franciscan Church in Bač (photo by A. Rimpf 2016) Following the above, my opinion is that the first mosque in Ilok was the Gothic parish church of St. Peter and Paul the Apostles. Namely, the establishment of a mosque inside the Fortress as the first, most frequently imperial mosque, is a logical sequence of events, given that the army located in the Fortress should be provided with daily prayers. However, it doesn’t necessarily have to be raised by the sultan himself or under his authority, as is it the similar case in Požega. Fazileta Hafizović states that the two emperor mosques in Požega were appointed nominally on behalf of the emperor- sultan, and that the officers received timar for their service (Hafizović 2016: 46). The second mosque in Ilok, which is mentioned in the historical records, is the mosque of Gazi Mehmed Bey Yahyapaşa - oğlu, a prefect of Sanjak of Smederevo and beylerbey of Buda Vilayet. This mosque is also known as the Çarsi Mosque. Its possible location is in the area of the Orthodox Church of St. Archangel Michael which was built from 1798 to 180121 (Kozobarić 1909: 34, 40). The position of the mosque can be seen in Maximilian Prandstätter’s graphic from 1608, where the minaret and dome are depicted (Fig. 1: 2); in the graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány from 1687, according to Sébastien Le Clerc and Johanna Sibilla Küsela22, the mosque was depicted with a minaret23, dome and oriental windows (see Fig. 6: 1); in the N. F. Sparr’s view of Ilok in 1697 the minaret is seen in the background (Fig. 7: 1); in the painting The Tree of the Syrmia´s Saints by Ivan Filip Binder from 177724 where the position of the dome and the minaret of the mosque is visible in the background (Fig. 8: 1). In addition to visual and graphic displays, Evliya Çelebi also mentions the mosque in his trave20 The first mosque was often in the fort where it was not possible to accommodate other objects (see Moačanin 2001: 83). 21 Jovan Kozobarić states that the land for the construction of the baroque church was redeemed in 1796, see Kozobarić, J. 1909, Srpska pravoslavna crkva u Iloku, Srpski Manastir, Sremski Karlovci, 40. 22 I thank the Museum of Valpovo for the submitted graphic under the code no. MV-855. 23 The watercolour drawing shows the eastern side of the fort in the forefront, while in the background is a western side with the main entrance to the Fortress. 24 I thank Franciscan priest Ivica Jagodić from the parish of St. Filip and Jakov in Vukovar, who has given his permission for publication of parts of the painting from the parish collection. Il ok O t t o m a n m o s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of Me h me d Ag h a Mo s que 305 Fig. 6 A detail from the graphic Battle at Nagyharsány, according to Sébastien Le Clerc, Johanna Sibilla Küsela, from 1687, Museum of Valpovo, inv. no. MV – 855 (recorded by M. Barić 2015, edited by A. Rimpf) logue while describing coffee rooms in the outer fortress in front of the Çarsi Mosque. In the following text, Çelebi describes the position of the mosque, calling it the Mehmed Bey’s Mosque and states that it is in Çarsi (Čelebija 1973: 523–524; Çelebi 2003: 54). Count Sigmund Joachim Trautmansdorff writes in his travelogue that on September 30, 1688, after a long march, he was accommodated in front of Ilok 25 in one Turkish mosque (Pickl 1972: 141). Fig. 7 A depiction of an army of Eugen Savoy and Ilok, N. F. Sparr, from 1697, Archives of Ilok Town Museum (recorded and edited by A. Rimpf 2015) The conclusion about the location of the mosque also indicates the proximity of found tombs and tombstones in the streets of Braća Đaković and Kralj Tomislav, which could have been a part of a cemetery. These streets are opposite of the Orthodox temple on its south side. In the newspapers Hrvatski list from 1957 Brlić writes about three graves with sitting deFig. 8 A painting of the Tree of Syrmia’s Saints, by the author Ivan Filip Binder from 1777, the Franciscian Monastery in Vukovar, no inv. no. (recorded by I. Jagodić 2016, edited by A. Rimpf) ceased and Turkish coins26 that were found in Ilok in the yard of Franjo Jarabek (Brlić 1957: 1). The existence of mezarlık or cemetery is also evidenced by protective archaeological excavation in 1975 in the street of O. Keršovani bb27, where a burial tomb was discovered inside the chamber. The deceased is oriented towards the southeast28 with stretched hands to the body, without grave findings (Gerik 1975: 1). 25 In front of Ilok can often be marked in front of the Fortress, so it is possible that it is precisely about this mosque. 26 Newspaper Hrvatski list no.70. from 11.03.1927. Family Jarabek lived in the street of Kralj Tomislav between no. 30 and 32. 27 Street O. Keršovani, renamed to Braća Đaković. The tomb was found in the garden of the house between the houses of the Miličević family and the Vlha family, today from no. 5 to no. 24. 28 The position of Mecca, looking from Ilok, is in the southeast. Also, the orientation of Muslim deceased is north-south with a mild deviation with head facing the holy city of Mecca. Graves most often don't have any archaeological findings. (see Rohn et al 2009: 513). 306 A nd re a Rimp f, D r a ž e n A rb u t in a The second archaeological excavation in this area was conducted in Kralj Tomislav Street29 in 2000, where two nişans30 or tombstones were found. The headgears of tombstones had a form of wrinkled turbans made of limestone and marble. The mentioned forms belonged to male members of Ottoman society given the exact replica of their headgear (Mujezinović 1974: 128), i.e. the nişans of the landowners, prominent men and members of the guild (Nametak 1939: 24). As the tombstones middle part with the text is missing, it is impossible to tell the exact details about the deceased. The time of the construction of the mosque is unknown, but given the time of construction of the Imaret Mosque in Belgrade around 154031 (Fotić 2001: 441–442), it can be concluded that the mosque was built in the same decade, i.e. in the middle of the 16th century. The mosque was architecturally very similar to it and made in classical form: with cupolas and a dome covered with lead. Architecturally similar or identical mosques are Kasim Pasha’s Mosque in Pécs and Osijek (Minichreiter 1984: 53), Ibrahim Pasha’s Mosque in Đakovo (Papić, Valentić 1990: 45) and other mosques of that time which were constructed in Bosnia such as: Ali Pasha’s Mosque in Buna; Aladža in Foča; Jusuf Pasha’s Mosque in Maglaj, etc. (Ayverdi 1981: 77, 117, 223). Considering that the first reconstruction of the fortress was under the management of the Odescalchi family in 1721 and that the purchase of land for the new Orthodox temple was in 1796, the mosque may have been partially visible after 1688. From this it can be concluded that the mosque was at the entrance to Çarsi Street in the Upper Town and in the same or nearby place where now stands an Orthodox temple built in baroque form.32 The mosque was destroyed after the reconquest. The third mosque is the mosque of Arslan Bey Yahyapaşa - oğlu33. The position of this mosque is reported by Evliya Çelebi, who says that it is located at the very top of the same street (Çarsi) and that there is one fountain - çeşme in front of it, and with the old cemetery on the opposite side. From that cemetery downward it goes down to iskela34 (Čelebija 1973: 524; Çelebi 2003: 54). The testimonies of Çelebi’s statement and protective archaeological excavations carried out in Dr. Franjo Tuđman Street in 1974, house number 12, are pointing to the location of the cemetery. Namely, the headgear of the male tombstone made of green tuff and with a single wrinkle was found.35 Another confirmation of the statement is the protective archaeological excavation in 2015 when the remains of the watering place for the cattle from 19th century were discovered in this area, and two meters further in the east ruins of a 20th-century well were found (Rimpf 2015: 25–27). These architectural findings point to the position of the Ottoman fountain, which is mentioned in Çelebi’s Seyahatname. The fountain was probably altered and then removed, as it was the only watercourse in this area. Arslan Bey’s Mosque is also seen in the depiction of Maximilian Prandstätter from 1608 as the last in the sequence going west. The mosque was painted with a dome and a minaret (Fig. 1: 4), while on the left side of the graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány in 1687 the minaret of the mosque can be seen near the mosque of Mehmed Bey, further west (Fig. 6: 3). According to the plan of De lineatio Geometrica et oppidi Ilok, described by Jovan Kozobarić, the first Orthodox temple was built in 1703 (Fig. 3: 1) (Kozobarić 1909: 26) at the crossing of the Main and Dunav Street. That is confirmed by the 1975 press release in which was written that the new road was made in 1972 and that the workers discovered stone remains of an old Orthodox temple on the corner of the Dunav Street and Maršal Tito Street at house number 36 (Barbarić 1975 a, b: 8).36 Namely, the old temple, as Kozobarić states, was built of bricks and covered with oak wood (Kozobarić 1909: 27). In addition to that, at the beginning of the 19th century, there were no houses from the crossings of these streets going west. My opinion is that the location of this mosque, according to the information mentioned here, is partly in Dr. Franjo 29 The archaeological excavation was carried out in 2000, according to the curator of the Ilok Town Museum, Ružica Černi. She received a call about a finding found during the excavation in depth of 2 m in front of the house number 20 of the mentioned street. In addition to these findings, Ivica Miletić, who lives in house number 18, mentioned in August 2016 that he found parts of human skeletons in the family garden and on the neighboring parcels of private houses. 30 For more about tombstones see Mujezinović, M. 1974, Islamska epigrafika u Bosni i Hercegovini, Book I, II, III, Knjižnica kulturnog naslijeđa "Veselin Masleša" Sarajevo. 31 The Syrmia County was under the rule of Mehmed around 1534 (Fotić 2001: 440). Mehmed Bey Yahyapaşa – oğlu built the Imaret Mosque and the surrounding mosque complex that was demolished in the late 19 th century. 32 An example of rebuilding on the same ancient sacred spaces is not unknown, it occurs much earlier in history. 33 Arslan Bey was the bey of the Sanjak Požega and Budim beylerbey until 1566 when he was killed. 34 tur. Iskele -kind of a river boat used for transporting passangers, vehicles and goods from one shore to another. 35 Turbans of green color were a status symbol and belonged to: imams; the manager of the guild and other high dignitaries. In the newspaper Iteks, Dragutin Barbarić writes that near the house number 13, Dunav Street, monuments from the old cemetery from the 17th century were found. (Barbarić 1975b: 8). For more about the look of dignitaries and ordinary citizens see Küçükyalçın 2015b. 36 Street of Maršal Tito is today the street of Dr. Franjo Tuđman and house number 36 is not at the crossroads of these two streets mentioned by Dragutin Barbarić, but number 16. Il ok O t t o m a n m o s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of Me h me d Ag h a Mo s que 307 Tuđman Street, between houses numbers 12 and 28, and on the corner of the Dunav Street. Also, the stone foundations discovered in 1972 could have belonged to this mosque. Terminus ante quem of its construction was in 1568 and it was later demolished or partially rebuilt in the period immediately after the entry of the Christian army in 1688 and the arrival of Orthodox inhabitants under Arsenij Čarnojević in 1699. The fourth mosque is the mosque of sakkabaş37 Mehmed Agha. This mosque is the only one with the exact known location today. In the description of the Fortress it is mentioned by Çelebi, which states that there are only two mosques in the city: one is the Süleyman Han Mosque and the other is the mosque of Mehmed Agha near the Ottoman bath. (Čelebija 1973: 524; Çelebi 2003: 54). Mehmed Agha can be found in the census of Syrmia Sanjak from 1568 of the Fortress. This mosque was the core of the quarter or mahalle that is listed in the census as Mehmed Agha’s quarter. (McGown 1983: 7–8). According to Nenad Moančanin it was built between 1580 and 1590 as a mescit (Moačanin 2001: 101). My opinion is that it couldn’t have been a mescit because architecturally it is a simple house, without domes and smaller dimensions, as it is depicted in images, graphics and ground penetrating radar survey. The building can be seen in all so far known art and graphic illustrations of Ilok: from Maximilian Prandstätter from 1608, where the minaret is visible inside the fortress near the castle of the dukes of Ilok (Fig. 1: 3); in the graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány from 1687, where the minaret of the mosque is visible right next to the court of the dukes of Ilok (Fig. 6: 2); on the ground floor of the Fortress made by Abbot Bonini in 1688, under the letter G, it is charted with its square shape with the indicated porch and dome and a nearby building can be seen (Fig. 9). The ground floor of the Spanish surveyors from 1690 shows a square shape with a porch and Ottoman mausoleum next to it (Fig. 10: 1); in the drawing of N.F. Sparr from 1687 (Fig. 7: 2) and the Schmalkalder’s drawing from 1698 the minaret of the mosque is visible by the court (Fig. 11: 1). The presence of the mosque next to the Odescalchi palace is best depicted in the painting of the Tree of Syrmia’s Saints, where the mosque is located in front of the renovated courtyard or the palace of the Odescalchi family, with a square shape, blue dome and a minaret (Fig. 8: 2). Fig. 9 A plan of Ilok fortress by Abbot Bonini from 1689 (Horvat 2002: 196, Fig.2) The ground penetrating radar survey38 of the outer courtyard of the Ilok Town Museum from 2006 recorded the shape of the mosque with the indicated partition as it is shown in the drawings. It is oriented in the direction of west - east, the main prayer room is located to the south - east, and the porch is in the west. The location of the minaret is not visible in the footage, only the indications of thickening of the walls that may represent the collapse on the south and east side of the walls. Therefore, future archaeological excavations should be based on two probes: the southern and eastern part, which would also identify the exact position of the minaret and establish the preservation of the connecting walls before the beginning of the systematic archaeological excavations. A small cemetery was also located in the courtyard of the mosque. During the decoration of the courtyard of the palace Odescalchi in 2010 in the part where the mosque was first identified, the humus layer was removed and the rectangular headgear of the male tombstone was found. It is made out of Macedonian marble, gradually narrowed at the 37 tur. sakkabaş, the first water carrier. By rank the second officer behind the janissary agha or the commander. Sak, tur. a barrel or some other vessel from which water is shared (Smojaković 2004: 135-136). Nenad Moačanin translates the word "sakaba" as a court cupbearer, for more see Moačanin 2001: 101. 38 The survey was carried out as part of the project Reconstruction and revitalization of cultural heritage Ilok - Vukovar - Vučedol. 308 A nd re a Rimp f, D r a ž e n A rb u t in a Fig. 10 The ground floor of the Spanish surveyors from 1690, Archives of Ilok Town Museum (recorded by A. Rimpf 2015) top and without its middle part. Although its appearance resembles Subaşı caps39, the caps of water-bearers40 are very similar. If the word sakkabaş is considered to be a label of janissary genus who were located in the fortress, it is possible that the building belonged to the sakkabaş Mehmed, who built a tomb, turbe41, in the circle of the mosque. The tombstone was probably inside the turbe and ended up in the middle of the mosque during its Fig. 11 Schmalkalder’s drawing of Ilok from 1688, Archive Ilok Town Museum (recorded by A. Rimpf 2015) demolition and rebuilding of plateau of the Fortress in 1793. In addition to the tombstone, the foundation of a structure was found in the south side of the construction. It was most possibly a fence of the mosque complex or the wall of the mosque (Fig. 12). A possible part of mosque decoration could have also been a marble stone called levha42 (Fig. 13) with šahadā43, or the inscription of the First Pillar of Islam, which reads “There is no God except Allah, and I testify that Muhammad is the servant and the messenger.” The text was written in a calligraphic letter thuluth. The first part of the stone plate with the inscription is missing which can clearly be seen on the object in the upper perforation part where the two panels were joined. The inscription is vertical and reads from the top down. Such texts written in a calligraphic script were also used in architecture with the Qur’an āyät44, carved in the interior of the mosque near the door or at the mimber.45 The object was probably the part of the collection of the Odescalchi family who exhibited such items from Ilok in the palace.46 The aforementioned hypothesis about the location of the minaret of the 39 For more about turban forms see Küçükyalçın 2015.a, b; the definition seen in Šabanović, 1973; he states an explanation of the word Subaşı in the meaning of the deputy of Sanjak bey. On the other hand, with the establishment of the ziamet, every ziam would have received a title of Subaşı, which would perhaps be more appropriate for Ilok. 40 For more about turban see Vingopoulou 2014a, b. 41 The turbe - mausoleum consists of four square columns ending with an oriental arch and a cupola made of gable tile, oriented in the direction of Mecca, S-E. The building was built alternately by stacking stones and bricks. The mausoleum from Ilok belongs to the second type (Redžić 1982: 81). Namely, according to the 1930 photographs, the mausoleum is decorated with arabesque in the upper wreath which were plastered during the restorations in 1951 and 1957 (see Horvat 1956, Ministry of Culture - Ministry of Cultural Heritage / Central Archives MK-UZKB / SA-ZDE item no. 1820). Since the conservation works on hammam - bath were carried out from 2011 to 2013 and two overlapping layers were found on the inner walls, and the layer with the arabesque represents the second phase of reconstruction in the first decade of the 17th century (Škarpa Dubreta 2012: 55), second renovation of the hammam could be tied to the time of the construction of the turbe. Its architecture is very similar to the turbe of Lala Şahin Pasha from the 14th century located in Kazanlak in Bulgaria; Oruç Pasha turbe in Didymoteicho, Greece; turbe in Alifakovac cemetery in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and one near Sinan's tekke in Sarajevo. 42 Levha is a part of a square-shaped stone column, according to the owner of an antique store in Osijek, Zoran Baloban, and it originated from Ilok. It was purchased by the Museum of Slavonia in Osijek in 2009, inv. no. MSO-168922, Collection of Sculptures and Inscriptions. Levha is given as a permanent loan to Ilok Town Museum in 2010. 43 ar. šahadā, a document. 44 ar. āyät, one of 6219 phrases or verses of which the Qur'an consists. 45 I thank the retired Mufti Ševko Omerbašić for the information on the placement of the levha within religious buildings. 46 The items from the palace were taken from 1944 to 1946 and sent to Belgrade, Novi Sad and Osijek. A part of the collection was taken by the locals, although in 1955 they were ordered to return the items to Ilok in the organization of the Ilok Municipal Museum and Ilok Municipality (see Turina 1956, Ministry of Culture - Directorate for the Protection of Cultural Heritage archive MK-UZKB / SA-TOZ, Tvrđava općina Ilok). Only a small number of items were eventually returned to Ilok. Il ok O t t o m a n m o s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of Me h me d Ag h a Mo s que 309 Fig. 12 A decoration of the exterior courtyard of the Odescalchi palace with visible foundations of the walls (photo by M. Soldo 2010) Fig. 13 Marble levha, Ilok Town Museum (Museum of Slavonia in Osijek), inv. no. MSO – 168922 (photo by M. Topić 2012) mosque, its appearance, the way of construction and the person who was buried in the mausoleum, will substantiate for further archaeological excavations. The fifth mentioned mosque belongs to Gazi Turali Bey, who conquered Ilok along with Gazi Hüsrev Bey and Malkoçoğlu Bali Bey. He was also a bey in numerous sanjaks and, among other things, bey of Sanjak of Smederevo, to which Ilok was annexed in the early phase of Ottoman rule. According to his vakif nami or waqf, he built a mosque in Ilok and ten shops which he incorporated in waqf before his death in 1572, when Ilok also had an independent manager - a muteveli. It was determined that four officers: hâtib, imam and two muezzins - muezzin, will perform eight services in the Ilok mosque. Muteveli was also the chief clerk, and the first service was served by Süleyman, son of Ishak, a resident of the Fortress. The total amount of money spent on maintaining the mosque was 24 dirhams a day (Korkut 1963: 97; Bašić 2012: 165). The list of Ilok from 1579 from the Lower Town mentions one imam and muezzin (McGown 1983: 8). The drawing of the mosque in Lower Town can only be seen in a graphic called The Liberation of Ilok from 1688 (Fig. 2: 3). The construction is visible underneath the fortress in the southeast side with oriental windows, a dome and a crescent moon on the top. Since no traveller mentions this mosque, and especially Evliya Çelebi who writes about the mosques of the Upper Town and lists the objects in the Lower Town47, the location of the mosque should be sought in that part of today’s city. Namely, the Lower Town then represented a craft and trade part of the city. Given the aforementioned number of the stores included in waqf, comparing with the photos of Ilok from the 20th century (Fig. 14), finding brick architecture in 2003/200448 on the Križni put Square, and location of the Ottoman period fountains and the natural springs of water49, it can be determined that the remains of the mosque are in the area of Julije Benešić Street 47 The conclusion is that Çelebi was never in the Lower Town since he only gives detailed description of the constructions in the Fortress and Upper Town. In the part of the text about the Lower Town he only gives a list of buildings. 48 The curator of the Ilok Town Museum, Ružica Černi, states that the entire square was dug up in 2003/2004 and the walls of brick were found, but since archaeological supervision was not regulated and post-war reconstruction of Ilok was underway, archaeology was not included in the project. 49 The highest concentration of water springs and fountains is precisely in that part of the Lower Town. 310 A nd re a Rimp f, D r a ž e n A rb u t in a Fig. 14 Ilok. Upper and Lower Town, 1930, Ilok Town Museum, inv. no. RD – 9 (recorded by R. Černi 2014) towards Križni put Square. Based on the above mentioned data, the mosque was probably built before the middle of the 16th century and was destroyed no later than 1688. The sixth mosque mentioned by Çelebi is the Küçük Mehmed Bey Mosque. It is located on the way to the Danube and in the close range from Arslan Bey’s Mosque (Čelebija 1973: 524; Çelebi 2003: 54). The road that Çelebi mentions leads towards Turkish iskele stretching along the Danube and Danube backwater, called the Great and Small iskele. The graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány from 1687 depicts Ilok with five mosques and it is possible that one of the two minarets on the right side of the graphic belongs to Küçük Mehmed Bey Mosque (Fig. 6). Nenad Moačanin states that at least one mosque is likely to be erected until Çelebi’s time, regardless of the increase in the population (Moačanin 2001: 101) and no later than 1664. Namely, in the area of Vodocrpilište in Ribarska Street in 2002, parts of several skeletal burials were discovered50, some of which were interlaced,51 and they probably belonged to a small cemetery beside a religious object within the settlement. In addition to this, the site of the settlement can also be confirmed by the existence of an Ottoman fountain, which was redesigned in the 19th century. The archaeological remains of the mosque are not visible today since the area is covered with high vegetation, but I think its location is on the part of the Small iskele where the natural high ground is located. The seventh mosque, referred under that name by Nenad Moačanin, is the mosque of çavuş Mustafa. The mosque emerged as the center of mahalle of the same name until 1595 (Moačanin 2001: 87), while Çelebi has mentioned the mosque as a mescid on the way to iskele (Çelebi 2003: 54). The archaeological remains of this building and its possible location for the time being remain unknown, due to the poor archaeological excavations of the Upper Town of Ilok. It is also possible that, the same as the previous mosque, one of the minaret in the graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány may perhaps belong to the mosque of çavuş Mustafa (Fig. 6: 15). Reconstruction of Mehmed Agha mosque in Ilok The ideal reconstruction can be carried out as an educational display of a particular space or building assembly, or as an initial analysis of spatial possibilities. Those possibilities, in a given space or within specific spatial parameters, provide 50 On that occasion, the curator of the Vukovar Municipal Museum, Mirela Hutinec and the archaeologist of the Conservation Department in Osijek, Vesna Kezunović, came to the field and noticed in the southern and eastern profile of the excavation parts of skeletons, completely and partially preserved with the hands on the pelvis. In the following days it is stated that nothing else was found during the excavation, and the supervision was taken over by the Vukovar Municipal Museum (Hutinec 2002: 1). It is important to mention that that area is a part of the settlement that has continuity to this date, so the attention should be paid to future agricultural works on that location. 51 According to Branimir Vrbanac, a resident of Ilok, landowners in Ribarska Street, near Vodocrpilište, going westward, during orchard plantation works came across ceramic pots and stove tiles. He states that pottery can be found throughout the length of a small high ground above the Danube. Il ok O t t o m a n m o s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of Me h me d Ag h a Mo s que 311 Fig. 15 Topographic location of the mosques (source: https://geoportal.dgu.hr/; edited by A. Rimpf 2016) us with the possibility to explore planning further research (as it is the case here). In our case, the ideal reconstruction is there to explore and possibly confirm the disposition of a particular structure within the overall spatial structure (in this case, the assembly of the Ilok Fortress), and also to clear the possible relationship it had with respect to the other buildings that have been so far inscribed within the observed spatial unit. The ideal reconstruction, along with its pragmatic research reasons, also presents a clear educational message at the same time, i.e. its visual reconstruction represents a clear initial idea of the building to professionals, on the one hand, and to the general public on the other. Such visualization presented to the experts provides an opportunity to clear the existing hypotheses or to define some new. For the non-professional people, or the general public, it can represent the personification of complex spatial relationships and historical changes through time in a given space, that are for that audience difficult to understand from the technical drawings and descriptions. In the case of Ilok, the ideal reconstruction was initiated precisely for the purpose of checking and defining parameters for future research, but also as an educational contribution to the perception of the complex and layered urban history of the medieval town. In that respect the procedure that was carried out included a few features that have to be mention. The procedure that precedes each reconstruction is collecting and analyzing available data. In the case of a former Mehmed Agha Mosque, data on its former position was preserved in both written and graphic historical sources, as well as observation of the site itself, proved and fully confirmed by field observation and by geophysical methods. An examination of the available historical materials (illustration or various records) was initially carried out and through field sighting it was confirmed by visual inspection of the site, where parts of the former walls or foundations were visible due to different grass pigmentation in the observed area. The confirmation and collection of additional data was carried out in the next step, by using the non-invasive geophysical survey. It was carried out in 2006 and 2007 on the site of the entire fort in Ilok. That survey fully recognized and affirmed the position and the basic dimension of the foundation construction and the position of the former building walls. In conjunction with the information from the written sources and some preserved historic illustrations, it can be concluded that the mosque belonged to Mehmed Agha. The ground penetrating radar survey confirmed the position, organization and dimensions of the building with a quadratic base and a specific portico as a significant and in foundation preserved example of Ottoman architecture, positioned close to the preserved turbe, i.e. mausoleum of the Ottoman dignitary, east of the Odescalchi castle. The ground penetrating radar survey defined the basic dimensions for the reconstruction of the building as well as 312 A nd re a Rimp f, D r a ž e n A rb u t in a indications for the disposal of the main building elements. Therefore, the dimensions of the Mehmed Agha Mosque show a building defined by an elongated rectangle whose main axis extends in the east - west direction with the length of this rectangle of about 14 meters, and with the width of more than 8 meters. The geophysical research confirmed, together with the total of the visually accessible spatial contours, the quadratic base of the main space that had the quadrant dimensions of about 8 and a half meters (it can be assumed to be a prayer space), together with the portico that goes outside of a quadratic floor plan about 6 meters to the west (Fig.16). Fig. 16 A photograph of the yard (and detail) of ancient Ilok fortress where different grassland pigmentation areas are observed as the correct contours of the former Mehmed Agha Mosque (photo by A. Rimpf 2016, edited by D. Arbutina) The visualization of the conceptual reconstruction was initially based on the data of the ground penetrating radar survey. It was from the presentation of those findings that the raster of the basic floor plan and the basic dimensions of the building had been defined. The basic spatial layout and construction features had been further defined on the basis of analogy with the respective construction practice within the area connected to the Ottoman Empire together with the time frame within the original building was erected. In the case of the Mehmed Agha Mosque preserved structures of a similar type had been placed on the territory of the western provinces of the former Ottoman Empire from 16th to the end of 18th century (Fig. 17 and 18). For the definition of basic spatial elements, all involving basic dimensions of spaces or constructive elements, it is necessary to study the basic characteristics of the Ottoman architecture of the observed period (the 16th century), especially in the area of the western provinces of the Empire. In these provinces, the largest occupied mosques were erected within the borders of Croatia (i.e. Slavonia, where one of the partially preserved examples is in Đakovo, while the other is in Dalmatia, Klis) and Hungary (where the most important examples are in Pécs or Szigetvár). The features of these and the examples of similar structures built in other parts of the Western Ottoman provinces, especially those in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the most numerous and most respected, are almost all based on a spatial concept that impressed the Ottomans after the occupation of Constantinople, the great Byzantine Hagia Sophia52 (Fig.19). 52 Hagia Sophia and its spatial and constructive concept are characterized by a central spatial composition with a dome placed on the many windows dematerialized tambour. Special constructive feature of the building is the way of securing the transition from the quadratic base of the ground floor to the circular base for the tambour. It means that base of a dome rests on the circular base of the tambour lying on the segments of spherical surface planes that ensure the transition from the quadratic shape of the floor plan to the circular tambour shape. In this example on its longitudinal sides it was supported and spatially extended with the semi-domes. Those semi-domes provided significant both structural and spatial effect with supporting the tamboured structure and the central dome itself. For the first time, the necessary continuous support for the construction of the tambour was provided with the parts of the spherical elements, or the pendentives. Those are constructed to ensure the geometrical transition from the quadratic to the circular base together with the enabling the overall stability of the dome itself and the entire building. It also created one of the most important elements for the dematerialized definition of the interior space, but also the exterior of the building. Il ok O t t o m a n m o s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of Me h me d Ag h a Mo s que 313 Fig. 17 The situation of the ground penetrating radar survey conducted in Ilok fortress in 2006 and 2007, where the former mosque of Mehmed Agha was detected in the part of the display marked “Obm 1”., Digital Archive Ilok Town Museum, (recorded by B. Mušič, J. Soklic 2007) Fig. 18 Analytical View of the ground penetrating radar survey Results, Digital Archive Ilok Town Museum (recorded by B. Mušič 2006) In the case of Islamic architecture on the territory of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Hungary, as well as in other Balkan countries that were under the rule of the Ottoman Empire during the 15th and 16th centuries, the construction of Islamic places of worship was largely defined by a typological determinant described by central spatial disposition. It that disposition the principle of the mosque organization is with the main prayer space defined as a unique spatial unit under 314 A nd re a Rimp f, D r a ž e n A rb u t in a Fig. 19 A schematic representation of a constructive problem of transition from a quadratic base to an octagonal or circular drum and, ultimately, to a semispherical dome (drawing by D. Arbutina 2016) Fig. 20 A schematic representation of a pendental structure that provides a transition to the circular base. Structure of a tambour that carries a dome and it transition from a quadratic base (similar to that of Hagia Sophia). A construction showing a quadratic base around which the base of the sphere is depicted, and the cross-section of sphere together with the cubes that provides the organization of a constructive assembly for the octagonal tambours and semi-spherical domes (drawing by D. Arbutina 2016) the dome, located on the tambour of the circular or octagonal floor plan with the portico in front and often some additional structures (as fountain) and spaces around or in the vicinity of the main structure. The central spatial concept was taken over from Byzantine architectural practice and within the construction of Ottoman mosques it is adapted to specific Islamic religious requirements and local technical and financial capabilities. The examples of single-space mosque based on a quadratic ground plan, with the central prayer room, had the dome constructed in two specific ways. In both technically demanding construction possibilities, the basic idea is in using the geometry related to the Constantinople church of Hagia Sophia in a way that enables the positioning of the semi-spherical dome over the quadratic base. In one technical possibility specific transition from the quadratic base of the basic space to the circular base of the tambour was resolved by the pendentives53 (Fig.20). The other construction option was to use the trompe since this constructive procedure was less technically demanding, but spatially less impressive.54 In the areas of Hungary, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Serbia and Macedonia, the most common way to solve the transition from the quadratic to the octagonal base was with the squinches. Numerous examples of larger or smaller mosques were built in those areas with ground plan dimensions based on the quadratic of 7, 5 meters in one respect to over 20 meters in the other. In most of those examples the transition from the quadratic base to the octagonal 53 The pendentives are spherical surface planes formed by a cross-section of semi-spherical and cubic structures. 54 Squinches are constructions that are carried out at the corners of the quadratic base of central structures to provide a continuous support of circular or octagonal tambours as the base of the semi-spherical dome. Squinches, as constructive elements, can be constructed as a series of arches, i.e. a vault that connects the junctions of the walls in the quadratic base, and thus creates a proper octagon base on which the octagonal tambours are built within the quadratic floor surface planes, all as a basis for a semi-spherical construction of a dome. Il ok O t t o m a n m o s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of Me h me d Ag h a Mo s que 315 tambour stands for the semi-spherical dome done by using the squiches. Among those examples, we can mention one partially preserved in Croatia as part of the Ibrahim Pasha Mosque in Ðakovo, today as the Catholic Church of All Saints. 55 Many more are preserved in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with selection that includes the Aladža Mosque in Foèa56, Ali-Pasha Rizvanbegoviæ Mosque in Buni57, Koski Mehmed Pasha Mosque in Mostar58, as well as the Karagöz Bey Mosque in Mostar, and Kalavun Jusuf Pasha Mosque in Maglaj59. Within Macedonia it is worth to mention Ishak Çelebi Mosque and Yeni Cami in Bitola60, as well as Ahmed Pasha Mosque in Kyustendil, Bulgaria61. The interesting and remarkably preserved examples are also in Hungary, and those include Gazi Kasim Pasha Mosque and Jakovali Hassan Pasha Mosque in Pécs, and Ali Pasha’s Mosque in Szigetvár. Jakovali Hassan Pasha Mosque in Pécs, with its basic plan view, possibly with constructive solutions and together with the time of its emergence (according to some sources it is the second half of the 16th century,62 or according to other interpretations near the first quarter of the 17th century63) can greatly serve as a model when considering possible overall appearance of the Mehmed Agha Mosque in Ilok.64 The mosques in the territory of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Hungary and other Balkan countries were most often the vanguard structures of local dignitaries, which were also considerably smaller than the buildings under the patronage of the ruler’s family. In those cases, their dimensions represent the proper economic status of these individuals in the empire in juxtaposition to the ruler, or the Sultan himself. Those structures are therefore indicator of overall position of Fig. 21 A schematic representation of the Ali-Pasha Rizvanbegović mosque in Buna (drawing by D. Arbutina 2016) 55 For more see Karač 2015: 96–104. 56 The Aladža Mosque in Foča is an example where, in addition to the construction of dome on the squinches, it is worth highlighting the double porch in front of the main prayer room. Three segments on the porch that are next to the main mosque space are covered with domes, while the outer field is solved as a single-roofed structure. 57 Ali Pasha Rizvanbegović's Mosque is seen externally by the elements of the construction of the building, which include the squinches and the octagonal tambour of the dome, which fully coincides with the dimensions of the external walls on the quadratic base. 58 The Koski Mehmed Pasha Mosque in Mostar shows the construction of the dome on squinches and a double porch in front of the main prayer area, where the three segments of the porch along the main mosque are covered with domes, while the outer field is solved as a single-roofed structure. 59 The mosque in Maglaj has an octogonal tambour of a slightly reduced dimension and slightly engraved with respect to the surfaces of its quadratic base, but here, on the outside, is the visible foundation of the structure of the squinches which ensures the transition from quadratic to octagonal basis. 60 The Yeni Cami Mosque in Bitola is an example of a quadratic-sized mosque of about 20 meters, but also a double, but closed, two-rowed with threedome ceiling structures. 61 The specificity of this small mosque is in the position of the minaret, which is part of a double porch covered with three cupolas. In this case the field of the porch closer to the main prayer area is closed, and beside it is a position for a minaret (not adjacent to the main cube of the building, i.e. connected to the walls of the main prayer area, and unfortunately destroyed in the earthquake at the beginning of the 20 th century). In this and similar cases some of these peculiarities may be the consequence of the special construction circumstances. Those could be defined by the 15th-century construction of the mosque on the foundations of the former church, i.e. the complex of antique baths, as well as the alterations and upgrades undertaken during the time (in this example during the last quarter of the 16th century and also during the 18th century). The proper cube (almost cube) of this mosque, and the octagonal tambour, show the direction in which the architecture of the smaller Islamic places of worship will be developed and spread throughout the western provinces of the Ottoman Empire. 62 For more see Gerő 1976. 63 For more see Sudár 2009: 398–406. 64 An interesting interpretation of the work of Sudar, B. 2009, where in his work "Who was Hasan-pasha Jakovali?" he explains the thesis that the relationship can be between the mosque in Pécs and the mosque in Đakovo. In that thesis the connection is the same family that is related to both of the towns, which is the family of Memi-pasha, who owned Đakovo and who had his main possessions in this Croatian town. During the same time the service of family members within the Empire led those persons to Pécs where they erected some buildings that are preserved up to this day. 316 A nd re a Rimp f, D r a ž e n A rb u t in a Fig. 22 A drawing of Kalavun Jusuf Pasha’s mo- Fig. 23 Ishak Çelebi Mosque mosque in Bito- Fig. 24 Yeni Cami Mosque, Bitola, Macedosque in Maglaj (drawing by D. Arbutina la, Macedonia (drawing by D. Arbutina nia (drawing by Arbutina, D. 2016) 2016) 2016) Fig. 27 Ahmed Pasha’s mosque in Kyustendil, Bulgaria (drawing by D. Arbutina 2016) Fig. 25 The Hassan Pasha’s Mosque in Pécs. The layout of Jakovali Hassan Pasha’s mosque in Pécs (according to the plans of G. Gerő 1976: 20, fig. V; drawing by D. Fig. 26 A cross-section and ground plan of Arbutina 2016) Koski Mehmed Pasha Mosque in Mostar (in accordance with the designs of Ayverdi, E. H et al. 1981: 234, R 373 – 374; drawing by D. Arbutina 2016) Il ok O t t o m a n m o s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of Me h me d Ag h a Mo s que 317 Fig. 28 A section and floor plan of Aladža Mosque in Foča (drawing by D. Arbutina 2016) certain areas within the state that include their political and economic status within the Ottoman Empire (Fig.21 –28). Such structures were defined by their typology in a way that included the following features: • In principle, the mosques were built as the central spatial organization buildings. • They are designed with, usually, quadratic base of the ground floor plan for the main prayer area, and only exceptionally rare with octagonal ground floor plan. • The dimensions of the ground floor plan of the main spatial unit were from about 7x7 meters to more than 20x20 meters. • As spatial structures, the mosques in western Ottoman provinces were often mono-spatial structures (i.e. the main prayer room is a separate spatial entity) with the dome that rises above the main prayer area. • The basic volume of the main prayer space is the cube, while the octagonal or circular tambours are raised over it, and on those tambours, that serve as a transitional structure from the quadratic bases, semi-spherical domes were built. Domes of the mosques were sometimes hidden within the wooden structure of the roof, but more often seen as proper and dominant structures in perception of the whole building. • Along with the basic volume, the porch was placed in front of the main structure. It was often constructed as adjunct structure that has been covered with multiple cupolas, often with the one or two rows of triple cupolas that made the ceiling structure of the porch. In that respect the porch, as a spatial construction, is often a single- or double-row structure, where the space underneath is solved with sequences covered by three cupolas in a row. A certain small number of mosques erected in the middle of the 16th century had the porch that was done as a double-row structure, where it was possible to build two sequences of three cupolas, i.e. to construct the second sequence of the porch as a space covered with a beveled roof65. A rather small number of examples were built as mosques without dome, with the main prayer room covered with a flat wooden ceiling or a hidden wooden dome inside the roof structure. • Along with all the mosques, the minaret was almost always built as a structure connected with the main building, as a circular base, high-end elegant tower. The most examples of minarets are exceptionally slim and tall, with a conical top (roof cap) at its top, although there are examples of such structures that resemble church towers, or are built not as separate structures but as wooden constructions that are specifically raised from the main cubic building. The above mentioned parameters for the definition of spatial, functional and constructive analogy together with the data of geophysical research, defined the parameters for the ideal reconstruction of the basic visual elements in the exterior of the Mehmed Agha Mosque in Ilok.66 Those parameters in connection with analyzed certain historical sources (written sources, as well as illustrations) defined the basis for reconstruction that, in that respect, had the following initial elements: 65 According to the analysis presented in Pašić, Amir (1994), Islamic architecture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is considered that the Karagöz Bey Mosque in Mostar, with a double porch, is the work of mimar Sinan, all based on the analogies of mosques built in other places. Those include mosques built in Űskudara (Mihrimah Sultan Mosque built in 1548), Tekirdag (Rustem Pasha Mosque from 1553), an example of the Mostar Mosque from 1557, Tahtakale in Istanbul (Rustem Pasha's Mosque from 1562) or Istanbul (Atik Valide Sultan Mosque from 1583). 66 The interior reconstruction is also possible at the level of hypothetical processing using the analogy of defined formatting elements from some existing structures of similar origin, time and place. In respect to the exterior, decorating and interior decoration themselves are more connected to the speculative nature of possible reconstruction than basic external shapes and constructions. It is because interior decoration depends significantly on the slightest change in factors affecting the overall financial strength of the one that drives the construction process but also in terms of available materials and workforce, where each of these parameters can produce dramatically different results in synergy between themselves, even at the seemingly same starting conditions. 318 A nd re a Rimp f, D r a ž e n A rb u t in a • The rectangular basis of the entire structure with total dimensions of the foundation, which is about 14 meters in length and over 8 meters in width. • Within the overall structure the basis of the main prayer area is the quadratic based floor plan element, with side of the quadratic dimension of about 8 and a half meters. • The structure of the semi-spherical dome was probably on octagonal tambour that has the squinches to enable transition from quadratic base to the octagonal structure of the tambour. • The height of the main prayer room walls was possibly and approximately equal to the width of the floor plan base of the main prayer area to form the cube as a basic spatial unit of the mosque. This ideal reconstruction, as a procedure, analyzed the data of geophysical research, and based on them and presented analogy, it defined the possible disposition of the structures and spaces. The process is, thus, defined as an analytical speculation, in such respect that results have to provide the programme for further research, while some parts of the process need to be verified by conducting specific archaeological researches as well. It is, therefore, essential that we consider the process of ideal reconstruction in this (and not only this example), not as a final and only presentation of fully conclusive results, but as an important part of the research processes. The process, which will be further carried out with the future discoveries, should be verified with a concrete archaeological research, as well as a detailed analysis and interpretation of all of the possible results from such researches (Fig. 29). Fig. 29 The results of the ground penetrating radar surveyon the site of the fort in Ilok, Digital Archive Ilok Town Museum (recorded by B. Mušič 2006) If the basic dimensions and survey data overlap with the analogy of the prepared spatial and constructive dispositions from the examples from the similar area, then the reconstruction will be carried out. It means that central space under the octagonal tambour and the proper dome dimensions could be defined, but in the definition of the porch and its structure some intriguing aspects still exist. It means that information from the surveying of the site defined the possible structure of the basic foundation strip at a distance of 290 cm from the base of the main prayer room, what is one-third of the dimension of the side of the main prayer area base, but also the approximate dimension of the 10 Roman feet (Fig. 29 and 30). This together with another strip of foundations further away can suggest specific way of construction and structure for the porch. It means that the foundation in front of the main prayer area has the dimension that significantly exceeds the usual depth of a single row of the porch ceiling. It that respect, there is position to conclude that in the case of the Mehmed Agha Mosque double porch was built on the west side of the building. It is also possible to assume that one row with three cupolas was probably built close to the entrance to the main prayer area, while the exterior of the outer row is open to the further consideration. It is, therefore, necessary to plan the verification and confirmation of the hypothesis after the implementation of archaeological research (Fig. 31). What is left as a significant unknown feature is also the position of the minaret. It is the position of the minaret on the building itself that raises the question. Within the geophysical research there is no notice of the reinforcement of the foundation for the possible structure, while the pictorial records of the city from the time when the mosque existed show the minaret as visible structure, but there are no material remains present. According to the analogy with other examples of such architecture from the time when the mosque of Mehmed Agha was supposedly constructed, and analogies with the mosques in other locations across the western provinces of the Otto- Il ok O t t o m a n m o s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of Me h me d Ag h a Mo s que 319 Fig. 30 An analytical overview of the basic configuration for the reconstructed mosque showing a one version of the positioning of the porch (reconstruction and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016) Fig. 31 A three -variants perspective of pedestrian views that were considered during work on an ideal reconstruction (reconstruction and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016) Fig. 32 A display of a possible minaret location next to the building. The first version is located next to the main prayer room, while the other can be speculated as one of the possibilities, on the basis of the geophysical survey, since a substantial quadratic underground foundation structure is detected along the mosque with dimension of about 3 meters, almost like the module of 10 Roman feet, i.e. about 290 cm (drawing and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016) 320 A nd re a Rimp f, D r a ž e n A rb u t in a man Empire, it is possible to suggest that mosque had the minaret close to the main prayer area, beside the porch or close to the main structure somewhere else. The location of the minaret based on the present data can only be defined on the level of designed speculation. According to the data now available, it is possible to consider two possible locations. The first one is next to the southern wall of the main prayer area (possibly the southwestern corner of the ground floor), where detailed archaeological research should be used to verify any reinforcement of the foundation. The second possibility, unpopular and unusual, is the location of a minaret dislocated from the main building, on the eastern side of the mosque, since the geophysical survey shows some structure with the quadratic base (the assumed foundation) of side dimensions about around 3 meters and assuming in that way the possibility for the minaret to be on that side (Fig. 32). There is an opportunity with this ideal reconstruction to define the plan and programme of the further research, especially to plan further archaeological excavations. Those plans will consider excavations of the structures around or to the east of the main building for possible examination, at first in conjunction to the possible minaret position. In that respect, the ideal reconstruction, together with the final photo-montage of visualized building concepts, defines the basis for launching possible further researches, both archaeological and structural, and further more presents one of significant elements within the spatial structure of the Ilok fortress in the second half of the 16th century, during the Ottoman rule (Fig. 33 –35). Translation: Renata Šućurović, Dražen Arbutina Proofreading: Adrijana Roždijevac Fig. 33 A visualization and photomontage of the Mehmed, Agha Mosque with a minaret on the southern side of the main prayer area (reconstruction and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016) Il ok O t t o m a n m o s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of Me h me d Ag h a Mo s que 321 Fig. 34 A visualization and photomontage of the Mehmed Agha Mosque with a minaret on the outskirts of the main prayer area (reconstruction and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016) Fig. 35 A visualization and photomontage of the Mehmed Agha Mosque with a minaret on the eastern side of the main prayer area (reconstruction and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016) Andrea Rimpf Ilok Town Museum Šetalište oca Mladena Barbarića 5 HR-32236 Ilok andrearimpf@yahoo.com Dražen Arbutina Zagreb University of Applied Sciences Av. V. Holjevca 15 HR-10000 Zagreb darbutina@tvz.hr 322 A nd re a Rimp f, D r a ž e n A rb u t in a BIBLIOGRAPHY Andrejević, A. 1984, Islamska monumentalna umetnost XVI veka u Jugoslaviji, Institut za istoriju umetnosti Filozofskog fakulteta Beograd; Balkanološki institut SANU, Beograd. Andrić, S. 2001, Potonuli svijet, Rasprave o slavonskom i srijemskom srednjovjekovlju, Hrvatski institut za povijest – Podružnica za povijest Slavonije, Srijema i Baranje, Slavonski Brod. Anić, V. (ed.), 2002, Hrvatski enciklopedijski rječnik, Novi Libre, Zagreb. 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Zirojević, O. 2009, Rajnold Lubenau o Beogradu i Srbiji 1587. godine, in: Turci u Podunavlju, 2 deo., Historijski arhiv u Pančevu, Pančevo, 181–202. Zlatar, B. 2013, Balkanski grad u osmanskom periodu (XV i XVI stoljeće), Godišnjak / Jahrbuch, Centar za balkanološka ispitivanja Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Vol. 42, 135–140. 324 Karen Stark From Holy Objects to Sacred Places: Making Marian Sanctuaries in 14th c. Hungary Scientific paper The Virgin Mary had been a significant figure in Hungarian history since Hungary’s first Christian king, St. Stephen (c. 997–1038), supposedly dedicated the kingdom to her on his deathbed. Certainly, from the Christianization of the country devotion to her was practiced by king, monk, and peasant alike, but during the fourteenth century her cult received a significant push forward, a push that would continue throughout the Middle Ages, to culminate in the boom in Marian devotion in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Devotion to her cult manifested in the landscape by way of her sanctuaries, pilgrimage places where the pilgrim sought Mary through two special kinds of relics—her sacred images and statues. The relationship between the Pauline Order and King Louis the Great of Hungary in the fourteenth century helped to popularize and create Marian sanctuaries, and it was this relationship that was a critical point in the development and spread of the Virgin Mary’s cult. By investigating the Hungarian ruler’s interactions with foreign Marian pilgrimage sites, his pattern of patronage, and the Pauline Order’s parallel promotion, we can trace the spread of Mary’s cult and identify the reasons for its success. Key words: Virgin Mary, King Louis the Great, Hungary, Pilgrimage, Pauline Order Introduction In the fourteenth century the Virgin Mary’s cult in Hungary received a significant push forward. Certainly, the Virgin was already an important figure in Hungary since the Christianization period—Hungary’s first Christian king, St. Stephen (c. 997–1038), had dedicated all of the most important churches in the kingdom to Mary and even dedicated the country to her on his deathbed. Still it is not until the reign of King Louis the Great of Hungary (1326–1382) that we see notable developments in the tangible aspects of Mary’s cult—her sacred spaces and objects. Louis’ diplomatic and pious activities, both at home and abroad, were instrumental in this. His interactions with sacred sites outside of Hungary impacted and encouraged the creation of new sacred spaces. Also integral in this process was the Order of St. Paul the First Hermit, with whom Louis worked closely to achieve these goals. The spread of Mary’s cult places occurred in parallel with the spread of cult objects associated with the Virgin, and the objects were often critical to the legitimacy of the sacred space. Royal Patronage: The Hungarian Angevin Dynasty During this period the Angevin dynasty actively promoted the cult of saints, and in particular their own Árpádian and Angevin saints. Their efforts were emblematic of the new trends identified by Gábor Klaniczay in the royal patronage of saints that emerged in the mid-fourteenth century in Central Europe, namely: journeys undertaken by royals and their courts for various reasons were seen as excellent opportunities to popularize dynastic saints; within the context of the cult of saints dynastic cults were expanding rapidly; and there was a new demand for art objects, edifices, and works of Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 325 –334 326 Ka re n S ta rk literature produced specifically for purposes of personal piety (Klaniczay 2014: 332–333).1 We can witness all three of these trends in the many journeys members of the Angevin dynasty undertook and the plethora of devotional art and objects they donated, commissioned, and received as gifts.2 It was through these events that the Marian cult grew, moved, and transformed in a very tangible way. Queen Elizabeth Piast: Devotion and Diplomacy We begin our journey by looking at the pious activities and pilgrimages of Louis the Great and his mother, Elizabeth Piast, abroad. Both Louis and his mother understood the advantages that religious journeys could bring to their dynasty and their kingdom. Louis followed in the footsteps of his father Charles I in promoting the cults of his holy ancestors—both from the House of Árpád and the House of Anjou (Năstăsoiu 2016: 31). During these diplomatic and devotional tours the Hungarian Angevins often travelled with large retinues and donated or commissioned works of art depicting their saintly ancestors. By so doing they were able to exhibit the splendor of their court abroad, express their own personal piety, and show the prestige of their family lineage (Năstăsoiu 2016: 29). 3 During these journeys the Hungarian Angevins were also influenced by foreign devotional trends, and they brought back with them new ideas and objects. This is precisely what happened with the Marian cult during Elizabeth and Louis’ journeys. Queen Elizabeth Piast undertook two important trips in this regard—to the Italian peninsula in 1343–1344 and to Marburg, Cologne, and Aachen in 1357. The former, a “diplomatic and devotional tour,” was made in order to support the claims of her son, Prince Andrew, to the Neapolitan throne, echoing the trip her husband Charles I had made to Naples ten years prior to arrange said marriage (Lucherini 2013: 341–362; Năstăsoiu 2016: 29).4 Prince Andrew was married to Joanna I of Naples, granddaughter of King Robert the Wise of Naples, and in line for the throne. However, Andrew was disavowed the throne in Robert’s will and Joanna was made sole ruler after the king’s death. Accordingly, Elizabeth certainly had huge diplomatic hurdles to overcome during this trip, but she strategically used the Árpádian and Angevin dynastic saints as a tool of self-representation and to increase the Hungarian Angevin dynasty’s “political and sacral prestige” (Năstăsoiu 2016: 29). During her sojourn Elizabeth visited many important pilgrimage sites and donated objects and money, but she also had objects commissioned by Italian artists and was given gifts. From Naples Queen Elizabeth also undertook a pilgrimage to Rome, during which she made some of her grandest donations.5 It was during her pilgrimage to Rome that she may have received a Lucan image, that is, an image of the Virgin Mary believed to have been painted by St. Luke the Evangelist, though it is possible she received or commissioned it at another point in her journey (Sághy 2010: 224).6 About ten years later Elizabeth made another important journey, a pilgrimage to Marburg, Cologne, and Aachen with Charles IV of Luxemburg, King of Bohemia and Holy Roman Emperor, and his wife, Anna von Schweidnitz.7 For our purposes the Cathedral of Aachen is the most significant as it housed the Cloak of the Virgin Mary, kept in the Marienschrein reliquary along with other important relics.8 It is also the site where Louis resolved to undertake major building works. King Louis the Great and a Hungarian Chapel at Aachen Following Elizabeth’s pilgrimage to Aachen, Louis decided to construct a “Hungarian Chapel” next to the Chapel of the Blessed Virgin. Hungarian pilgrims were already frequent visitors to Aachen, but Louis’ chapel, which he provided with two Hungarian chaplains, offered further incentive for Hungarians to visit the site (Tömöry 1931: 13). The chapel was probably completed by 1366 and soon after Louis endowed it with numerous precious objects, including two images of the Virgin Mary: one of the Virgin and Child and the other of the Coronation of the Virgin. Images of the Virgin like these were becoming increasingly popular objects of personal devotion as well as foci of specific Marian cults and pilgrimages. These icons had long been venerated in Byzantium and Rome, but only in the fourteenth century do we begin to see a real presence of 1 On this subject see also: Năstăsoiu 2016: 29. 2 For information on the art and patronage of the Angevin court see: Marosi 1982: 51–77; 2001: 178–193; 2010: 187–193; Takács 2006: 68–86; and on the patronage activities of King Louis the Great’s mother, Elizabeth Piast, in particular, see: Śnieżyńska-Stolot 1974: 13–36; 1979: 166–168; 1985: 21–28. 3 See also: Klaniczay 2014: 332–333. 4 It should be noted, however, that Charles I’s journey to Naples had more straightforward political objectives, and had less effect on the promotion of the Angevin cult of saints and artistic patronage than did the trip of Elizabeth (Lucherini 2013: 341–362). 5 Some of these are listed in the inventory of the treasury of St. Peter’s Basilica from 1361 as coming from Regina Ungarie (Năstăsoiu 2015: 104). For details of the inventory see: Müntz, Frothingham Jr 1883: 1–137. On Elizabeth’s pilgrimage to Rome see also: Karácsonyi 1893: 50–63. 6 On the concept and history of Lucan images see: Belting 1994: 57–59. 7 For more on Elizabeth’s journey to Marburg, Cologne, and Aachen see: Pór 1901: 1–14; Năstăsoiu 2016: 29–43. 8 On the Marienschrein see: Wynands 2000. F rom H oly O b je c t s t o S a cre d P l a ce s : M a k in g M a ri a n S a nc t u a rie s in 1 4 t h c . H ung a r y 327 them in Central Europe. Louis and his mother also brought Marian icons back with them to Hungary, and they often proved essential in creating new sacred spaces. It was not only his mother’s influence or his own piety that motivated Louis to found a chapel at Aachen. A few years before Louis’ foundation Charles IV had founded an altar to St. Wenceslaus at Aachen. While largely maintaining a pleasant relationship, Charles and Louis had a kind of rivalry and it is not difficult to view Louis’ subsequent foundation as a bit of one-upmanship. We might also view Louis’ promotion of the Marian cult itself as partly influenced by Charles. Charles recognized that a public cult like that of the Virgin Mary could transcend local matters and took advantage of that fact: he brought many Marian cult images to Prague and was also in possession of important Marian relics (Belting 1994: 335). We can reasonably assume that King Louis of Hungary made note of Charles’ Marian devotion and that it at least partly influenced his promotion of her cult in his home country. Emperor Charles IV: The Virgin in Bohemia The significance of Charles IV during this period and this region cannot be overstated, and the intimate relationship between Charles and Louis benefitted both of their reigns and dynasties. In fact, Gábor Klaniczay has characterized them, along with Casimir the Great of Poland, as the “great royal trio,” and rightly so seeing as “their lives and activities were unquestionably intertwined in such an intricate manner” (Klaniczay 2016: 1). Charles IV (born Wenceslaus in 1316) was the eldest son of King John of Bohemia of the House of Luxembourg. In 1346 he became King of Bohemia and was elected rex Romanorum, and after some contention with his opponent, Louis IV, for the position he was reelected three years later. Following his crowning as King of Italy and King of Burgundy, he became Holy Roman Emperor. These epic titles made him an individual other important figures and kingdoms, including the Hungarian Kingdom, were eager to attach themselves to through both political and marital alliances. Louis of Hungary was able to obtain Charles’ support during several military excursions and Charles also often helped to mediate political quarrels between Louis and others (Engel 2001: 162, 164, 168). Regarding marriages, Margaret of Bohemia, Charles’ eldest daughter by his first wife, was actually married to Louis the Great of Hungary. Charles’ third wife, Anna von Schweidnitz, was the daughter of Henry II, Duke of Świdnica, and Catherine of Hungary (Louis’ sister), and his fourth wife was Elizabeth of Pomerania, daughter of Duke Bogislaw V, Duke of Pomerania, and Elisabeth of Poland, daughter of Casimir III of Poland (the niece of Elizabeth Piast and Louis’ cousin). Charles recounts the details and importance of these events in his own words, in his autobiography.9 Charles was well known for his promotion of the cult of relics and his devotion to the Virgin Mary in particular. We can trace this devotion back to his youth, when he was sent to Paris to live with his aunt, Queen Mary of France, and her husband, also called Charles IV and the younger Charles’ godfather. From Charles’ autobiography we read how Charles IV of France influenced his religious upbringing: He [the French king Charles] loved me very much, and had my chaplain instruct me a little in learning (though he himself had no acquaintance with letters). From this I learned to read the hours of the glorious blessed Virgin Mary, and once understanding them a little I read them daily during my youth with great pleasure, because instructions had been given to my overseers by the king that they should encourage me in this (Nagy, Schaer 2001: 24–25).10 This is not the only instance in the text where Charles refers to the Holy Virgin’s importance in his life. In one chapter he remembers a dream he had, in which angels foretold to him the imminent death of the unscrupulous Count Guigo of Vienna, and warned him and his father against following the count’s immoral way of life on the day of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary: While I was spending a whole day going through the valley called Gerlos, I thought about the miracle or the vision which had come to me on the day of the Holy Virgin, the Assumption of Mary, when I was in Terenzo in the diocese of Parma. From that day on, I resolved in her honor to institute daily hymns of supplication to the Glorious Virgin in the church 9 While Charles’ likely wrote at least part of his autobiography, many scholars believe that at least two hands can be observed in the text. For more on the authorship of the text see Ferdinand Seibt’s introduction in: Nagy, Schaer 2001: xiii–xli, esp. xxiv, xxx. See also on the authorship of the text: Blaschka 1956: 11–17; Seibt 1978: 113–115; Hillenbrand 1979: 9–62; Speváček 1979. 10 Dilexitque me prefatus rex valde, et precepit capellano meo, ut me aliquantulum in litteris erudiret, quamvis rex predictus ignarus esset litterarum. Et ex hoc didici legere horas beate Marie virginis gloriose, et eas aliquantulum intelligens cottidie temporibus mee puericie libencius legi, quia preceptum erat custodibus meis regis ex parte, ut me ad hoc instigarent (Nagy, Schaer 2001: 24–25). 328 Ka re n S ta rk of Prague, so that every day a new legend about the deeds and miracles of her life should be read (Nagy, Schaer 2001: 145–147).11 This episode ends with the words: “Afterwards this was done, as will be described below,” however, this promise was left unfulfilled in the extant text (Nagy, Schaer 2001: 147). While Charles did not detail how this was fulfilled, the fact that this and other spiritual or supernatural events12 are included in his vita show that he seemed “concerned to prove his divine election” (Nagy, Schaer 2001: xxviii). The Holy Roman Emperor demonstrated his religious devotion beyond the written word. As mentioned above, Charles was a keen collector of relics and “anchored [the cult of relics] in his concept of government” (Horníčková 2011: 133). This was especially true in Prague where he donated many important relics to the treasury of St. Vitus Cathedral as well as other church treasuries and parish churches in Prague (Horníčková 2011: 133).13 Charles’ efforts, as Kateřina Horníčková eloquently puts it, “helped to build a common memory of these value-laden material objects that was shared by the citizens of Prague” (Horníčková 2011: 133). Though Emperor Charles IV collected relics from many different saints, he seemed to pay special attention to the Virgin. Amongst the Marian icons in his possession was the famous Madonna of Brno, which he bequeathed to the Augustinian hermits, newly founded by his brother Margrave John Henry (Belting 1994: 335). He also owned not one, but three important relics of the Virgin: fragments from the Virgin Mary’s own veil. The most sacred of these fragments was the peplum cruentatum, a fragment of the Virgin’s veil worn during the Crucifixion, and thereby splattered with the blood of Christ. Both the peplum cruentatum and another fragment of the Virgin’s veil (this one white and without blood stains) were kept in the treasury of Prague Cathedral. According to the inventory of the cathedral, Charles acquired the stainless cloth in 1354 from St. Maximinus’ Abbey in Trier, which had been given to the abbey by another famed collector of relics, Helena, the mother of Constantine (Šroněk 2009: 118; Hamburger 2011: 7). A third fragment, with bloodstains from Christ’s side, was brought by Charles to Prague from Rome in 1368 (Šroněk 2009: 118). The (Re)foundation of Mariazell Louis had outdone Charles at Aachen by not just donating an altar, but by building an entire chapel.14 In Styria Louis went one step further by (re)building an entire church. Here again Louis turned his attention outside his kingdom. Mariazell, located on Styria’s northern edge, was the site of a Benedictine monastery and pilgrimage church, which hosted a miraculous statue of the Virgin. At Mariazell Louis built a new Marian chapel and at least the central nave and tower of the Gothic church (Szamosi 1986: 291, 294; Gerstenberger 1996: 35–50). Louis’ building works at Mariazell were so extensive, historian József Szamosi has even called Louis the second founder of Mariazell (Szamosi 1986: 296). In addition to the building works, like at Aachen, Louis donated an image of the Virgin Mary. It has been suggested that both the image of the Virgin and Child donated to Aachen and the image donated to Mariazell were in fact copies of an icon Elizabeth Piast donated to the Poor Clares of Óbuda in her will (Marosi 2004: 33; Szende 2007: 198; Sághy 2010: 224). As mentioned earlier, this original icon may have been commissioned by Elizabeth during her journeys through Italy; we could even suppose that the image was given to Elizabeth as a gift by Joanna of Naples (Năstăsoiu 2015: 106).15 If we take both hypotheses to be true we would be in the amazing situation of having a direct artistic link from Naples, to Aachen, Mariazell, and eventually Óbuda. This is quite a stretch, however, especially as the Óbuda image is no longer extant and thus cannot stand to comparison. Additionally, though all the images are likely Italian in origin, Louis may have equally had the images commissioned during his many military campaigns there.16 What is certain, however, is that images of the 11 Et cum tota die transirem per vallem que dicitur Gerlos, recordatus sum de miraculo, seu vision, quod in die beate virginis, in assumpcione sancte Marie, in Tharunso Parmensis diocesis michi contigerat. Et ab eodem tempore concepi ad eius honorem gloriose virginis horas cottidie decantandas in Pragensi ecclesia ordinare, ita ut de ipsius cite gestis et miraculis cottidie nova legenda legeretur. Quod postea factum est, prout inferius describetur (Nagy, Schaer 2001: 145–147). 12 Including one amusing tale in which a poltergeist seemingly picked up a wine jug and caused it to fly across the king’s bedroom and terrifying him in the process (Nagy, Schaer 2001: xxvii). 13 For Charles IV’s activities in Prague see: Boehm, Fajt 2005. See also the most recent volume on Charles IV, including articles on the emperor’s work in Prague and Aachen and his various pious activities and patronage: Kuthan, Royt 2016. 14 Although, it should be noted that in addition to an altar Charles IV donated many other valuable items to the Aachen cathedral and his “generosity towards the Imperial Chapel in Aachen in the form of relics and reliquary caskets is well documented” (Rosario 2000: 29, n.13). 15 On this topic see also: Marosi 2004: 28–38. 16 Dragoş Gh. Năstăsoiu, personal communication, May 29, 2016. F rom H oly O b je c t s t o S a cre d P l a ce s : M a k in g M a ri a n S a nc t u a rie s in 1 4 t h c . H ung a r y 329 Virgin were becoming important objects of both personal and public devotion and their donation had the power to attach the donor, his family, and sometimes his entire country to a particular holy place and all it represented. In the case of the Mariazell image, there was also a fantastic legend attached to it. According to the legend, King Louis the Great was facing 80,000 Turkish troops with an army of only 20,000. As he was feeling disheartened, the Virgin of Mariazell appeared to him in a dream and encouraged him to attack. He awoke to find an image of the Virgin lying upon his chest. Louis fought the Turks and won, and with his whole army he marched to Mariazell to donate the image and rebuild the church (Szamosi 1986: 289). It is not certain what event this actually alludes to, it has been suggested that it refers to Louis’ 1375 defeat of Prince Radu, who had been supported by Turkish troops in Wallachia, others that it commemorated a victory during his campaigns in the Balkans (Szamosi 1986: 290; Engel 2001: 165). The earliest reference to this legend, however, comes only in 1487 (Dorner 2010: 59). Though the veracity and precise chronology of this legend is unclear, its legacy was undoubtedly significant. It is not surprising that this legend should first be recorded in the late fifteenth century, as it was at this time that the threat of Ottoman expansion became more imminent. Louis’ connection to Mariazell was capitalized on even into the seventeenth century. We can see this quite clearly, for example, in a play entitled Hungaria, which was performed in Augsburg. Throughout the play Mary is portrayed as a conqueror of heretics and tells the story of King Louis’ defeat of the Turkish army led by Amurath with the help of the Virgin (Heal 2007: 202). The timing of the play was not coincidental: in the same year of its performance, Habsburg troops had fought the Ottoman army at the battle of Szentgotthárd, which the Habsburgs had won.17 During and especially after the Ottoman occupation, Marian pilgrimage sites in Hungary “acquired” similar legends, in which during an attack by Ottoman troops the Virgin would intervene to save her image or statue or even the entire church or city from destruction and by Mary’s intervention the site would be further sanctified. Excluding the miraculous victory in battle, like at Aachen Louis had diplomatic reasons to become involved with Mariazell. The House of Habsburg had begun to generously endow Mariazell beginning in the early fourteenth century: in 1342 Duke Albrecht II had donated an altar to Mariazell and brought a market to the village and two years later Rudolf IV founded a perpetual fair at the site, which was confirmed by both dukes Albrecht III and Albrecht IV.18 While Louis had generally a good relationship with the Habsburgs, in 1367 Louis reproached them in response to Austria’s alliance with Charles IV, who was in a dispute with King Louis at the time (Engel 2005: 168–169). No military action was taken, and relations were again friendly by 1371 and it would seem that Louis’ actions at Mariazell were an attempt to heal this relationship. Indeed, historians concede that Louis’ generosity was just as much a political gesture as a religious one, and that “he had created with these gifts a foothold in the Habsburg lands” (Lentner 2010: 87). Louis’ efforts were successful, and Mariazell became an even more prominent pilgrimage site. While Hungarians had gone on pilgrimage to Mariazell in the thirteenth century, they came in small numbers; most pilgrims at that time came from Bohemia and Moravia. After the Hungarian king’s grand gestures, Hungarian pilgrims flocked to the site. At the turn of the fifteenth century, Andreas Schleicher, abbot of the Benedictine abbey Weihenstephan in Freising in Upper Bavaria, noted that when he visited Mariazell in 1480 pilgrims came from sixteen different countries, including Italy, Switzerland, Brabant (the Netherlands and Belgium), France, Bavaria, Austria, Bohemia, Moravia, Poland, Hungary, Prussia, Silesia, Styria (naturally), Carinthia, Grein, and Croatia (Lentner 2010: 83). We see the attraction of Mariazell continuing into the seventeenth century in, for example, the pilgrimage directory of 1675, which lists a total of 134 processions, with groups of pilgrims from Brno, Znojmo, Mikulov, Pressbaum, Győr, Szombathely, and Eisenstadt (Lentner 2010: 83). Louis had established a permanent connection between himself (and by extension, the Kingdom of Hungary) and Mariazell.19 In his work on pilgrimage in Mariazell, Günter Lentner names the three rulers or ruling families that had the most impact on the development of Mariazell: Henry Margrave of Moravia,20 the Habsburgs, and King Louis I of Hungary, a foreigner in the land (Lentner 2010: 50). 17 The play also records the many gifts Louis had donated to Mariazell including his spurs, dagger, and royal standard (Heal 2007: 202). 18 The House of Habsburg continued to have an intimate relationship with Mariazell into the Early Modern Era, and Mariazell was given the necessary preconditions to rise to the level of an imperial sanctuary (Lentner 2010: 45, 90–91). 19 See especially on the relationship between Mariazell and Hungary: Brunner, Walter et al. 2003; Serfőző, Farbaky 2004a; 2004b. 20 The first written evidence for Henry’s connection to Mariazell comes from the miracle book of P. Gerard Petschacher dating from 1666. According to this legend, around the year 1200 Henry and his wife Agnes had made a pilgrimage to Mariazell after his wife was miraculously cured of her gout by the Virgin of Mariazell. The legend states that it was Henry who had built the first stone church at the site, and their efforts prompted the pilgrimages of many from Bohemia and Moravia. That Henry and his wife would have paid special attention to Mariazell would not be surprising as Agnes was a close relative of Duke Henry of Carinthia, who had built the Abbey of St. Lambrecht, Mariazell’s mother monastery (Lentner 2010: 50, 52). 330 Ka re n S ta rk Mary and Monasticism Aachen and Mariazell were already established sacred places before Louis’ involvement with them. But Louis did not stop at “enhancing” sacred spaces, he also made them, through his monastic support and foundations. It was partly the exchange of ideas and objects at Aachen and Mariazell that helped to shape these new sites. While the Mariazell shrine was a Benedictine site, when it came to Louis’ patronage and monastic foundations it was a home-grown order—the Order of St. Paul the First Hermit—that he turned to. The Order of St. Paul the First Hermit was, according to the late medieval tradition of the order, formed by Blessed Eusebius, a canon of Esztergom, in 1215 from groups of hermits in Hungary.21 By the fourteenth century the Pauline Order was still relatively young, and this along with its local and multi-layered character, contributed to the order’s ability to evolve and meet the spiritual needs of the kingdom. Under Charles I and Louis the Great the Hungarian Kingdom had become stable and flourished; “they took every opportunity in many respects to build up their kingdom; supporting the Pauline order was one element for them which was connected with imperial and foreign policy” (Pető 2014: 65). In fact, even the official recognition of the order was connected to political events surrounding Charles I—in 1308 the Pauline monastery of St. Ladislaus hosted a meeting between Charles I and the papal legate Cardinal Gentilis, which led to both the acknowledgment of Charles as king of Hungary and, a month later, the official papal approval of the Order of St. Paul the First Hermit (Romhányi 2012a: 63; Romhányi 2012b: 225). Theirs was a mutual relationship; the kings using the order to increase royal representation, “broaden their influence, and warrant their salvation,” and the Paulines looking to the king to ensure their growth and prominence (Pető 2014: 68). The cult of the Virgin Mary seems to have been important for the Pauline Order from its beginnings—in the rule of the order the special veneration of the Virgin Mary was the third point of the three-part monastic vow, every Pauline church and monastery had a work depicting the Virgin, and she featured prominently in Pauline literature and art (Sas 2007: 656–657). Indeed, all but one of Louis’ Pauline foundations were dedicated to the Virgin Mary. Looking at all twenty-eight Pauline churches founded between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, fourteen were dedicated to the Virgin Mary, and a further four churches were dedicated to two saints, one of whom was the Virgin Mary in each case. Thus, Mary was the patron saint of nearly two-thirds of the Pauline churches founded in this period (Urbán 2009: 76). However, the Pauline Order was not the only promoter of the Virgin’s cult, other orders laid the foundations of Marian veneration and continued to build on those foundations after the appearance of the Paulines. The Cistercian Order was one of the most active promoters of the Marian cult; from its foundation at the end of the eleventh century, the Virgin Mary was one of the most, if not the most, important holy figures, after Christ, for the order. Every Cistercian house was dedicated to her, a tradition possibly inherited from the Molesme Abbey, which was dedicated to her (Jamroziak 2013: 14). For Cistercians, like Bernard of Clairvaux, the Virgin was “the embodiment of the perfect woman,” their patron, their protector (Jamroziak 2013: 229). Their devotion is demonstrated in, for example, the Mater Misericordiae, an iconographic type derived from the Dialogus miraculorum written by the Cistercian Caesarius of Heisterbach, which depicts the Virgin Mary sheltering numerous believers under her cloak. The image became hugely popular throughout the Cistercian Order, and was represented on multiple mediums including wood cuts, altarpieces, and wall paintings, and was eventually adopted also by other orders. The Mater Misericordiae first appeared in Italy in the late thirteenth century, and can be seen in Hungary as early in the first third of the fourteenth century.22 The Marian devotion of the Franciscan and Dominican Orders is most evident a bit later. Our best literary source for evidence of Marian piety amongst the Hungarian Franciscans comes from the Hungarian Observant Franciscan Pelbart of Temesvár. Pelbart wrote a series of sermons, first published in 1496, entitled Stellarium coronae beatae Mariae virginis, in fulfillment of a vow he had taken when near death due to the plague. Pelbart of Temesvár, and the Franciscans in general, were also well known for their support of the concept of the Immaculate Conception. That the Franciscans were successful in spreading this concept is shown, for instance, in the iconography of altar pieces in Hungary, many of which were commissioned by lay people (Crăciun 2011: 46–69). The Dominicans seemed to have focused more on preaching Mary—emphasizing her role in the Crucifixion and her human characteristics—as well as promoting devotion to the rosary and founding confraternities dedicated to it (Crăciun 2011: 39).23 21 This tradition is based on the sixteenth-century work of Gregorius Gyöngyösi, who used original documents to complete his history of the Pauline Order (many of which do not survive today), the historical reality of the formation legend, however, is not certain (Gyöngyösi 1988; Hervay 2007: 57–65). 22 For an example of the Mater Misericordiae in Lónya, Hungary dating to the early fourteenth century see: Szakács 2013: 202–211. A book dedicated to the analysis of the Mater Misericordiae iconographic type in Hungary was written by Beatrix Gombosi, see: Gombosi, 2008. 23 On the creation and promotion of the rosary in the Middle Ages see: Winston-Allen, 2010. F rom H oly O b je c t s t o S a cre d P l a ce s : M a k in g M a ri a n S a nc t u a rie s in 1 4 t h c . H ung a r y 331 The Virgin Mary was an important saint for all of the orders of the Middle Ages, and they all had a part to play in promoting Marian veneration, however, it was the Pauline Order that first began to develop places of pilgrimage dedicated to the Virgin during the fourteenth century. The Paulines understood the importance and benefits of developing pilgrimage places, many of which were specifically Marian pilgrimage sites. This is a feature demonstrated in Máté Urbán’s study of Pauline pilgrimage places. He notes that of the eighty to ninety Pauline monasteries in the late Middle Ages, more than a third were pilgrimage shrines, and that of all the late medieval devotional places in the Kingdom of Hungary, about onequarter can be connected to the Pauline Order (Urbán 2009: 64). This fact highlights the paradoxical nature of the order, that an order composed of hermits dedicated to quiet, solitude, and isolation should foster and maintain busy pilgrimage centers (Urbán 2009: 64). Royal Pauline Foundations King Louis the Great founded a total of thirteen monasteries during his reign—five of which were Pauline foundations.24 The Pauline foundation that perhaps has the most evident connections to Louis’ activities at Aachen and Mariazell is that of Máriavölgy (present-day Marianka, Slovakia). In fact, one could go as far as to say that Mariazell inspired this foundation and indeed Máriavölgy is sometimes referred to as the Mariazell of Hungary; however, the exact nature of the connection between the two sites cannot be stated with any certainty. Louis founded Máriavölgy in 1377 on the border between Hungary and the Habsburg provinces.25 The focus of veneration at Máriavölgy, like at Mariazell, is a statue of the Virgin and Child, and the legend of its creation and discovery is again almost identical to the statue at Mariazell. Máriavölgy’s importance as a pilgrimage site during the Middle Ages is not certain, however, by the end of the sixteenth century it was one of the most important pilgrimage sites in the Hungarian Kingdom (Knapp, Tüskés 1999: 215).26 Turning to the heart of the Hungarian Kingdom, we can see two of Louis’ foundations—Nosztra (founded in 1352; present-day Márianosztra) and Toronyalja (founded sometime between 1352 and 1381)—as well as four other Pauline monasteries founded earlier. In 1355 Louis had moved the royal court from Buda back to Visegrád and the proximity of the Nosztra and Toronyalja foundations to the “new” royal seat and residence can certainly be seen as a tactical move on Louis’ (and the order’s) part. The Pauline monastery at Nosztra was the second foundation that Louis made during his reign, before his involvement in Aachen or Mariazell. He had big plans for Nosztra, and it was Nosztra that was poised to become the center of the Pauline Order in Hungary. When Louis acquired the body of St. Paul the First Hermit from the Venetians, Nosztra was initially promised these precious relics. In the end, however, the relics went to the Pauline monastery of St. Lawrence in 1381, near Buda where a few years earlier Louis had begun the construction of a new curia regia. Though Nosztra remained an important monastery, not surprisingly, Budaszentlőrinc became the focus of Pauline pilgrimage efforts. Noble Pauline Foundations Louis’ patronage of the Pauline Order had a pronounced effect on the patronage efforts of the nobility. In fact, if we look at Janós Thuróczy’s fifteenth-century Chronica Hungarorum we can read just this. Under the title, “The foundation of two chapels,” we read: He constructed a chapel in Aachen and another in Cell [Mariazell] to the blessed Virgin Mary with beautiful and wonderful workmanship, endowed them sufficiently and generously, and adorned them with precious materials to the glory of God: vessels, chalices, books, and assorted decorations and a goblet of pure gold. But afterwards, due to his generosity and effort of [providing] a good example, he attracted many barons, soldiers, nobles and some from among the prelates, so as to dedicate themselves to devotion, who donated lands to the aforementioned order of the hermits, and built and 24 It should be mentioned, however, that the order with the most foundations by Louis (with six) was actually the Observant Franciscans. And certainly Louis was also a great supporter of theirs, however, these foundations were more focused in the south-central area of the kingdom, and represented the importance of the Franciscans in Louis’ efforts in Bosnia and his attempt to convert the Orthodox population there. It should also be noted that neither Louis nor his mother founded any Cistercian houses and only two Cistercian monasteries were founded in the period between 1301 and 1387, though Louis did initiate an investigation of all the Cistercian houses in Hungary during his reign, which resulted in the reorganization of some of them. 25 The foundation of Máriavölgy was partly strategic, it is located about 10 kilometers from the important town of Pozsony (today’s Bratislava), so it was close enough to a population center to be active in that community, but far enough to retain that all-important “sacred periphery” character. 26 Máriavölgy was also one of the few monasteries that survived the Turkish occupation. It became the center of the Pauline Order after the destruction of the St. Lawrence Monastery (Romhányi 2000: 43). 332 Ka re n S ta rk supplied [for them] cloisters in order to praise God and for the glory of St. Paul (Thuróczy 1991: ch. 175, 184).27 It is interesting that the author chose to place the second sentence after Louis’ activities at Aachen and Mariazell, not with the sections that mention his actual Pauline foundations. I do not think this is a coincidence, perhaps it was Louis’ grand, pious gestures abroad that most impressed the upper echelons of Hungarian society and when they chose to imitate these actions at home it was naturally the king’s favored order, the Paulines, that they turned to. Thus the connections between the sacred places of Aachen and Mariazell and Louis and the Pauline Order are further emphasized. Referring back to the pivotal moment in the history of the Pauline Order just mentioned, when Budaszentlőrinc was chosen as the resting place of the body of St. Paul the First Hermit, we can see how this shift of power from Nosztra to Budaszentlőrinc likely helped in the formation of one of the most important Pauline and Marian pilgrimage sites— Częstochowa (located in modern-day southern Poland). When a Pauline monastery was founded by Duke Ladislaus of Opole at Częstochowa, the first so-called “foreign” Pauline foundation, just a year after the transfer of the body of St. Paul to Budaszentlőrinc, it was Nosztra that was chosen to be the mother monastery, perhaps as a gesture of compensation (Pető 2014: 68, n. 252). Duke Ladislaus had been made governor of Galicia-Volhynia, newly conquered by Louis of Hungary, and according to legend had miraculously discovered a Marian image and founded the monastery at Częstochowa, with twelve Pauline monks from Nosztra, to house it. Ladislaus fittingly devoted the monastery to the Order of St. Paul the First Hermit; he had strong ties with the Hungarian court who were patrons of the order, and his patronage was part of his own political agenda. This image, which came to be known as the Black Madonna of Czestochowa, shaped Częstochowa into a prominent Marian pilgrimage site, surpassing, arguably, even Mariazell in popularity.28 Conclusion Marian sanctuaries continued to multiply after the fourteenth century, and with them statues and images of the Virgin Mary. The Black Madonna of Częstochowa developed its own cult of copies and in a graceful circle of transference, in 1720 the Nosztra monastery received one such copy from its daughter monastery of Częstochowa and it too became an important Marian pilgrimage site, as evidenced by the name it is now known as—Márianosztra.29 The Pauline Order continued to be important in the development of the Marian cult, however, by the later Middle Ages the other orders were quick to “jump on the bandwagon” and by the sixteenth century the number of significant Marian cult sites was divided more evenly between the orders. In the reign of King Louis the Great we witness a step towards the fulfillment of King Stephen’s dedication of the Kingdom of Hungary to the Virgin Mary. We should not be surprised, Louis was given the moniker “the Great” after all and during his reign Hungary experienced a “Golden Age.” This “Golden Age” and the mythology surrounding Louis provided fertile ground for the later blossoming of Marian devotion and the development of Marian sites in the later Middle Ages and into the Early Modern Era. Karen Stark Central European University Department of Medieval Studies Nador u. 9, HU-1051 Budapest Stark_Karen@phd.ceu.edu 27 De fundatione duarum capellarum: Item unam capellam in Aquisgrani et aliam in Cellis ad beatam virginem pulcro et miro construxit, sufficienter et largiter dotavit, ac preciosis utensilibus ad cultum divinum vasis, calicibus, libris et ornamentis diversis ac calice de puro auro decoravit. Post hec autem propter liberalitatem suam et boni exempli operationem multos traxit ad devotionis studium impendendum barones, milites, nobiles et quosdam ex prelatis, qui loca dicto ordini heremitarum contulerunt, et claustra construxerunt et dotaverunt ad laudem dei et gloriam sancti Pauli (Thuróczy 1991: ch. 175, p. 184). Thanks to Radu Mustață for his advice on the translation of this passage. 28 For more on the history of the Pauline monastery at Częstochowa and the Black Madonna see: Śnieżyńska-Stolot 1973; Rakoczy 1989; Kos 2002; Szilárdfy 2003; Maniura 2004; and Niedźwiedź 2010. 29 Márianosztra was deserted during Turkish occupation, but rebuilt between 1718 and 1721. The tradition of the order states that a copy of the Częstochowa image was painted by a Pauline monk called Cyprian Laskivi ca. 1720 and brought to the monastery by the provincial. It remained in Pauline hands until 1786, the year of the dissolution of the order (Tüskés 2012: 33). 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Already in 1257 the documents mention the border with the hermits on Moslavačka Gora, and in 1273 there is first mention of The Blessed Virgin Mary’s monastic church. The Pauline monastery on Moslavačka Gora was active, at the latest, until 1540s, when, due to Ottoman threat, the monks moved their archives and, most probably, abandoned the monastery. In historical sources, the Moslavina Pauline monastery church is always defined as ecclesia beate virginis or ecclesia beate Marie virginis. Likewise, the Garić monastery is defined as claustro beate virginis de monte Garig, apart from the source from the year 1510, in which the monastery is defined as beate virginis de annunciacione sub Garyg. Besides the main altar consecrated to the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the monastery church had at least four more altars. This work shows that the mentioned church was a place of pilgrimage, particularly on Marian feasts, and one of its largest celebrations was the Feast of the Annunciation, when the great annual fair was held in front of the monastery. This work will also analyze obtaining indulgences for visiting and donating to Garić church, with special emphasis on the individual donations to the altar of the monastery church. Key words: The Pauline monastery of The Blessed Virgin Mary on Moslavačka Gora, Pauline monasteries, Croatia, Middle Ages, Garić, Moslavina, churches Introduction The foundation of Pauline monasteries in Croatia had already begun in the middle of the 13th century. The Pauline monastery of Blessed Virgin Mary at Garić (on the Moslavačka Gora mountain range) was most likely one of the first Pauline monasteries in medieval Slavonia.1 It is certainly the first one on modern Croatian territory and, since the year of the foundation of the Dubica monastery is very questionable,2 it might have been the first in medieval Slavonian territory. The border with the hermits who lived on the Moslavačka gora had already been noted in 1257, confirming the existence of a hermitage on the location of the Pauline monastery on Moslavačka gora (Codex diplomaticus 5 (1907): 54, hereafter 1 The Moslavačka gora range bore the name of Garić in medieval times. Today, the Garić toponym is only linked with the Garić castle. However, one should consider the fact that the link of this monastery with the Garić toponym has also become solid so it is also acceptable to call the monastery the Pauline monastery on / at Garić, bearing in mind that Garić represents Moslavačka gora. Because of all of this the terms „Garić Pauline monastery“ and „Moslavina Pauline monastery“ are being used at the same time (after all, it is the only Pauline monastery in the Moslavačka gora area and in Moslavina itself). Another legitimate name for this monastery would also be „Bela crkva“ („White church“), because the remains of the Pauline monastery were noted under that name on maps. That name obviously came to existence because the memory of the Pauline monks, whom people often called „white friars“ was passed from generation to generation among the local populace. 2 The unfounded opinion that the monastery of Blessed Virgin Mary in Dubica was founded in 1244 after the behest of duke Coloman, but that there were hermits in the area earlier is prevalent within Croatian historiography. Allegedly, duke Coloman brought hermits to help stamp the Bosnian Church out. However, the opinion of Ante Sekulić that it could not have been their mission, because at that time Pauline monks/hermits were not doing any preaching and that these are the fabrications of later writers, is justified. Lelja Dobronić even doubts that the monastery was founded so early (before “the monastery of Blessed Eusebius of Esztergom”) and believes that it is more appropriate to believe that only the foundations for the future monastery were laid in 1244. She also believes that King Stephen V’s document from 1270 testifies that no monastery organization existed as the hermits were not represented by a prior, but that only viri religiosi heremite commorantes circa liberam villam Dobycensem were mentioned. It is interesting that Gregorius Gyöngyösy stated in his Vitae fratrum that the Dubica monastery was founded by brother Iskvirin at the end of 13th century, like the Remete monastery, but he discredited himself by locating Dubica in Dalmatia. Gyöngyösi 1988 c. 15, 49.; Hungarian historiography also doesn’t believe that the Dubica monastery was founded already in 1244 (Cf. Bertović 2014: 72). Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 335 –342 336 S ilv i j a P i s k CD).3 The monastery church of The Blessed Virgin Mary was mentioned already in 1273. That is, the content of the document bears witness that a certain Ladislav, in order to save his soul, donated two vineyards to fratribus sancti Augustini de Gresenche apud ecclesiam beate virginis (CD 6, 55, 56). The monastery attained the rank of vicariate at the beginning of 15th century, and shared jurisdiction over the Pauline monasteries in Slavonia with the Remete monastery in Zagreb. The Moslavačka gora Pauline monastery was active until the 1540’s at the latest when, due to the Ottoman threat, the monks moved the archives and most likely abandoned the monastery. Even though attempts were made to rebuild the monastery, it was never rebuilt and, thanks to its good location, it remained undisturbed until the beginning of archaeological excavations in 2009. The archaeological research is being continuously undertaken by Tajana Pleše from the Croatian Conservation Institute. Every new season brings surprising results. For example, the original late medieval floor was found preserved with visible burial places in the monastery church, walls several meters in height were excavated, the altar bases were found, Gothic entrance portals, sacristy door, tombstone, etc. (Pisk 2011: 176-179; Pleše 2010; 2013: 9-31). The Pauline monastery of Moslavina was founded at the three-border junction of medieval administrative areas of Gračenica (later Bršljanovac as well)4 and Garić (which were a part of the Križevci county since the middle of the 14th century) along with the Moslavina feudal property.5 It had properties in both administrative areas and bordered the Moslavina feudal property during its entire existence. 6 The monastery was situated on a rectangular plateau crossed by creeks which merge into the Kamenjača creek downstream,7 in a hidden valley of the Debelo brdo hill in the Moslavačka gora range. In the surrounding areas, there were already the castles of Garić, Moslavina, Gračenica and Bršljanovac located in the middle of the 13th century, along with the eponymous settlements, and the number of surrounding settlements (and castles) grew over the years. From today’s perspective it’s in an inacessible gorge in deep woods, far from settlements and roads, but we should take the enormous change of the area’s topography into consideration, along with traffic routes. The choice of the location suited both the hermits’ tendency to choose the more hidden locations and the common Pauline practice to place monasteries in valleys between hills, near water, not far from the regional roads and at most one hour’s walk of distance from the surrounding settlements (Fülöpp-Romhányi 2000: 152-156). The monastery had excellent traffic connections with all the nearby areas and, since there were roads leading both to Slavonija and Hungary, along with those leading to Čazma and Zagreb, a Pauline monk from Moslavina could have easily undertaken a trip to any destination he wished.8 3 “[…] inde rivulus idem ducit superius versus orientem ad heremitas.” 4 The properties gathered around the Bršljanovac castle were set apart from the Gračenica administrative area to form a special district already at the beginning of the 14th century (Compare: Pisk 2013: 120, 121.; 2009: 42, 43). 5 Garić, Gračenica and Moslavina were adjacent areas whose development can be followed using sources from the middle of the 12th century onwards. They covered the area of the Moslavačka gora and its surroundings between the rivers Česma, Ilova, Lonja and the Sredska creek and at the middle of the 13th century their borders even included territories across these rivers (to rivers Toplica, Pakra and Sava). It is impossible to claim anything with certainty about the administrative division of these areas before the 13th century because the sources remain silent about that. Garić belonged administratively during the mid-13th century to the Somogy county, then it was an independent administrative area (marked both as a county and a district) and finally, in the second half of the 14th century fell under the jurisdiction of the enlarged Križevci county. Apart from belonging to the Somogy county, the same processes occurred in Gračenica as well. Moslavina developed differently from the neighboring areas because the nobleman Makarije ruled its entire area already at the end of the 12th century. His successors bore the title “de Monoslou”. Moslavina spent the entire high and late medieval period exclusively as a feudal property, set apart from other administrative areas (Cf. Pisk 2011). 6 Most monastery properties were, however, located in the Gračenica area (later Bršljanovac as well) and they were mostly situated facing from the tops of the Moslavačka gora towards the Lonja river. More about that in the chapter about monastery properties (Cf. Pisk 2011). 7 The Moslavačka gora range is full of creeks, some of which weren't marked on maps and sometimes even the local populace doesn't agree about their names. Opinions about the waters surrounding the monastery complex are also divided. Pleše believes that it's a bend of the Kamenjača creek along with too manmade channels from the western and the northern side, an opinion shared by Z. Horvat. Bedić believes that those are unnamed creeks which flowed into the Kamenjača creek, while Hirc, accompanied by a local guide, wrote that those are Perušići creeks. There is indeed a part of the Moslavačka gora nearby which the local populace calls Perušić (Bedić 1995: 106.; Hirc 2002: 289, 290.; Horvat 1989: 100). 8 The main transport routes in medieval times usually went over Garić. Garić would be reached from the direction of Čazma and then the path would lead further to Moslavina, Sisak, Ivanić and Zagreb. Roads lead from Garić to Bela crkva and Gračenica as well and there was a transport route heading to Garešnica and further on into Slavonija. There was also a road/path from the Moslavina settlement to Čazma and most likely to Gračenica. The entire area of Garić, Gračenica and Moslavina had great road connections. All the settlements, forts, churches and the monastery were connected by paths. A few roads leading towards the Pauline monastery of Moslavina were noted and there were surely more. Documents until the end of the 14th century, for example, bear witness that a path lead from the square in Gračenica towards the monastery and that a path lead from the church of St. Martin in Bršljanica there as well, and confirmation that the monastery was linked to the Garić castle by a big road can be traced to as early as the first half of the 15th century (for more details concerning the Garić monastery see: Pisk 2011). Our L a d y of G a ri ć 337 Garić monastery church and altars The church of the Moslavina Pauline monastery was always marked within the sources as ecclesia beate virginis or ecclesia beate Marie virginis. The monastery at Garić was also marked as claustro beate virginis de monte Garig, except in 1510, when the monastery was definied as the monastery beate virginis de annunciacione sub Garyg (HDA, Pavlinski samostan Garić, fasc, 3. nr. 50.; Mályusz 1935, doc. 471). Since it’s a document written by the Garić vicar inside the monastery itself, its credibility cannot be doubted so we can reliably claim that the main altar was dedicated to the Annunciation of the Lord.9 According to Lelja Dobronić, the main altar of the Garić church bore the statue of Mary that was transfered to the Franciscan monastery in Kloštar Ivanić (due to Ottoman threat). In the middle of the 18th century Izaija Gasser painted it on the altar painting of the Our Lady of the Holy Rosary.10 The monastery church was destroyed in World War II but a depiction of that painting dating from 1939 was preserved in the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts’ sound archives (Dobronić 1998: 74-76). Apart from the main altar, dedicated to the Annunciation to the Blessed Virgin Mary, the monastery church had at least four other altars according to available written sources,11 dedicated to St Helen, St Paul the Apostle, the Holy Virgins (Catherine, Dorothy, Ursula and Barbara) and an unnamed one. Female saints, according to available information, dominate the Pauline church of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Moslavina, but, unfortunately, it is not known how and why the titulars of the altars were chosen, if their choosing was carried out only by donors (builders of the altars) or by monks. 12 Archaeological research (2009-2016) has shown that it was five altars in church and two altars outside the church (Pisk 2017: 93-99; 213-217). The altar of St Helen (18 August) was mentioned in 1404.,13 also during the donation (Lukinović, A., Povijesni spomenici zagrebačke biskupije, Vol. 5, 233, 234, hereafter MHEZ; Mályusz 1932a, doc. 62). Banus Paul of Pécs had the altar of St Paul the Apostle (29 June) built on the right side of the shrine,14 and it was donated in 1408 to save his soul and the soul of his sister Margaret (MHEZ 5, 314, 315; Mályusz 1932a, doc. 77).15 In 1409, Paul Csupor donated the altar of Holy Virgins and Martyrs, St Catherine (25 November),16 Dorothy (6 February)17 Ursula (21 October)18 and Barbara (4 December).19 The condi9 The Annunciation or the Annunciation of the Lord (lat. Annuntiatio) is a Catholic celebration commemorating the event when the archangel Gabriel announced to the Blessed Virgin Mary that she would conceive Jesus by the Holy Spirit. The holiday is celebrated on the 25th of March (Rebić 2002: 623). 10 The painting depicts Mary holding Jesus in her right arm, a pigeon and some little angels float above their heads and underneath them stand St Dominic and St Catherine. The depiction matches the time of its making. 11 To elaborate, 544 documents written on parchment and paper were preserved and stored within the Pauline monastery of Garić collection. Apart from documents written during the monastery's activity, the oldest of which comes from 1256, there are also two documents from 1745 and 1746 concerning the attempts to revive this monastery (comp. Pavlinski samostani - vodič; Bućin, Pandžić 2007: 17-37). Most writings that were preserved are of legal character, pertaining to properties, which enabled the monastery to prove their claims to various properties; various deeds of donations and privileges and their transcripts, contracts and wills. Likewise, a large part of the documents pertains to various court files, like complaints, appeals, subpoenas, investigations and verdicts. Some of the documents have no direct connection to the monastery, but those are mostly documents belonging to the local populace, as the monastery was used to store documents and valuables. To manage these materials more easily, a registry called Elenh was compiled as aid in 1786, when the all the Pauline properties were seized. 12 It is difficult to guess if it’s a peculiarity of the Garić monastery because of the disproportionate number of altars (e.g. Lepoglava had but one altar until the beginning of the 16th century) and an absence of information about the number of altars and the titulars (apart from the main ones) of the other Pauline monasteries of Slavonia. A larger amount of information exists only for the Remete monastery, where it's known that, apart from those that weren't named, there were altars dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary, the Dormition of the Mother of God, the Assumption of Mary and the Holy Cross. According to archaeological research only the Moslavina monastery had, among the Pauline monasteries of Slavonia, two additional altars other than the main one inside the shrine (Pleše 2010). 13 St Helena, „Saint Helena of the Cross“ (cca 257.- cca 336.), the mother of Emperor Constantine the Great is the protector of miners and treasure diggers and she is evoked to help against lightning and fire, but to find lost objects as well. Her holiday is celebrated within the Western Church on August the 18th and she is depicted iconographically with an emperor's crown and a model of a church, along with a cross and nails (see Gorys 2003: 195-197; Badurina 2006: 327). 14 St Paul the Apostle is a protector of theologians, the Catholic press, tentmakers and weavers. He is usually depicted with a sword and a book (or a scroll) in his hand, along with three springs. His holiday is, along with St Peter's on June 29 th (see Gorys 2003: 305, 306; Badurina 2006: 484, 485). 15 ... altare beati Pauli Apostoli in monasterio gloriosissime dei genitricis Marie de monte Garigh per jam dudum intrantibus a parte dextra sanctuarii constructum dotare volentes... 16 St Catherine of Alexandria (around 289 – around 307), a martyr, the protector of girls and virgins, students, teachers, philosophers, lawyers, wheelmakers, potters, millers, bakers, leatherworkers, shoemakers and barbers. She helps with all maladies, but especially with maladies of the head and the tongue. Her holiday is celebrated on November 25th. She is usually depicted with a crown on her hed, a palm tree, a book and almost always with a wheel. She may also be shown with her head cut off (cf. Gorys 2003: 211-213; Badurina 2006: 354, 355.; Rebić 2002: 432). 17 St Dorothy of Cappadocia (late 3rd century), a martyr and helper in lethal danger and wrongful accusations. She is the protector of brides, women in labor, gardeners, flower sellers, brewers and miners. Her holiday falls on February 6th and she is usually depicted like a virgin with a palm tree and a sword, surrounded with fruit and flowers, with rosers in her hair. She is sometimes shown alongside a pyre and a burning torch (cf. Gorys 2003: 109; Badurina 2006: 234, 235). 18 St Ursula (5th c.), martyr, protector of the Ursulines, youth, married people, female teachers, cloth merchants and many towns, along with the universities of Vienna, Coimbra and Sorbonne. Her feast falls on October 21st and iconographically she is depicted as a young woman with a crown holding an arrow, palm or a Crusader flag in her hand, sometimes spreading her cloak over virgins. Cf. Gorys 2003: 370, 371.; Badurina 2006: 609. 19 St Barbara (3th c.), martyr, she helps with easy death and she is called upon for aid during fires, storms, fevers and the bubonic plague. She protects miners, villagers, architects, carpenters, roofers, stonemasons, blacksmiths, butchers, cooks, moulders, bell-ringers, hatters, firefighters, undetakers, along with artillery, fortifications, armies and prisoners. She is depicted in elegant clothes with a chalice, sacramental bread, a sword and a fortress with three windows. Her feast falls on December 4th (cf. Gorys 2003: 67-69; Badurina 2006: 157). 338 S ilv i j a P i s k tion of the donation was that mass would take place daily at that altar for his health and the health of his cousins (Mályusz 1932a, doc. 82; MHEZ 5, 320, 321). The unnamed altar’s construction was ordered by the son of Stephen Csupor, John. It was built in 1391 or even earlier but the date of its construction is unknown as is its location and whom it was dedicated to, because it is only mentioned during its builder’s donation, which had, as condition, daily memorial services to be served on that altar (CD 17, 335, 336). Was the unnamed altar perhaps the altar of St Helena, or the altar of Holy Virgins that was donated by John’s nephew Paul Csupor, or was it dedicated to some other saint? It’s impossible to ascertain. However, taking into consideration the claims of Pauline researchers that Pauline monasteries were becoming “family monasteries“, it is possible that the Holy Virgin΄s altar was the Csupor family’s altar.20 Feasts and celabr ations in Garić monastery Apart from the usual feasts required by the rules of the Pauline order (especially the feast of St Paul the Hermit and St Augustine), Marian feast days were mainly celebrated at the Pauline church of Moslavina, especially Annunciation, then the Nativity of Mary,21 the Assumption of Mary22 and Visitation (HDA, Pavlinski samostan Lepoglava, fasc. 21. nr. 15.; Mályusz 1925, doc. 53).23 On the aforementioned Marian feast days, the monastery of Garić would become a place of pilgrimage, which is confirmed by the document of the Roman Curia from March 1471. According to that document, vicar Stephen of Garić contacted the Roman curia regarding permission to give indulgence. The Roman Curia (in the time of Pope Paul II) allowed the vicar of Garić in March 1471 to give 100-day indulgence to all those that visit the church during feasts celebrated by the Garić church (particularly the Marian feast days) and help with the repair of the buildings and procure church supplies (HDA, Pavlinski samostan Lepoglava, fasc. 21. nr. 15.; Mályusz 1925, doc. 53). It is not known exactly who had received the 100-day indulgence after giving donations to the monastery church and it remains unknown how much they had donated. But, the amounts were probably different depending on which social group the donor belonged to, like with other donations. Also, the documents don’t reveal if the pilgrims were granted indulgences that they could use in their otherworldly life or if they had, on the contrary, visited the church without hidden agendas. An especially great celebration happened around the time of Annunciation when a great annual fair took place in front of the monastery. It took place either on Annunciation day (celebrated on March 25th) or just before it. The fact that the fair existed is explicitly confirmed by a document from 1439. To elaborate, at the beginning of May 1439 the Pauline monks of Garić filed a complaint in front of the Captol of the Chapter of Čazma against Barnaba, a piper from Ramačin Dol who, along with the serfs of Gaspar, the son of Stephen Csupor, violated the freedom of the monastery by taking weapons from the salesmen at the fair just before Annunciation day, in front of the monastery doors (HDA, Pavlinski samostan Garić, fasc, 3. nr. 50; Mályusz, 1933, doc. 271). Unfortunately, the conditions for participating at the fair are unknown. Taking for comparison the preserved urbarium of the Pauline monastery in Streza,24 it can be concluded that the Paulines had the right of first choice for certain things sold at the fair. According to the Streza urbarum, it is only known that the vilici had the right of first choice for pots sold at 20 For 14th and 15th century “family monasteries“ see: Fülöpp-Romhányi 2000: 146. 21 The Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Navitatis Beatae Mariae Virginis) is celebrated on September 8th and is also called Mala gospa (The Little Lady) (Rebić 2002: 819). 22 The Assumption of Mary (Assumptio beate Mariae Virginis) is a feast celebrated on August 15th, aslo called Velika Gospa (The Great Lady) (Rebić 2002: 991; Badurina 2006: 613, 614). 23 „..in nativitatis, annunciacionis et assumptionis beate Marie virginis, visitacionis eiusdem Marie ad Helisabeth et ipsius eeclesie dedicacionis festivitatibus et celebritatibus.” The Visitation of the Blessed Virgin Mary is a feast commemorating her visit to her cousin Elisabeth, celebrated on May 31st. It was instated by the Franciscans in 1263, and made obligatory within the Catholic Church only from 1570, but this document from 1471 bears witness that the Paulines were celebrating it even earlier (Rebić 2002: 724). 24 The urbarium of Streza from 1477 is preserved under the title Registrum super privilegiarum omnium possessionus claustri fratrum heremitarum de Streza in the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts archives. It was published for the first time in original form by Ivan Krstitelj Tkalčić, and Josip Adamček dedicated a work within the Kultura pavlina u Hrvatskoj (The Pauline culture in Croatia) to it, even though he is pretty subjecitve, while an extensive objective analysis was performed by Mira Kolar Dimitrijević. It is the oldest urbarium from northern continental Croatia, but also the only urbarium that witnesses that the Pauline monkse were managing their properties similar to a secular property. According to that the Paulines, ie., their prior, was acting as a landowner. The urbarium is split into two parts, the actual urbarium and the list of properties, while the urbarium itself consists of six parts – about the revenues of the properties; about the villages and the serfs' settlements that fall under the monastery's rule; about the ninth given to the monastery by winemakers; about the monastery forests and their revenues; about the fields, meadows and vineyards that were cultivated by the monastery itself, the so called allodium; about the freedoms that are granted to certain subjects and about the contracts that were made with foreigners who came from abroad about their land usage (Comp.: Krstitelj Tkalčić 1903: 201-219.; Adamček 1989: 48-50.; Kolar Dimitrijević 2003: 103-123). Our L a d y of G a ri ć 339 the fair.25 They were required to show the chosen pots to the Pauline monks, however, who retained the right to take a part of the pots. A similar practice likely took place at Garić as well. The sanctity of the Garić church and monastery It’s interesting that, apart from the small incident at the fair with the taking of the weaponry, no robbery was noted around the Garić monastery church. Of course, we don’t have all the sources available, but many were preserved and yet we still have only one single incident in front of the monastery. Likewise, we have preserved notes on numerous cases of violence towards the Garić serfs and the monks themselves, but all those incidents occured outside the monastery.26 So, for example, documents speak very frequently about incidents by the Holy Trinity chapel in Lubena in the Dubrava province.27 The Pauline monks of Garić held, before 1386 (CD 17, 5), the Holy Trinity chapel in Remetinec in the Dubrava province where, a feast wasn’t noted, admittedly, until the 15th century. They shared jurisdiction over that chapel with the Pauline monks of Remete. However, in several occasions during the 15th century, the Pauline monks of Remete came into conflict with the surrounding parsons, and particularly with the parson of Lubena because of this chapel. Those conflicts happened mostly due to the parson’s appropriation of the donations and alms gathered during feasts in the Holy Trinity chapel and because of various thefts that took place at the feasts (Mályusz 1927, doc. 17, 18, 38, 39, 63, 104, 161). A document from 1506 states, again, that the vicar of Garić represented the Holy Trinity chapel while asking the bishop of Zagreb to move the feast from this chapel to the parish church of St Nicholas in Tučenik (Lubena), because the gathered folk frequently caused quarrels and because murders were committed too (Mályusz 1927, doc. 165). Also, the case of desecration of the Pauline monastery in Bakva (which has an incomparably smaller fonds of preserved documents) was noted. Several men broke into the Bakva monastery in 1479, pursued the monks, ripped the hoods of their heads, desecrated the monastery graveyard within the monastery walls and the monks saved their lives by locking themselves in the monastery church. Of course, the „burglars“, were later excommunicated (Adamček 1970: 90; Dočkal, AHAZU XVI 29a.4: 38 - 48; Mályusz 1925, doc. 29-34). We don’t have similar examples preserved concerning the Moslavina Pauline monastery and church, on the contrary, even king Sigismund of Luxemburg respected the sanctity of this place. Sigismund was in dispute with the Pauline monks of Garić because they refused to deliver to him the chests that were stashed in the church sacristy by the nephews of the late unfaithful prior John of Palisna (Palisna’s main property was in the immediate vicinity of the monastery), 28 Iohanes crucifer i Mykota.29 Inside the chest, guarded in the sacristy, were the charters of the Priory of Vrana, royal valuables and the chartes of the royal notary Lorand. The chest was to be opened in front of Sigismunds’ emmisaries and the charters of Vrana and the valuables would be given to the king, and other chapters to Lorand (CD 18, 352–353). Even though Sigismund was in the immediate vicinity of the monastery (he spoke to them in Kutina) and certainly could have broken into the monastery church to take what’s his, he contacted, in December, the Father General of the Pauline order and appealed to him to mediate between him and the Pauline monks of Garić, seeking the handover of the charters. In mid-January 1399 the Chapter of Čazma witnessed that Egidius, the prior of Garić, delivered the chapters, after the orders of the king and the Father General of the Pauline order, to Lorand, the assignee and the nephew of magistrate Nicholas, the chapters regarding Nicholas’ properties, which were deposited in the monastery by his late brother John, a Hospitaller (CD 18, 400–401, 410). 25 The vilici of Streza had the right to pick one pot from each wagon on the annual fair in front of the monastery on St Margaret’s feast. The vilici managed villages owned by the monastery and were a kind of a link between the serfs and the priors/vicars (i.e. the Pauline monks). According to the Streza urbarium the prior chose the vilicus, usually on St George’s Day, among the more reputable men of the village. If the vilicus performed his services well, i.e. was faithful to the monastery and caring for the peasants he could perform that duty for a longer period, but, nevertheless, the prior would listen to the potential complaints about the vilicus on each St George’s Day and would accept or dismiss them. The duty of the vilicus was to control the peasants on the fields, both their work and their proper behavior (Kolar Dimitrijević 2003: 115, 116). 26 For example, in 1416 the suns of Peter called Kastelan, Ladislav and Adam had, through their familiars and serfs, beaten to death a Garić monk on his way to the vineyard and bound and kidnapped another Pauline monk. They imprisoned and tortured him at their homestead. In 1463, the monastery manor house at Kosovac was attacked and death threats were made to the vicar and two monks that found themselves there. That same year the Csupor serfs tried to kill monks within a forest, where they had taken an axe from one of them, as it was their forest (HDA, Pavlinski samostan Garić, fasc. 4. nr. 50.; fasc. 5. nr. 20.; fasc. 6. nr. 18, 19, 21.; Mályusz 1932a, doc. 131, 1932b, doc. 20, 1934, doc. 344, 346, 348). 27 For ubication of Lubena see: Cepetić 2015. 28 For John of Palisna (Ivan Paližna) see: Kukuljević 1896: 1-80.; Peričić 1971: 252-279.; Dobronić, 1984: 172-183.; Budak 1989: 57-70.; 2001: 283-290.; Hrvoje Gračanin 2011: 237-268. 29 John inherited the title of Prior of Vrana, while Nicholas was the Duke of Ostrovica. In 1392, they were both imprisoned by Vuk Vukčić, seeking to improve relationships with Zadar and win it over for Ladislaus of Naples, and asked that they surrender both castles to Stephen Dabiša, the King of Bosnia, but they were soon both freed and in charge of the aforementioned castles. Nicholas was captured by the Ottomans in 1395, but he returned from captivity and lived on Sigismund’s court as aulae regiae juvenis. John was removed from the position of prior in 1395 and appointed as Bela’s preceptor. In 1396 he confirmed some old freedoms for the populace of Ivanec and is considered to be the founder of modern Ivanec. 340 S ilv i j a P i s k Even though King Louis I of Hungary is considered within historiography as the biggest benefactor of the Pauline order, a title which he has won for himself by transfering the bones of St Paul the Hermit to the order’s headquarters (Bencze 2000: 174) and by spreading the Marian cult, the Pauline monastery of Moslavina flourished during the time of king Sigismund of Luxemburg. The church was obviously redecorated, new altars were built and the Garić monastery was elevated to the rank of vicariate and shared with the Remete monastery supervision over hermits brothers in Slavonia (HDA, Pavlinski samostan Garić, fasc. 4. nr. 11.; Mályusz 1932a, doc. 110). The Pauline monks of Moslavina enjoyed great favor both from king Sigismund himself and his wife, Barbara of Cilli. Sigismund enabled them quick judicature and the possibility of constant complaints at courts, about which he was always personally informed (HDA, Pavlinski samostan Garić, fasc. 4. nr. 41 i 47, fasc. 5. nr. 20, 48, 49 i 50.; Mályusz 1932a, doc. 142; Mályusz 1932b, doc. 145, 201; Mályusz 1933, dok. 228, 229 230). Sigismund bore the Garić Pauline monastery at the Council of Constance, when he mediated with Pope Martin V for confirmation of privileges Garić possessed (Mályusz 1932b, doc. 163; MHEZ 5, 535-537). 30 Sigismund stayed on several occasions in the immediate vicinity of the monastery and he might have also visited it, especially during the „Palisna case“. Queen Barbara also in her time owned the nearby Garić castle and gave privileges to the Pauline monks from there (HDA, Pavlinski samostan Garić, fasc. 4. nr. 5.; Mályusz 1932a, doc. 103). We can but ponder if, travelling the roads that passed by the monastery, she stopped and bowed to Our Lady of Garić in the monastery church. Instead of a conclusion Sources claim that the Garić monastery church was a place of pilgrimage, particularly during Marian feast days and that the biggest feast was on Annunciation day, March 25th. Even though there are no written traces, many must have appealed to Our Lady of Garić in times of hardship. Also, judging by the plenitude of donations for salvation of the soul, Mass offerings and donations in wills to the monastery and the monastery church, from the lowest classes of the society, to the dukes of Slavonia and bishops of Zagreb, the Garić Pauline monastery and the church of the Annunciation to the Blessed Virgin Mary were an important and popular factor in the religious lives of individuals in the late medieval Slavonija. Silvija Pisk University of Zagreb Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Ivana Lučića 3 HR-10000 Zagreb spisk@ffzg.hr 30 For Pope Martin V see: Steimer, Parker 2001: 97, 98. Our L a d y of G a ri ć 341 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adamček, J. 1989, Pavlini i njihovi feudalni posjedi, in: Kultura pavlina u Hrvatskoj. 1244-1786., Cvitanović Đ., Maleković V., Petričević J. (eds.), Globus, Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, 41–65. Adamček, J. 1970, Pobuna seljaka u Donjoj Bakvi (1479.), Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta (Odsjek za povijest), Vol. 7/8, 81–90. Badurina, A. 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Smičiklas, T. 1904 – 1990, Codex diplomaticus Regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae = Diplomatički zbornik Kraljevine Hrvatske, Dalmacije i Slavonije, vol. 2-18, Zagreb. (CD) Marijana Belaj, Mirela Hrovatin Cultural Practices in Sacralisation of Place: Vows in the Shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica Scientific paper A general insight into cultural-anthropological perspective on the processes of sacralisation of pilgrimage sites we shall concretize through the results of research of vow (ex voto) practices, as non-institutional personal religiosity, in the shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica. In terms of content and performance, vow practices offer insights into the dynamics of the pilgrim’s understanding of the sacred place. They can also reveal and point to particular historical, religious and sociocultural events and processes, which remain permanently inscribed into the sacred place once the vows have been concretized. Key words: sacralisation, vows, pilgrimage site, the shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica In this paper we deal with the processes of sacralisation of place from cultural-anthropological perspective, focusing on the practices of creating pilgrimage destinations as sacred places. We shall concretize the insight through the results of the research of vow practices, as a non-institutionalized personal religiousness, in the Croatian national shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica near Zagreb. We approach the concept of sacralisation of the place as a process that takes place in the interaction between the site itself and those who consider it sacred. In our approach, we do not observe the sacred as something that exists beyond culture, but as a realm conditioned by culture: “it is imagined, defined, and articulated within cultural practice” (Bowman 1991: 120). In that sense, we can hardly expect a site to become sacred, or continue to remain so, by a decree or by institutionalisation. It is not constant by or in itself, nor does it radiate objectively from the place itself (Preston 1992: 33). As Cristopher McKevitt stressed, when he speaks about pilgrimage sacred places, the sacredness to be real, “it must be constantly created and recreated. A conscious effort is required on the part of the pilgrim to use the appropriate symbols, myths, and rituals in order to vivify the experience of pilgrimage and to make real the sacredness of place.” (1991: 79) Pilgrims, that is, believers’ categories and cosmologies are the primarily basis of observing and clarifying the processes of sacralisation of place from cultural-anthropological perspective. For pilgrims, pilgrimage sites are sacred places par excellence, because there – so it is believed – the sacred is so near that one may come to a direct encounter with it, without intermediaries, right there, at that very place. According to that, the key to understanding pilgrimage sites are pilgrims themselves, respectively, their ideas, symbols, practices and meanings they inscribe into places, transforming them into sacred, or pilgrimage sites. The basic questions, among others, that we are interested in researching of the sacralisation of pilgrimage sites are focused on the interaction and interchange between pilgrimage experiences and places: How is a site imagined, defined and created as a pilgrimage place, that is, as a sacred place, in pilgrims’ ideas, meanings, practices? How the pilgrimage centre embodies the sacred? How the pilgrimage site in turn influences the pilgrim’s experience, that is, the Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 343–351 344 M a ri j a n a Be l a j , Mire l a Hro vat in way pilgrims experience the sacredness of the place? Such questions reflect the perspective within which the sacralisation is considered to be a two-way process. On the one hand, it entails the inscription of certain ideas, symbols, narrations, practices and experiences into the space through which a place is meaningfully created as a sacred. On the other hand, the site itself is an actor of this process, in the sense that it affects the shaping of the believers’ experience of the sacred. Pilgrimage and pilgrimage places are almost universal religious phenomena (and also non-confessional or secular ones; cf. Belaj 2012: 14–15; Margry 2008), however universality is not extended to ideas, meanings and practices the pilgrims inscribe into them – pilgrimage and pilgrimage sites differ in religious traditions; the attributes of pilgrimage places and pilgrimages of the same religious traditions change through history; experiences of two pilgrims in the same pilgrimage site are not the same; experience of one pilgrim changes with each new visit to the same pilgrimage site. Therefore, pilgrimage centres, as well as pilgrimage, we understand as highly dynamic, complex, ambiguous and heterogeneous meaningful places. Vow practices that enter into the scope of this paper belong to the frame of non-institutionalised religiosity – religiosity that is generally comprised of beliefs practices, attitudes and styles of religious expressions that are present outside of liturgy or that are non-liturgical, but which lean onto the official religious doctrine and are in a constant interaction with it (Badone 1990: 5–6; Belaj 2006: 11). According to W. A. Christian (1989: 129), vows are instrumental prayers with a distinctive aspect of invoking the saint to act in this world. In terms of content and performance, vow practices often reveal and point to particular historical, religious and sociocultural forces and their dynamics, which remain permanently inscribed into the sacred place once the vows have been concretized. With this, they offer an insight into the dynamics of the pilgrims’ understanding of the sacred place. In the next part of the paper, as we have stated, on the example of individual vow practices in the shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica we would try to sketch the interaction between vow practices and pilgrimage centre, respectively, to show how vow practices shape and create the sacredness of the shrine, how they reflect the dynamic of shrine understandings, and how the shrine in turn affects the pilgrims’ experience. THE SHRINE AND VOWS The shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica is located about 40 kilometres north-east of Zagreb, the capital city of Croatia. Since its founding in the 16th century, and especially since the revival of the shrine in the 17th century, until today, it has been attracting pilgrims from its surroundings as well as more distant places including the neighbouring countries (cf. Buturac 1993). Through many years the stories about unusual events connected to the statue of Mary as well as pilgrims’ testimonies of healings and miracles have contributed to the shrine’s popularity (Jembrih 2001). The shrine was proclaimed the Croatian national shrine in 1971 due to constant increase in its importance through the last several centuries and specific historical context (Buturac 1993). Today the shrine is visited by about 800,000 pilgrims each year (Marija Bistrica 2014). The shrine in Marija Bistrica keeps records of personal prayers (promises, vows) and gratitude expressed by pilgrims. In this paper two record books are used. The first book, Kinč osebujni… [The Distinctive Adornment...] by Petar Berke published in 1775 brings the oldest and rare records from the 16th century and subsequent records until the second half of the 18th century. The shrine chaplian Petar Berke wrote this first history of the sanctuary and collection of pilgrims’ stories and miracles connected to Our Lady of Marija Bistrica. Such books that used to be read by the pilgrims and the priests in various parishes considerably contributed to the popularity of the shrine (cf. Hrovatin 2015: 73—75). The second book, Knjiga uslišanja, milosti, zagovora i čudesa Bl. Dj. Marije Majke Božje Bistričke [The Book of answered prayers, graces, vows and miracles granted by the Blessed Virgin Our Lady of Marija Bistrica], is the only one published on the shrine’s web site and contains testimonies of pilgrims taken by the shrine’s officials during the 20th century, more closely from the end of the 1930s until the beginning of 2000s. As it is the case with many other shrines, the testimonies are usually accompanied by a gift pilgrims bring to the shrine (but the gift is not mentioned in every record). Although each testimony contains different information (most of them contain the date), they can be compared and used in the analysis in order to gain the insight into the main motivations of coming to the shrine and thoughts of the pilgrims during their pilgrimage, as well as religious activities and prayers with partial reflections upon their lives in general. The research of personal testimonies in the shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica is a part of the previously conducted systematic research of vow practices in the shrine (cf. Hrovatin 2015), which also included the open interviews from 2009 until 2014 with believers in Croatia, most of them living in the region of Zagreb. Although only some of the testimonies and interviews are chosen for this paper, they clarify the question of the sacralisation of the pilgrimage place. The shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica has a big reputation among the pilgrims. The shrine’s reputation, that is, its spiritual magnetism, as defined by James J. Preston, is the power of the shrine to attract the pilgrims, and it is conditioned Cult ur a l P r a c t i ce s in S a cr a l i s at ion of P l a ce : V o w s in t he S hrine of O ur L a d y of M a ri j a B i s t ri c a 345 by miraculous healings, apparitions, difficulty of access and sacred geography – it derives from human concepts and values inscribed into the pilgrimage centre (1992: 33). The power that pilgrims inscribe into the shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica is already visible in the fact that it is the most popular Marian pilgrimage centre in Croatia, and one of the best known in this part of Europe. The analysed records in the Marija Bistrica shrine show that the pilgrims most often ascribe the power to this place that is reflected in miraculous healings. The two out of three founding stories of the shrine in Marija Bistrica are connected to health problems, more specifically illnesses of legs and eyes. Many examples show that those two illnesses are the most often mentioned in the prayers until today in the shrine. The miraculous healings in this place, as pilgrims believe, represent the manifestation of the sacredness of this pilgrimage centre: “She made a vow to Our Lady of Marija Bistrica, came to her on a pilgrimage and was there, in Bistrica, miraculously healed.” (beginning of the 20th c., Knjiga uslišanja… 2012) A miracle is a kind of special social event in the shrine experienced by all who are present there (Dubisch 1990): “And there was a miracle! When he kneeled in front of the altar […] he started to talk in front of a large number of people […] who couldn’t stop marvelling over this event and couldn’t stop praising the merciful Mother of Marija Bistrica.” (1720, Berke 1775: 132—133) On the one side, the miracle for the believers belongs to a specific dimension of the sacredness always pointing to transcendence and holds a special place in the personal religiosity; on the other side, it is a specific confirmation that the belief is “right”, it “reinforces” the religiosity, and sometimes it can gain the meaning of a warning (Bajsić 1974: 53, Belaj 2006: 280). As the cited records of testimonies state, the motif of the miraculous is connected to a concrete experience of transcendental intervention in the shrine. At the same time, it is an important segment of the “truth” about the power of this particular pilgrimage place. The emphasising of the extraordinary events and miracles, for example, in the narrations or in the objects that are being left in the shrine, represents a certain propaganda of the shrine, that is, a confirmation of the effectiveness of praying at this particular place – and not only for the ones that have witnessed the miraculous events themselves, but also for future pilgrims. Relying on the pilgrims’ experiences, McKevitt points out that pilgrims sense that the sacred resides in that sacred place in the shape of special powers (1991: 93); otherwise, there would be no pilgrimage, that is, a visit to meet the sacred at that place would not happen. This special desire of the believers to meet the sacred exactly there, in the shrine, is evident in the following records: “She heard once that someone talked about graces and miracles that happen in the vicinity of the miraculous statue of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica, and after hearing that, she started to think if she could also pray there and receive herself the mercy of birth [...] 1686.” (Berke 1775: 96) “Dear priest! As I am unable to leave this little letter in the vicinity of the statue of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica I would like to ask you to do it for me as a favour. Canada. [...] The Prayer for intercession to Our Lady of Marija Bistrica! Dear Mother of Bistrica, Jesus’ and my mother. Ask your son for my health, my children’s and my husband’s health.” (middle of the 20th c., Knjiga uslišanja… 2012) “It is hard for me as it is probably for all the people who come for consolation to this sacred place. And you know that, in this place, here, where the walls also breathe spiritual strength, that sadness doesn’t remain and that is why I feel lighter in my soul.” (end of the 20th c., Knjiga uslišanja... 2012) “I decided to go to Marija Bistrica because I have already been here several times with my parents. My Mum’s family origin is connected to this area and I feel I belong here. Bistrica has been in my heart already since my childhood.” (end of the 20th c., Knjiga uslišanja... 2012) In addition to the fact that it is important for the pilgrims to be present in the shrine, they often accompany their visit with different religious practices such as confession, altar circumambulation, kneeling etc., in order to accomplish healing in the shrine or solution to some other problem: 346 M a ri j a n a Be l a j , Mire l a Hro vat in “So the husband did it in that way and from true heart prayed to the Bistrica Mother for Her merciful help [...] and there was the second miracle, he kneeled down and by praying Our Father and Hail Mary he praised the merciful Bistrica helper to bring into life his dead child. Soon the child was brought to life and still lives until this day. 1759.” (Berke 1775:193–194) “Today she came with crutches to Our Lady of Marija Bistrica and here, in the sacristy, she made a confession, and recently she confessed more often, she attended the holy mass and went with the crutches on the sacred Path of the Cross with her family. She started to feel pleasant on the Path and felt that she didn’t need the crutches. Now she walks without the crutches and leaves the crutches as a gift to Our Lady of Marija Bistrica.” (middle of the 20th c., Knjiga uslišanja… 2012) The importance for a person to be physically present in the shrine, even in a symbolical way, is also obvious in the practice of bringing to the shrine a photograph of another person who cannot come there due to various reasons: “Mommy! We recommend You the poor refugee [the young man in wheelchair on the photograph]. Ask the son Jesus Christ that by Your prayers He allows him to walk. Find him in [address] Germany. Thank You Mummy!” (1999, Knjiga uslišanja… 2012) Coming to the shrine to leave a gift that has a special meaning for pilgrims and is closely connected to physical aspect of religious practices. They often give objects with personal symbolic meaning, such as a wedding dress for granting a marriage: “As a sign of respect and the vow, she gives to Our Lady of Marija Bistrica her own wedding dress as a gift, thank you!” (middle of the 20th c., Knjiga uslišanja… 2012) Except as an expression or a sign of worship, a gift can mean an extension of oneself by which the pilgrim would like to leave a more permanent sign of their visit to the shrine: “This is why I wanted to leave at least a part of myself that is knitted within [...] that piece of handiwork so that it connects me to its good intention.” (end of the 20th c., Knjiga uslišanja…, 2012) Furthermore, the pilgrims’ gifts already present in the shrine are the motivation for other pilgrims to follow the same practice, what additionally testifies about a two-way influence between the shrine and pilgrims: “I give the ex-voto painting to Our Lady of Marija Bistrica and let it be in Marija Bistrica with the rest of the ex-voto gifts.” (end of the 20th c., Knjiga uslišanja… 2012) Given for the other pilgrims to see them, gifts left in this way testify about the repertoire of pilgrims’ difficulties or received mercy, about a direct encounter with the sacred at that very place; as a part of the shrine’s inventory they are indicators for future pilgrims in shaping of their perception about this pilgrimage centre and they become a part of narrations by which the power of the sanctuary is propagated – the power to which the given objects refer (Belaj 2012: 41–42). The pilgrims’ need to leave a physical mark of their presence or to testify in the shrine is visible in the practice of writing down the prayers or just one’s own name on the wall behind the main altar in the shrine (Fig. 1) or in placing the votive tablets in the shrine, that usually express gratitude (Fig. 2). In recent data more information are given about sensory level of the experience in the shrine, the level that less relies on concrete life problems, expectation of a miracle or testimony, as was the case in the older records. In recent records the shrine reveals itself as a place where believers come to induce and experience their positive inner sensations, so as to focus on their (sacred) self (Pandian 1997: 509): “In sign of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica, who is a console to me in these hard moments and to who I go on a pilgrimage every year with the feeling of warmth, joy and peace in my heart and soul.” (middle or end of the 20th c., Knjiga uslišanja… 2012) Cult ur a l P r a c t i ce s in S a cr a l i s at ion of P l a ce : V o w s in t he S hrine of O ur L a d y of M a ri j a B i s t ri c a Fig. 1 Prayers or names written on the wall behind the main altar in the shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica (photo by M. Hrovatin, 2013) Fig. 2 Votive tablets in the shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica (photo by M. Hrovatin, 2013) 347 348 M a ri j a n a Be l a j , Mire l a Hro vat in This new rhetoric about the role of the sacred place is in part the consequence of the increased influence of the Catholic Church during the 20th century over the attitudes prevailing in personal piety. As data show, the intensity of public display of miracles and healings diminished and intimate religiosity increased. Some practices such as walking on knees in the shrine have thus also decreased during time. Also, the (re)building of the shrine has on several occasions been a significant historical moment that influenced pilgrims’ practices through time. After the Path of the Cross was built in Marija Bistrica, the religious act of fulfillment of the promise by pilgrims has been partly transferred from circumambulation of the Mary’s altar towards walking along the Path of the Cross. This coincided with the changes in the Catholic Church during the 20th century that highlighted both the role of Mary as an intermediary and Christ as the recommended centre of personal piety: “I thought if it all went well, I would go to Marija Bistrica to pray there […] so we prayed […] station by station we prayed the Rosary’s tenths along the Path of the Cross.” (Interviewee Petra1, 2012) In addition to the religious needs of pilgrims, the shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica serves the purpose of localizing ethno-national identity which is imagined as closely related to religious affiliation. Such meanings have been inscribed into the shrine since its founding. The founding of the shrine in Marija Bistrica is closely connected to the historical time of the Ottoman rule over some parts of today’s Croatia, so one of the first miracles in Our Lady of Marija Bistrica shrine is associated with the liberation of the Croatian soldiers from the Ottoman captivity (Buturac 1993: 46). In 1935 the Zagreb archbishop Antun Bauer crowned the miraculous statue of the Mother of God with a golden crown and pronounced the Blessed Virgin, Our Lady of Marija Bistrica, the Queen of the Croats (Povijest prošteništa 2013), which is not without historical background, because the idea of connecting the Croatian identity to this shrine, more precisely the Christian identity when it is to be differentiated from the Ottoman Islam, was already present in the writings of Petar Berke: “More than once have good and pious soldiers of the glorious kingdom of Croatia experience the protection and help from Our Lady of Marija Bistrica, especially in the time of the last battles against the Ottomans. 1738.” (Berke 1775: 167–168) The deliverance from the hands of the “others”, e.g. non-Christians, has been ascribed to the power of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica through history, and that motif has been in times of war and in moments of emphasizing national identity reflected in many personal prayers of the pilgrims coming to the shrine to this day. For example, a part of the story about the event that took place on the second day after the statue was found is echoed in later records about pilgrims’ religious experience: “Mary appeared before seven captured Christians [...] and said to them: “Don’t be afraid, children, but have confidence. Promise to go there [to the shrine], and you would be freed.” They promised, shackles dropped and the prison gates opened.” (Buturac 1993: 46) “In 1945 he was sentenced to death. In the prison he made a promise to Our Lady of Marija Bistrica that if she freed him, he would give a gift [...] at that moment they pardoned him.” (middle of the 20th c., Knjiga uslišanja… 2012) Some of the mentioned symbols appear also in the case of the 1990s war general Ante Gotovina who not only went on the pilgrimage to the national shrine in Marija Bistrica as he promised during his captivity, but he also used a relic of the cardinal Alojzije Stepinac (1898–1960) whose beatification took place in Marija Bistrica shrine in 1998, thus symbolically underlining the connection between the religious affiliation and national identity. “Besides the medallion with the preserved piece of Alojzije Stepinac’s shirt, the priest Ivan Turić sends to the general Gotovina in the Hague the letter in which he expresses the wish that the Stepinac’s relic protects also the other imprisoned Croatian generals.” (Kalmeta 2010) “My vow was to visit Our Lady of Marija Bistrica the first Sunday of my freedom.” (Gotovina zahvalio... 2012) 1 The name of the interviewee is a pseudonym as was agreed with her during the interview respecting her wish. Cult ur a l P r a c t i ce s in S a cr a l i s at ion of P l a ce : V o w s in t he S hrine of O ur L a d y of M a ri j a B i s t ri c a 349 Some pilgrims’ prayers also reflect some of these particular historical events: “Grateful to God and Our Lady of Marija Bistrica that I have lived to go on a pilgrimage in this shrine where on the 3rd October 1998 a historic event for the Croatian people takes place. The pronunciation of [...] the Martyr for God and Croatia Cardinal Alojzije Stepinac BEATIFIED. Thanks to God for the gift of ST. FATHER the Pope John Paul II.” (1998, Knjiga uslišanja… 2012) The concept of Mary as the heavenly protectrice of the Croatian people has through time been perpetuated by the shrine and the pilgrims’ prayers: “Dear Mother of God, the helper of all the Croats.” (2002, Knjiga uslišanja… 2012) “[O]ur national shrine of Mary of Heavens [...] National Croatian Protectrice! [...] Our Lady of Bistrica [...] Defend Your Croatian people.” (end of the 20th c., Knjiga uslišanja… 2012) In a quest for the approval of the national identity and in times of national crises, the shrine has figured as a safe place. Still today the shrine is visibly marked in the national calendar of Croatian believers. They are grateful to Our Lady of Marija Bistrica for the national achievements they were striving for. Pilgrims’ vows and prayers shape the meanings of the shrine in Marija Bistrica as the place where cultural, ethnic and religious identity is kept through time. As any other shrine, so the shrine in Marija Bistrica has got periods of higher or lesser intensity of pilgrims’ visitations during which more prayers are noted at turbulent or important historical times. CONCLUSION From our perspective, the process of spatial sacralisation is perceived as the shaping of religious landscape, that is, a process in which people define and maintain space as a sacred place, inscribing into it their religious symbols, practices and narrations. In pilgrims’ imaginaries pilgrimage destination is considered as a sacred place par excellance. Diversity of pilgrims’ imaginative framings and practices shape a pilgrimage destination to a multidimensional sacred place. Thus, pilgrimage places keep a large and complex interpretative potential in an endeavour to trace the processes of place sacralisation. (Although in this paper we have focused on the interaction between the pilgrimage place and pilgrims themselves, its other “users” – shrine officials, local inhabitants, merchants, caterers, tourists and other visitors – also participate in the creation of a pilgrimage place. Sacred (pilgrimage) places thus reflect a heterogeneous repertoire of perceptions and meanings.) As in any other sacred place, sacralisation processes in a pilgrimage place are two-way processes between the equal actors – pilgrims (or any other “user”) and the place itself. In this paper the two-way process of sacralisation is presented through the examples of vow practices in the shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica. As a modus of spatial sacralisation, vows primarily involve the presence of believers in the shrine, physical or symbolical (by photographs, personal items, letters). The physical presence of believers in the sanctuary as part of the vow is complemented by the saying of prayers, confessions, corporeal practices like walking on knees or circling the altar, writing down or verbalizing testimonies of miracles in the sanctuary, writing names or messages on sanctuary walls, leaving votive tablets, leaving gifts to reinforce prayers or to express gratitude for answered prayers (e.g. crutches, wedding dress). The objects left there, on the one hand, can be perceived as an extension of sorts of the believers themselves, that is, as a lasting trace of their permanent presence in the sanctuary. On the other hand, by reflecting prayers and gratitudes, that is, the needs of believers, expressed precisely in this place, these objects point to the power this place has in resolving human problems and needs. The inventory of the shrine, as visible traces of pilgrims’ presence, becomes an instrument in the propaganda about the power of the shrine for future pilgrims, as well as a landmark in the process of shaping their own perception of the sacred place. As the data shows, in Marija Bistrica “the walls exude spiritual power” and “Bistrica is in the heart” of the pilgrims. Through their vows and the votive objects they left, the believers demonstrate that it is possible to establish direct communication with the sacred precisely at this place, that the sacred is present here. Furthermore, devotional practices in Marija Bistrica show that believers visited the shrine primarily to cure concrete illnesses. Lately, renewal and strengthening of spirituality, acquisition of spiritual safety and gratification, even conversion—in short, the need for “warmth, satisfaction and peace in heart and soul”—are increasingly put forward as incentives for visiting the shrine. These new records of devotion at Marija Bistrica show that in recent times communication with the 350 M a ri j a n a Be l a j , Mire l a Hro vat in sacred is progressively penetrating into the sphere of the interior personality of believers. These changes in the forms of devotion, testified by the practices documented in Marija Bistrica, not only point to a new rhetoric in the believers’ understanding of the sacred place and its role, but also reflect movements in the frame of the “global Christianity” (personalization, or even privatization of faith) and the associated changes regarding the comprehension of religious practices introduced by the Catholic Church (comp. Hrovatin 2015: 74), e.g. laying emphasis on the testimony of personal experience and interior reliving of faith as the centre of the life of the Church. And finally, in the shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica, data collected on devotions provide us with an opportunity to perceive the shrine as the basis for the creation of ethno-religious identity. Starting above all from the moment this place was declared a national shrine, it particularly stimulated devotions and promises to the Our Lady of Marija Bistrica as the patron saint of the Croatian people. The execution of such devotions and promises further maintains and perpetuates the idea of the shrine in Marija Bistrica as a place that offers the believers a sensation of ethno-religious affiliation. The described examples of devotional practices in the shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica clearly outline the continuity of sacralisation of this place since its founding. Because devotions reflect the social and political dynamics within which they are shaped, only a deeper insight into the structure and motifs of devotion may offer an insight into the dynamics of comprehending the shrine and its feedback effect on pilgrims’ experiences, that is, into the understanding of the spatial sacralisation process. In that sense, vows are a complex and exceptional interpretative material for understanding both the concept and the process of spatial sacralisation, as well as the concept of sacredness of a place. Due to this, vows certainly deserve far greater attention in research than they presently enjoy. Marijana Belaj University of Zagreb Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology I. Lučića 3 HR-10000 Zagreb mbelaj@ffzg.hr Mirela Hrovatin Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Croatia Directorate for the Protection of Cultural Heritage Sector for Movable, Ethnographic and Intangible Heritage Runjaninova 2 HR-10000 Zagreb mirela.hrovatin@min-kulture.hr Cult ur a l P r a c t i ce s in S a cr a l i s at ion of P l a ce : V o w s in t he S hrine of O ur L a d y of M a ri j a B i s t ri c a 351 BIBLIOGRAPHY Badone, E. 1990, Introduction, in: Religious Orthodoxy and Popular Faith in European Society, Badone E. (ed.), Princeton University Press, Princeton, 3–23. Bajsić, V. 1974, Osjećaj za čudo i čudesno kao sastavni dio štovanja svetaca, Bogoslovska smotra, XLIV/1: 53–58. Belaj, M. 2005, Vjernik i njegov svetac zaštitnik, Studia ethnologica Croatica, Vol. 17, 73–107. Belaj, M. 2006, Sveci zaštitnici u hrvatskoj pučkoj pobožnosti, Doctoral thesis, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb. Belaj, M. 2012, Milijuni na putu. 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(ed.) 1998, “Ljekarnica nebeska” hrvatskoga naroda (“Pharmacopaea coelestis”: zbornik radova Znanstvenog simpozija Hrvatskog mariološkog instituta Katoličkog bogoslovnog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu na temu Hrvatska marijanska svetišta u duhovnoj obnovi Hrvatske, Marija Bistrica, 5.–6. lipnja 1998.), Kršćanska sadašnjost, Hrvatski mariološki institut, Zagreb. sources Gotovina zahvalio Majci Božjoj Bistričkoj. 2012, HRT Vijesti, 18th November 2012, http://www.hrt.hr/ index.php?id=vijesti-clanak&tx_ttnews%5Btt_ news%5D=190021&cHash=7e2a514d61 (25th June 2013). Kalmeta, L. 2010, Don Ivan: Gotovini u Haag šaljem komadić košulje u kojoj je preminuo Stepinac, Slobodna Dalmacija, 20th October 2010, http://www. slobodnadalmacija.hr/Hrvatska/tabid/66/articleType/ArticleView/articleId/118979/Default.aspx (22nd November 2014). Knjiga uslišanja, milosti, zagovora i čudesa Bl. Dj. Marije Majke Božje Bistričke [The Book of answered prayers, graces, vows and miracles granted by the Blessed Virgin Our Lady of Marija Bistrica]. 2012, Hrvatsko nacionalno svetište Majke Božje Bistričke, http:// w w w.svetiste-mbb.hr/clanak/zapisi-uslisanjamilosti-zagovori-i-cudesa (22nd September 2014). Marija Bistrica. 2012, Proleksis enciklopedija online, http:// proleksis.lzmk.hr/1543/ (27th September 2016). Povijest prošteništa. 2013, Općina Marija Bistrica.hr, http://www.marija-bistrica.hr/stranica/povijestprostenista (27th September 2016). 352 Antonia Vodanović, Ivan Huljev Houses and Paths from Podgora: a Case of Landscape Sacralization Scientific paper Numerous old stone houses, economic facilities and road junctions featuring carved or engraved crosses were documented during a field survey in Podgora village in Makarska littoral. The types of crosses vary greatly. In some cases the crosses are executed individually while in other cases they are accompanied by other crosses or symbols. The most common positions where the crosses are depicted include corners, the area right above the step leading to the house entrance, the area around the door and the doorframe. The purpose of this paper is to interpret these symbols and attempt to explain the rationality behind their carving. Two sources of information are utilized in our research: the available information from scholarly literature and oral information provided by local population. Based on the available information, the symbols can be interpreted as acts of vernacular piety, house consecration or house protection. The acts of symbol carving can be related to past beliefs in supernatural beings and phenomena. Such interpretation is additionally supported by the position of the carvings: the symbols are placed at positions representing dangerous ‘’liminal zones’’ – the areas between the known and the unknown, rational and irrational and safe and dangerous places. Key words: carved crosses, symbols, apotropaic marks, crossroads, supernatural beings, architectural structures, liminal space Drawing or carving of certain symbols on houses and barns in order to provide protection for the house, household and livestock are rarely discussed and seldom researched in scholarly literature. Systematic research that would place this practice in a wider European context, considering its distribution across time and space, is lacking. The same is true for providing a more subtle insight into this practice from the standpoint of symbolic anthropology as well as to determine differences pertaining to a particular region, period and cultural context. To the best of our knowledge, not a single paper was published in Croatia discussing this practice. However, the interest in apotropaic marks on buildings has been reinvigorated in recent decades, particularly by foreign scholars, notably British. The aim of this paper is to research the practice of engraving and carving crosses on buildings and road junctions in the period between 17th and beginning of 20th century in Podgora village in the Makarska littoral. Anthropologist and ethnologist Dinka Alaupović-Gjeldum produced merely a sketchy note on the subject as late as 1992: ‘’numerous buildings in the Makarska littoral commonly feature engraved crosses or pentagrams – The Salomon’s letter as an apotropaic mark’’ (Alaupović-Gjeldum 1992: 156). She also published a photo of a pentagram carved on a house in Makarska littoral (Alaupović-Gjeldum 1992: 164, Fig. 13).1 Village Podgora consists of several hamlets in the area immediately below the Biokovo mountain, shepherd’s settlement on the mountain itself and the littoral region with a slowly rising population since the 18th century. The littoral area was formed, for the most part, after 1962 when the area was struck by several dozen earthquakes, the two most devasta1 A pentagram drawn on the doorframe with the inscription ''If the fever comes, I won't be in'' or ''Fever, don't come in, so-and-so isn't here!'', was used in the Germanic countries as an apotropaic mark against disease (Lecouteux 2013: 51). C. Lecouteux notes that the practice of carving the Christ monogram or Salomon's seal on house doorframes, in order to drive certain maladies away from the houses, is preserved to this very day (Lecouteux 2009: 241, n. 387). Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 353–366 354 A n t o ni a V o d a no v i ć , I va n H ul j e v Fig. 1 Map of Podgora showing hamlets where the field survey was taken, Google maps (Map modified by: I. Huljev) ting ranging 5, 9 and 6, 1 on Richter scale, devastated the settlement. Up to that point, the local inhabitants were mostly engaged with agriculture and animal husbandry. Now, the hamlets immediately below the Biokovo Mountain are abandoned, new houses are built closer to the sea and tourism becomes the greatest source of income. The following hamlets were surveyed: Vruja, Vrutak, Srida Sela, Marinovići, Radojkovići, Vranješi, Sumići, Banovi, Pivčevi, Kula (Fig. 1). Shepherds settlement Podglogovik was also included in the survey which was inhabited on a seasonal basis related to livestock grazing. A systematic field survey was difficult to achieve in some cases due to the vastness of the area and the ruinous buildings overgrown with vegetation and abandoned after the earthquake, making it problematic to discern the desired elements (Fig. 2). Fig. 2 Old stone houses in Podgora destroyed in the series of earthquakes in 1962. (photo by: I. Huljev, 2016) H ou s e s a nd P at h s f ro m P od gor a : a C a s e of L a nd s c a p e S a cr a l i z at ion 355 THE APOTROPAIC FUNCTION OF THE CROSS Most scholars believe that the crosses, which occur on buildings since the late Roman period, had apotropaic function. They are also regularly related to beliefs in supernatural beings and demonic forces or the protection thereof. Therefore, the reflection that the cross ‘’presents itself as a form of a hook the demon is caught on and prevents it to continue its work’’ should be viewed in that context (Chevalier, Gheerbrant 2007: 337). For the most part, we comply with such an interpretation. We do believe, however, that the incentives for such a practice, considering the vast time span, were not always identical, even though the material manifestation of it may have been. The motives for protection are also not identical in every period or geographical area and are contingent upon socio-cultural traits of a certain society and related to complex belief systems. Throughout the history of ‘‘Christian’’ Europe numerous instances of placing the sign of the cross were recorded at the liminal zones of houses and barns. The intention was to protect the household, animals and property from bad fortune and various external influences such as sickness, witches, evil forces, earthquakes, thunderstorms etc. (Skemer 2010: 94, 165; Jütte 2015: 155–157).2 Early Christian scholar Tertullian recommends the sign of the cross in his work De corona militis and notes that it may be painted at the door (Lecouteux 2009: 100). A 6th century scholar Gregory of Tours notes that the villagers use the Tau cross to protect their homes. Likewise, when an epidemic struck in 546 in southern France, the local population believed that it was the Tau cross, as an emblem of health, which protected them from sickness (Lecouteux 2013: 55).3 The role of the cross in house protection, placed on the house door, is well demonstrated by The Story of Thorsteinn House – Power. The story was recorded at the beginning of the 14th century on Iceland. It tells the story of the apotropaic effect on the revenant. According to a medieval tale, the revenant Jarl Agdi ‘’dared not enter by any of the doors because each had a cross in front of it…’’ (Lecouteux 2013: 52).4 Jean Albert Belin writes in his Traité des talismans ou figures astrales published in the 17th century in Paris on the apotropaic effect of the cross which has the power to drive out demons, suspend thunder, calm storms etc. (Belin 1671: 102–105). In Imotski region, Croatia, there was a custom to carve ‘’one or three crosses next to the front door’’ in order to ‘’protect the house, as well as household from the influence of evil forces’’ (Alaupović-Gjeldum 1987: 529).5 Such a belief was confirmed by our informant from Podgora.6 When he was asked why the Podgora folks used to carve crosses on houses, barns and shepherds dwellings, especially around the doors and doorframes, the answer was to ‘’cast away the evil’’. He also remarked that the priests intimidated people in the past with stories of witches, werewolves and other supernatural beings. The St Anthony holy pictures were also named as one of the means to protect a house in Podgora. The informant stated that the pictures were being placed at appropriate places, such as next to or above the house door.7 However, the way people perceive the symbols is contingent upon the time and the region in which they live. Accordingly, an architect Edo Šegvić recorded a family tale on crosses carved on a house dating from 18–19th century in Varoš, a neighborhood in Split. The crosses were carved on doorframes on the first floor, as well as above the steps leading to the first floor. A curious narrative emerged, stating that it is a mark of the female descendant, carved by the girl leaving her family house and publicly denouncing any claim to the property for the benefit of male descendants (Šegvić 2012: 102, 110, Fig. 15). The narrative was probably formed after the new generations constructed a novel relationship and meaning for these symbols as society changed. The owners must have identified the practice of cross carving on the liminal zones of the building with a saying ‘’to do a cross’’. The meaning of this formula is to denounce claims of ownership for the benefit of others (Šamija 2008: 216). There were two instances where the illiterate women ‘’did a cross’’ – placing a sign of the cross on a written statement denouncing the inheritance in the presence of witnesses, or they would have stated orally, in front of witnesses, that they concede their share of inheritance to other parties. 2 D. Jütte notes that the ''protection of doors and thresholds against harmful supernatural influences was a major concern to premodern Europeans.'' (Jütte 2015: 162). 3 The protective character of this cross is found in the Bible e.g. the prophet Ezekiel. When Jehovah decided to destroy the city of Jerusalem, he sent a man with an order: ''Pass through the city, through the midst of Jerusalem, and mark an X on the foreheads of those who grieve and lament over all the abominations practiced within it''. He exclaimed to six men: ''Old and young, male and female, women and children – wipe them out! But do not touch anyone marked with the X.'' (Ez. 9, 4-5). In addition, there is a widespread belief that the sign the Jews painted in lamb blood so the angel killing the Egyptian firstborns would pass them over, was in fact the Tau cross. Therefore, it is sometimes depicted in art as such. See: (Skemer 2006: 176–177, n. 11). 4 The belief in revenants (vraćańe) is also present at Makarska littoral. There was a story in mid-19 th century Zaostrog that revenant Ivan Kraljević returns at night and visits his wife (Banović 1918: 189). 5 The fact that the crosses occasionally appear in larger numbers on a certain building may be viewed as an enhancement of protection effect or the reiteration of the practice throughout a longer period. In some cases, though, the number of crosses may have been symbolic, as in the case described above. 6 Lj. V. was born in 1935 in Podgora. He practiced transhumant animal husbandry. Therefore, he spent a part of the year in Marinovići hamlet immediately below the Biokovo mountain and the remainder of the year in Podglogovik shepherds settlement on Biokovo mountain where crosses were recorded on shepherds dwellings. 7 The same house protection methods were recorded in the Imotski area in Biokovo mountain hinterland (Alaupović-Gjeldum 1987: 529). 356 A n t o ni a V o d a no v i ć , I va n H ul j e v CARVED CROSSES ON BUILDINGS IN PODGORA VILLAGE Sixty six carved crosses on old and deserted buildings were recorded during a survey in Podgora village. They are executed on buildings with various functions such as houses, barns, shepherds dwellings, huts, storage facilities and mills. The collected data demonstrates that the Latin cross predominates (32) followed by cross crosslet (7), the Greek cross and types which are by virtue of their position and hasta length akin to Greek cross type (6), St Peter’s cross (4), anthropomorphic cross (4), cross of St Philip (3), cross on a hill symbolizing Golgotha (2), cross within a circle (1), hooked cross (1), double cross (1), apple-like cross (1), patriarchal cross (1), cross under a circle – the symbol of planet Venus (1), cross with bars at the ends of vertical hasta (1), cross with bars at the ends of horizontal hasta (1). Fig. 3 Examples of Latin crosses carved on buildings in Podgora (photo by: A. Vodanović, 2016) Fig. 4 Examples of St Peter’s Cross carved on the buildings in Podgora (hamlet Pivčevi / settlement Podglogovik), (photo by: A. Vodanović, 2016) H ou s e s a nd P at h s f ro m P od gor a : a C a s e of L a nd s c a p e S a cr a l i z at ion 357 Although all the crosses were likely to have had apotropaic function, the question arises whether the type, the place and the height of their placement, additionally defined and determined the cross function. The carved symbols of the cross were a part of a communication system intelligible to a certain group. The group fully understood, used and transmitted the symbols through communication channels and modified them as they saw fit. This communication system is largely unknown to us today. Therefore, it is rather difficult to speculate on the function of crosses from the presentist perspective, as well as the context of their placement. For example, some crosses are carved low, about 10 cm from the ground, at places such as doorframes, beside a door and above the steps leading to house entrance (Fig. 5, 6). They could be related to beliefs that some supernatural beings can take a form of an animal and enter the house in such a form. We believe that they were not related to protection against earthquake, because, in that case, there would be no need to place the symbols on liminal zones. An example of a cross, found on a house in Vranješi hamlet, is quite indicative. The cross is carved high, at the upper house edge, at the very place where the roof joins the wall (Fig. 7). Such a position, unrelated with liminality, could point to protection against the thunder. Fig. 5 Positions of crosses carved by the entrance door of houses, hamlet Radojkovići (on the left), hamlet Vruja (on the right), Podgora, (photo by: I. Huljev, 2016) Fig. 6 Positions of crosses carved above stairway, hamlet Vruja (on the left), hamlet Radojkovići (on the right), Podgora (photo by: I. Huljev, 2016) Considering the placing of the carvings, mostly they are executed at places representing vulnerable liminal zones such as house openings and spaces leading to them. Statistically, the symbol of the cross is found on buildings on following locations: doorjambs (22), transom or archivolt of the main outer entrance (4), around the house entrance (11), within the solar – a vaulted entrance feature (4),8 above the steps leading to the first floor (4), the window frame (1),9 the building corner (5), within the building (3),10 the outer wall face (11), unclassified (1). 8 Three are carved in the immediate vicinity of the entrance door. The fourth, bearing an inscribed year 1851 is placed at the outer solar edge. The latter probably did not have a protective function, considering its position. The carving of this cross could have been related to house consecration upon the completion of the restoration works in one of the building phases. This two-winged dwelling-economic complex in Radojkovići hamlet was being restored during the 19 th century. 9 The cross is carved on the storage facility lower window jamb in Pivčevi hamlet. The Austrian cadaster lists it under Casa Economica, owned by the parish church. Considering that the building function was the storage of goods, it is possible that the cross represents protection from the thieves, all the more because the window is positioned in such a manner as to allow easy access from the outside. 10 Two crosses are carved by the door, and one in the immediate vicinity of the hearth. 358 A n t o ni a V o d a no v i ć , I va n H ul j e v Fig. 7 Positions of crosses carved on the house walls, hamlet Vranješi, Podgora (photo by: I. Huljev, 2016) Fig. 8 Latin cross carved on the archivolt of the house entrance, hamlet Marinovići, Podgora (photo by: A. Vodanović, 2016) H ou s e s a nd P at h s f ro m P od gor a : a C a s e of L a nd s c a p e S a cr a l i z at ion 359 As noted earlier, the practice of carving the crosses inside the buildings is rare and in those cases they are placed by the door. However, a large stone block near the hearth in a ruinous single-storied house features a carved cross. The stone block is placed in the north-western corner of the house. The cross features a vertical hasta closed at ends with two vertical bars (15 x 9, 5 x 4 x 5 cm). Above is a stylized depiction of an orant (Fig. 9). This case can perhaps be explained by a practice found in Bukovica region. Jasenka Lulić-Štorić notes that people made the protective sign of the cross above the hearth, particularly on carnival day, because they believed that the witches are most active on that particular day (Lulić-Štorić 2000: 66).11 A belief was widespread in early Modern Europe that the witches can take an animal form, enter the house through the chimney and harm the ones living inside. Therefore, ritual protection marks were often placed on hearths and around them in order to avert the forces of evil.12 Such interpretations are clearer if we take into account that the people in those times lived in different social relations where the human and animal maladies, weather conditions, the behavior outside the social norm etc. was explained as the work of supernatural beings such as witches, mares, werewolves, demons, the evil eye etc. Nevertheless, one has to be cautious and consider different interpretations of this particular depiction and its function. It is placed in the north-western corner of the room while the hearth is positioned in the north-eastern and the distance between them is small. The cross, if indeed it protected the liminal space of the chimney, could have been placed closer to the hearth. However, technically speaking, the optimal requirement for such a composition would be a big, flattened surface of a stone boulder built into the north-western corner of the room. The shepherd’s settlement Podglogovik on Biokovo Mountain features dry-wall single-storied houses with a thatched roof. People and livestock often shared the house space. Seventeen crosses were documented in such houses. Thirteen out of that number were carved on the inner side of the doorjamb, one by the entrance door, two on the corner of a shepherds dwelling and one on a barn wall adjacent to a village path. Since the life and the wellbeing of people depended on livestock health, they felt the need to protect it. A belief that witches can jinx the livestock by casting a spell causing sickness and death among them was widespread across Europe. Various magical rituals and practices were thus performed under the assumption that they have an apotropaic effect. For example, there was a custom in the Upper Palatinate (Bavaria, Germany) where three crosses were drawn by chalk above the barn entrance in order to deny access and prevent witches to cause further damage (Lecouteux 2013: 54). The barns were protected in Poland by drawing signs of the cross with a blessed chalk above the entrance. The belief was that ‘’every failure in livestock raising, every sickness was the result of evil forces at work’’ (Mosio-Skozen-Marchevka 2009: 184). Likewise, a custom was recorded on the Dinara Mountain. Small crosses were made from candle leftovers lit on Christmas Eve, Christmas or New Years and applied to the barn door in order to protect the liveFig. 9 Orant and cross carved on the corner of the house, Srida Sela, stock (Kajmaković 1973: 231). Podgora (photographed by: A. Vodanović, 2016) 11 In France, a cross would be drawn on the house chimney in order to prevent the hens to stray from the house. In some parts of England, though, ''the witches were repelled by drawing a cross on the chimney hook or by hanging it upside down on the last Sunday of carnival season.'' (Lecouteux 2013: 71, 76). Likewise, the inhabitants of North Yorkshire in 17th and 18th centuries carved the cross of St Andrew by the hearth in order to prevent the witches to enter the house through the house chimney (Simpson, Roud 2000: 396). 12 Such apotropaic markings are commonly placed around the doors, windows, hearths and stairwells and are known as ''witch marks'' and ''witch posts''. The most common mark at these places in Britain is a double letter V. It is assumed that it designates Virgo Virginum (The Virgin of Virgins), summoning the protection of the Virgin Mary. See: (Easton 1999: 22–28; Binding, Wilson, Easton 2004: 119–133; Easton, Hodgkinson 2013: 14–33; Binding, Wilson 2010: 47–73). In Dalmatia, however, various variants of the cross and Christ monogram prevail. 360 A n t o ni a V o d a no v i ć , I va n H ul j e v Fig. 10 Detail of doorjamb with carved crosses, shepherds’ dwelling, Fig. 11 Doorjamb of shepherds’ dwelling, Podglogovik (mountain Podglogovik (mountain Biokovo), Podgora (photo by: A. Vodanović, Biokovo), Podgora (photo by: A. Vodanović, 2016) 2016) Podglogovik settlement actually features certain typological variants of the crosses missing in hamlet houses situated in the areas immediately below the Biokovo Mountain. These include: a hooked cross, a symbol of good fortune and health, carved on a doorjamb, a double cross and four anthropomorphic crosses. The latter two were carved on a doorjamb (Fig. 10) and two on the second shepherds dwelling corner. A doorjamb of a shepherds dwelling should also be noted Fig. 12 Symbols carved on the inner side of the doorjamb, shepherds’ dwelling, Podglogovik (mountain Biokovo), Podgora (photographed by: A. Vodanović, 2016) H ou s e s a nd P at h s f ro m P od gor a : a C a s e of L a nd s c a p e S a cr a l i z at ion 361 where three crosses of St Philip were carved. The two lower crosses are joined and a patriarchal cross extends from the lowest element in this composition (Fig. 11). An interesting magical formula is also featured here, positioned on the inner side of the doorjamb. It consists of a Latin cross and several symbols positioned below, including a moon symbol, a letter mark resembling P, a Venus symbol and a St Peter’s cross (Fig. 12). A complex symbolic system featuring two astronomic symbols could suggest a function other than the protection from evil forces. The meaning of this formula, however, still remains unknown. DATING OF THE CROSSES The dating of crosses is difficult to accomplish based on typological characteristics alone. Therefore, the earliest possible date was set based on the period when the buildings were built. The oldest buildings are dated to 17th and 18th centuries. Several buildings featured in Radojkovići hamlet should be noted, including a house from 1700, a single-storied building, probably a barn, from 1727, and a two-winged dwelling- economic complex from 1773. The practice was also recorded on a house from the 17th century in the Vrutak hamlet13 and on a nearby mill from 1720. The depiction of a cross with an orant, mentioned above, could also date from this period as well as a cross within a circle with five points symbolizing the five wounds of Christ. This composition was carved on the inner side of a house doorjamb in Vrutak hamlet (Fig. 13). A later date for these carvings should also be considered. Fig. 13 Symbols carved on the inner side of the doorjamb, the house in Vruja, Podgora (photo by: I. Huljev, 2016) The practice of carving crosses was not reduced to privately owned properties. The ruins of a building are placed on the crossroad immediately before entering the Pivčevi hamlet. The building is locally known as ‘’kuća crkovinarstva’’. The Austrian cadaster listing from 1835 suggest a multiple economic facilities owned by the Chiesa Parochiale. The earliest facility is probably a barn. The year 1689 was inscribed on the south-eastern corner. However, the four crosses on the southern face were executed in 1811, after the room was elevated and extended. The remains of a house, located under an old parish house dating from 19th century, is also listed in the 19th century cadaster as church property. The western face features two carved crosses (13, 5 x13; 14,7x14 cm).14 The remainder of buildings is dated to 19th century, such as the majority of shepherds dwellings and barns in Podglogovik, while some crosses were carved on houses built around 1900 (Fig. 14). 13 The building type is a house with rifle holes. Such houses were built in the Makarska littoral during 17th and 18th centuries for the fear of attack from Ottoman Turks and brigands. We learned from the family who owns the house that a ‘‘one thousand six hundred so-and-so year'' is carved in the now inaccessible solar. Our informant also stated that this is ''the oldest house in Podgora''. 14 Numerous slanted corners of old stone houses in Senj (some dated to 15th century) feature carved crosses or Christ monogram. A. Glavičić notes that ''some believe that the houses were once the property of the Senj church, which is not in accordance with reality''. Finally, he concludes that the meaning of the crosses and the monograms is ''likely apotropaic'' (Glavičić 1995: 122, n. 14). 362 A n t o ni a V o d a no v i ć , I va n H ul j e v Fig. 14 Latin crosses carved at the corner of the house, hamlet Kula, Podgora (photo by: A. Vodanović, 2016) The question remains whether the crosses, or at least some of them, were carved during or on the occasion of some holiday. For example, a similar practice was recorded in Imotski area where the people made crosses on Three kings – a Catholic holiday (6th January). The crosses were made from consecrated festival candles and applied to outer house doors for protection from witches and evil eyes (Alaupović-Gjeldum 1987: 529). The evil forces, manifested in the form of witches, were particularly potent on certain holidays such as St George and St John but also at carnival season (Lulić-Storić 2000: 65–66). F. Ivanišević notes that on St George’s a cross is made from southernwood plant (božji ždripac) and placed in the house in order to protect it from snakes and caterpillars (Ivanišević 1905: 294). The Bukovica area, on the other hand, features a custom where a cross is painted with lamb blood at Easter (Lulić-Štorić 2000: 64). CARVED CROSSES ON CROSSROADS Carved crosses on crossroads were recorded at three locations. One (25, 5 x 13, 5 cm) is located near an old mill for processing olives, south-east from Our Lady of Carmel chapel in Vruja hamlet (Fig. 15). The second is located at the crossroads above the chapel (Fig. 16) and the third (22 x 12 cm) is located in Podglogovik settlement (Fig. 18). Such locations were often held in ill repute because they represent places of encounter, astonishment and insecurity. Throughout history, they were viewed as places of epiphany where various apparitions and demons spring into existence. The same goes for divine forces as well. According to numerous tales, these are the places where witches, werewolves, orbovi and other supernatural beings appear. Such places are thus open to interpretation as liminal zones where the rational meets the irrational and where this world meets the other. The experience of crossroads is definitely the result of the psychological affect such places have on people. The crossroads are places where people have to make a decision which way to go, often to the unknown, which is why such places provoke a psychological reaction of fear (Chevalier, Gheerbrant 2007: 608). Such reactions are often a cause of delusional perception. These places also engender fear of attack and robbery which is why they entice fear and particular caution (Chevalier, Gheerbrant 2007: 608). A Folklorist Stjepan Banović recorded a belief in early 20th century Zaostrog where the werewolf is most keen on attacking people in the evenings at the crossroads and intimidates them. He adds that ‘’if you were to stumble upon him at a crossroads, you will meet him again and again at every crossroads, all the way to your house’’ (Banović 1918: 185–186). Apart from the imaginary sightings caused by fear, for the large part the essence of such stories are nocturnal attacks by H ou s e s a nd P at h s f ro m P od gor a : a C a s e of L a nd s c a p e S a cr a l i z at ion Fig. 15 Cross carved on the crossroad by the old oil mill, Vruja, Podgora (photo by: A. Vodanović, 2016) 363 Fig. 16 Cross carved on the crossroad situated behind the chapel of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, Vruja, Podgora (photo by: A. Vodanović, 2016) Fig. 17 Cadastral map of Vruja from 1875. Crosses carved on crossroads are marked with blue, whereas the ones carved on buildings are marked with red. Archive of Maps for Istria and Dalmatia, State Archive Split, (Map modified by: A. Vodanović) robbers and brigands at the crossroads. Such places are ideal to set up an ambush and those acts were interpreted as werewolf attack by the local population.15 Written records concerning carved crosses on crossroads, as far as we are aware, are completely lacking. L. Šešo notes that a widespread belief held that a werewolf attacks people at crossroads without a crucifixion posted (Šešo 2016: 50), suggesting an apotropaic effect of the cross at crossroads. Fra Petar Kačić Peko recorded, for example, in the mid-19th century that during the Christmas mass ceremony in Makarska littoral the healthy walk together with the sick and disabled and carry them to the church. When they reach the crossroads on the way to the church they cross themselves and the sick because they say this is where the witches, poganice, vadine etc. are (Kačić Peko 1859: 330). In this particular case, crossing itself might have the same apotropaic effect, just like posting a crucifixion at such places. 15 For instances where some individuals in Dalmatia hinterland utilized beliefs in supernatural beings in order to gain illicit material gains, see: (Šešo 2016: 232–238). 364 A n t o ni a V o d a no v i ć , I va n H ul j e v The crosses carved at house corners could be considered in this sense because the corners entice the same kind of insecurity and fear like the crossroads. These are the places where people feel the need for psychological protection. The house corners were imbued with great symbolic value. Hence, these were the places where it was prudent to bury a coin in order to ensure prosperity and good fortune for the house, but also to deposit relics for its protection. However, contrary to the assumed apotropaic function, our informant Lj. V. states that carved crosses at crossroads did not have the same function as those carved on houses. Their purpose was to ‘’point the traveler where he needs to go’’. This example demonstrates how symbols alter their meaning depending on the context as well as the perception of the beholder. Fig. 18 Latin cross carved by the crossroad, Podglogovik (mountain Biokovo), Podgora (photo by: A. Vodanović, 2016) THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RITUAL PROTECTION MARKS AND LIMINAL SPACE As we discussed above, the house openings represent liminal zones, an interspace where the outer and inner collide as well as safe and dangerous, sacred and profane.16 The threshold, in that sense, represents a place of social interaction where ‘’one is either rejected or welcomed to the other side” (Chakraborty 2015: 145). At the same time, it is a place of interaction between the Self and Other(s). A historian D. Jütte views the entrance door as ‘’places of separation and hierarchization on a social level’’ because they have ‘’generally distinguished between residents and strangers; in the case of government buildings, between rulers and subjects; in churches, between believers and nonbelievers; and in urban spaces, where we encounter doors massively expanded into city gates, between citizens and foreigners.’’ (Jütte 2015: 18). Arnold van Gennep interprets passing through the door as a rite of passage (van Gennep 1977: 20), and for B. Siegert the ’’doors are operators of symbolic, epistemic, and social processes that, with help from the difference between inside and outside, generate spheres of law, secrecy and privacy and thereby articulate space in such a way that it becomes a carrier of cultural codes.’’ (Siegert 2012: 9). The safety of the house, the household, livestock and goods are potentially undermined by external forces. Building entrances, as well as contact places, required additional protection. Consequently, the majority of crosses are positioned precisely in such places. These are the places appropriate to set up a ‘’trap’’ for demonic beings. For example, a belief was recorded in Zaostrog in Makarska littoral that a mare can be restrained by placing a coin cut in half over and under 16 The concept of liminality was introduced to anthropology in 1909 by French ethnographer and folklorist Arnold van Gennep (1873–1957). His seminal work Les Rites de passage (The Rites of Passage) discusses rituals related to transitory (liminal) phases in human life: birth, puberty, marriage and death. The rituals include three consecutive and separated phases: separation, transition (the liminal period) and incorporation. British cultural anthropologist Victor Turner expanded and developed further Van Gennep’s concept. It was his writing in particular during the first half of 20 th century which popularized the notion of ‘’liminality’’. The concept has henceforth found its wider application in the humanities. H ou s e s a nd P at h s f ro m P od gor a : a C a s e of L a nd s c a p e S a cr a l i z at ion 365 the threshold after which the mare ‘‘cannot leave the house’’ (Banović 1918: 190). A chimney hook was used for the same purpose, crossed across the house door (Banović 1918: 190). In that sense, the threshold represents a limbic space – an interspace where the unfortunate souls may be trapped between the two spaces of different conception and meaning. According to D. Jütte, in premodernity ‘’most people firmly believed that heaven and paradise would be reached through gateways or doorways’’ (Jütte 2015: 27). The concept of space at a symbolic level constitutes the spaces of the door and the threshold as the place where the souls reside which were denied admittance to the heaven ‘’until they had served penance for their worldly sins and undergone a process of purification’’ (Jütte 2015: 30). For example, a belief was recorded in Bohemia, Czech Republic ‘’that souls in torment live in doors’’ and in the 18th century Germany this piece of advice was offered: ‘’you should not slam a door because souls are performing penitence there.’’ (Lecouteux 2013: 50). Considering that the verticality of the chimney and related spaces represent a connection between heaven and earth, and as such a liminal, ‘’in between place’’, a belief recorded in early 20th century Poljica comes as no surprise: ‘’if there is a soul condemned, it resides in a chimney hook rather than purgatory’’ (Ivanišević 1905: 286). C. Lecouteux notes that the chthonic properties of the chimney are demonstrated by beliefs that it is a place ‘’where elves play at night and where souls in torment gather’’ (Lecouteux 2013: 66). Liminality is quite significant in post-colonial theory where it represents a transitory meeting space of various identities and where a change might take place (Chakraborty 2015: 146). In that sense, the concept of liminality may be viewed as a demarcation between the inner, household space sharing a common identity, and the outside, where certain human and chthonic beings reside with which the household does not identify. Such beings are considered unwanted at the territory of the original group and that group tends to deny access to the space it occupies. The apotropaic effect of the cross positioned in liminal zones was thus deployed to avert detrimental demonic forces. These forces may be conceptualized as the ‘’Other’’.17 The same applies for the territorial boundaries shared by ‘’identity groups’’. At certain places access is allowed to Other, acceptable identity groups or individuals while access is denied or completely forbidden to the ‘’unacceptable’’. CONCLUSION The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate manifest beliefs in supernatural phenomena and evil forces in the medium of material culture. More to the point, we were interested in how the local population coped with such notions and fears thereof. The issues such as liminal spaces, relations between space and fear, identity, social groups and symbols as communication systems were addressed while embracing the complexity of these practices. Furthermore, we also suggested that the meaning of symbols varies depending on the context and specific period. The sacralization of space by means of positioning a sign of the cross as the most representative Christian symbol certainly altered the relationship between people and the place. Hence, the place gains an aura of a holy place. The experience of such a place is expressed differently. Some might cross themselves upon approach and some might consider themselves more secure and protected in such a space. Precisely the belief in the apotropaic effect of the cross resulted in the practice of carving these symbols in liminal zones. The apotropaic and magical properties attributed to the sign of cross aside, we would also suggest that the members of society in fact invoke divine protection by sacralizing the space through acts of vernacular piety. Hence, the magical and religious meanings of the sign intertwine. These beliefs and practices were preserved in Podgora area for centuries, mostly due to the slow socio-economic ‘’progress’’ of a predominantly rural area. However, the economic development, electricity, education, better connections and new modes of communication are the cause of vanishing and subsequent loss of numerous beliefs and related practices. Antonia Vodanović Ivana Gorana Kovačića 14a HR-21327 Podgora antonia.vodanovic1@gmail.com 17 Ivan Huljev Sv. Josipa 14 HR-22202 Primošten ivanhuljev0@gmail.com Croatian ethnologist and folklorist Nataša Polgar viewed the witch phenomenon through the concept of the Other (Polgar 2011: 159–166). She notes that the ''Stereotypes concerning witches are representations of difference, which structure the world and localize anxiety at the body of another, at the site of Otherness. Stereotypes are a way of dealing with the instabilities arising from the division between self and non-self by preserving an illusion of control and order; the stereotype of the Other is used to create safe boundaries.'' (Polgar 2011: 164). 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Šešo, L. 2016, Živjeti s nadnaravnim bićima: vukodlaci, vile i vještice hrvatskih tradicijskih vjerovanja, Naklada Jesenski i Turk, Zagreb. Van Gennep, A. 1977, The Rites of Passage, Routledge, London. Merili Metsvahi The Europeanisation of Estonia and the Folktale Connected with Lake Valgjarv Scientific paper A popular Estonian legend (folktale), known above all in southern Estonia and the West-Estonian islands is analysed. The legend tells about a brother and a sister from a higher stratum of society, who are intent to getting married to one another. Despite a special permission obtained from the Pope, at the big moment the house of the ceremony, with all the wedding guests, disappears under the ground and a lake appears instead. The only one to survive is a brother of the couple’s mother. Most of the 20th-century records refer the legend to lake Valgjärv of Koorküla where the only known remains of an Estonian pile settlement were found. According to several written records, the legend had been recorded in the Livonian Chronicle written by monk (later canon) Siegbert of Riga in 1489. According to that (probably perished) book the described events took place in about 1300. In the article the meaning of the legend is interpreted in the context of Estonian family history research, with an emphasis on the fact that there are as many as seventy three versions of the legend telling about the wedding of a brother and sister (but only one similar story about a father and daughter). As a strong tabooing as well as folklorisation of brother-sister incest is characteristic of the folklore of matrilineal societies with a strong female position it is considered likely that the Estonian territory was also inhabited by a matrilineal community, where women’s status was relatively high. This argument is supported by facts from archaeology and legal history. The analysis leads to the suggestion that the legend reflects a conflict of two cultures in the 13th-century Southern Estonia. The folk tale presents the indigenous people’s view of an event, possibly a cousin marriage among German settlers. Most likely, the local community, whose social order still bore relicts of collectivity and matrilineality had a radically different idea about endo- and exogamy than the German-speaking arrivals from a more individualizing society. Key Words: Estonia, folktale, legend, pile dwellings, incest in folklore, family history, folklore studies, underwater archaeology Lake Valgjärv, in South Estonia, is very intriguing for both scholars of archaeology and folklore. Maritime archaeology in Estonia started with the research of this lake where the only known remains of an Estonian pile settlement were found. Most of the findings that have been excavated from Valgjärv were from the early Viking age. There are several lakes called Valgjärv in Estonia, this particular lake being Koorküla Valgjärv because it is located near Koorküla village. Valgjärv is the largest in the south-western group of Koorküla lakes (Veri 1980: 51). Owing to its many lakes, Koorküla has also been called ‘the land of lakes’. Valgjärv is situated in the Helme parish, three kilometres from Koorküla village and near the Tõrva–Ērģeme road, quite close to the Latvian border. The aim of the article1 is to introduce Valgjärv and the folklore that has been connected with it. The plot of the most popular tale connected with Valgjärv can be traced back more than 500 years. Close reading of the different versions of this tale together with background knowledge of folklore and history reveals exciting data not only about old cultural expressions, but also about society and different family structures. The data from archaeology also makes an important contribution to the broader understanding of past Estonian society. 1 This work was supported by the Estonian Research Council (institutional project 02–43). Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 367–374 368 Me ril i Me t s va hi Valgjärv At 26.8 metres Valgjärv is the sixth deepest lake in Estonia (Mägi, Veri 1983: 69). However, there is a long, arched, underwater ridge in the middle of the lake where the depth is only 2–4 meters, sporadically even 1–2 meters. When the weather is calm and there are no waves timbers lying next to each other are observable on the ridge. So it is no wonder that the first known dive in Valgjärv was carried out in the 17th century, specifically in 1640 when Wolfgang Heinrich von Anrep, the owner of Koorküla manor, invited divers from Russia to investigate the lake. They recovered different items such as wooden kitchen utensils, tin and copper items from the lake, but then left suddenly after finding something especially valuable (Hupel 1782: 331-332). Scientific underwater investigations in Valgjärv started in 1958 with an expedition by the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic, under the supervision of Jüri Selirand, one of the leading archaeologists of the time. Selirand proved that the remains in Koorküla Valgjärv were originally pile dwellings and dated them to the first millennium AD on the basis of ceramics. (Roio 2003: 260; Ilves 2008). Kristin Ilves, who has defended her PhD in underwater archaeology at Uppsala University, has voiced the opinion that Selirand’s pioneering role paradoxically also obstructed the development of underwater archaeology in Soviet Estonia. Selirand persisted in his claim that serious archaeological research into the Koorküla pile dwelling (just a couple of metres from the surface) could only be undertaken by means of the so-called dry land technique, which would mean reducing the lake’s water level. Furthermore, Selirand’s emphatic insistence that the find was unique was hardly conducive to the view, established for example among Latvian archaeologists, that searching for lake dwellings could prove a worthwhile enterprise. In Estonian archaeology between the 1960s and 1980s subjects were divided between scholars, so because Selirand had begun the research into the remains in Valgjärv, nobody else was willing to take over the research (Ilves 2008: 160–162). Although in the 1980s Selirand, together with some enthusiastic divers from the Maritime Museum, had discovered traces of possible Neolithic settlement and bridge-like features in Valgjärv, by the end of the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s cooperation between these divers and Selirand stopped (Ilves 2008). In 1998 other scholars started to conduct at Valgjärv. In recent decades the work there has been led by Finnish maritime archaeologist Kalle Virtanen. In his MA thesis Koorkülan Valgjärven vedenalainen muinasjäännösalue (‘Koorküla Valgjärv underwater remains area’) Virtanen states that there are artefacts from three different periods in the lake. The earliest archaeological finds come from the Neolithic period 3500 BC – 3100 BC, the next from 500 BC – 50, and the most numerous findings from 600 – 1050; more precisely, there are more findings from the 600 – 800 than from the 800 – 1050. The remains of the buildings are from the latter period (Virtanen 2012). In 2015 Virtanen carried out cooperative research with a Croatian team from the University of Zagreb. Instead of diving they used a special GPS-controlled remote sensing device called a Platypus. With its specialist camera the Platypus has documented the structure under the water (Mihkelsaar 2015), although to my knowledge the results of the survey have not been published yet. Other remains of pile dwellings, both geographically and culturally close to Valgjärv, can be found in Latvia. Ten pile dwellings were discovered in the Vidzeme moraine landscape, with remains in different lakes under 1.5 to 4 metres of water and mud, in the 1958–1968 period. Such a large number of dwelling places were discovered in such a relatively short time because archaeologists had previously studied Latvian folktales that explained the emergence of the lakes. The folktales were detailed and accurate enough that they actually guided archaeologists to places where a search proved successful (Apals 1968: 57). Two Neolithic lake settlements, probably for seasonal use, have also been discovered in Lithuania, in lakes Kretuonas and Žemaitiskė, while two further settlement sites belonging to the Late Bronze Age or Pre-Roman Iron Age were discovered in Lake Luokesai in Lithuania; all were recent discoveries in the 21st century, meaning that more thorough research into these sites still lies ahead (Roio 2007: 30). Both Latvian and Estonian researchers have emphasised the defensive function of the settlements in question (Apals 2000: 154; Selirand 1994: 178). According to Maili Roio, this is not sufficiently justified in the case of the Valgjärv pile dwelling at Koorküla, and she attributes more substance to another explanation common among archaeologists: “The Koorküla pile dwelling belonged to an individual or group that had special status in society.” (Roio 2003: 260). However, because of centuries of plunder, finds at the lake have been relatively scarce, meaning that many questions remain unanswered (Roio 2007: 31). On top of which archaeologists have not made a detailed survey of the surrounding area and so even identifying the possible functions of the pile dwellings is difficult. T he E urop e a ni s at ion of Es t oni a a nd t he f ol k ta l e c onne c t e d w i t h l a k e V a l g j ä r v 369 The most popular folktale about Valgjärv There are many legends about lake Valgjärv in the manuscript collections of the Estonian Folklore Archives, most of which derive from the second half of the 19th century, and the 20th century. Generally speaking the plot centres on the creation of the lake as a result of the marriage of a brother and sister. In the Estonian Folklore Archives one can find many legends that talk about a lake that comes into being because some kind of taboo was broken; the marriage of a brother and sister belongs to the most popular of these taboos. The same legend plot has been connected with many lakes all over Estonia. Most versions of the story are from South Estonia, although some are from Saaremaa, Estonia’s largest island, and a couple from North Estonia. More than half of the 73 such legends that I have found in the Estonian Folklore Archives are connected with Koorküla Valgjärv. The version that I am going to present as an example is relatively short. In order to give an idea of the variation of versions, I will also add an overview of the legend, leaving out the less popular motifs not found in every version. In Koorküla parish there is a lake that is called Valgjärv. Folks say that before the lake a manor castle stood in that place. The lord of the castle married his sister and when they returned from the wedding the castle sank under the earth and the lake appeared instead. Every time new ice covers the lake, the people went to look and they saw the ruins of the castle through the ice, and those ruins can still be seen. Anyone who doesn’t believe this should go onto Valgjärv when there is new ice and look through the ice to the bottom of the lake, then (s)he will see the ruins of the castle (Muks 1939). The brother and the sister who are going to marry are usually the landlord and his sister, although sometimes it is the landlord’s son and daughter. In quite a few versions the married couple are not noble and are from the general populace. In some versions the owner of the manor is not able to find a proper husband/wife for his child outside the family. In one version the brother is jealous and does not allow the sister to marry another man. In the next episode, which is not compulsory but still appears in many of the versions, somebody is against the marriage. This person is the pair’s maternal uncle in several versions, in some versions it is their mother, in some versions the priest himself, and in others the coachman or valet. If this person is the valet, he has heard about future catastrophe from the birds (ravens or crows) after learning the language of birds by eating the snake king’s crown. The building that sinks under the earth is usually the manor house. The moment when the building sinks varies. It can be at the moment when the wedding is about to be solemnised, or after the wedding when the guests have left the church leaving only the wedding couple who stay behind to pray. It can also happen at midnight after the wedding has taken place. The sinking is often accompanied with a roar or even thunder. In some versions lightning hits the building, and only after this great rainfall drowns the whole place. The role of the priest is quite prominent in the plot. In several versions he is (initially) against the wedding, sometimes he doesn’t allow it to be organised it the church. Then the manor owner pays a lot of money to buy a license in order to marry his sister in his own manor. In a couple of versions the local priest is still against it and the priest from another church is invited to the manor to lead the ceremony. There are also episodes added to many of the versions of the legend that talk about what happens to the priest after the wedding (see for example Eisen 1920: 10–12). Usually he is not going to stay in the party after the wedding ceremony, but travels away instead. On the way home he tries to get rid of the sin he has committed by washing his hands in a stream. There he discovers that he has forgotten his handkerchief or his towel. He sends his coachman back to the site of the wedding but is told that there is no longer a wedding house or wedding guests and that a lake has appeared in that place instead. The stream near lake Valgjärv took its name, Käteräti oja or Kätemõsu oja (‘Towel Stream’, ‘Stream of Handwashing’) from this. In some versions the church sinking is connected with another motif that is widespread in connection with many lakes all over Estonia, i.e. there are the church bells at the bottom of the lake that ring once a year, either on St. John’s Night or on the day when the awful wedding took place. It is said that the towers of the manor house can still be seen in the lake. The earliest printed version of the tale was written down in the third volume of August Wilhelm Hupel’s Topographische Nachrichten von Lief- und Ehstland (1782). Hupel, who is the best-known author on 18th century peasant life in Estonia and Livonia (for more on Hupel see Jürjo 2006 and Metsvahi 2016) mentions it in the first volume of his Topographical Messages (Hupel 1774: 291), but relates the whole story of how Valgjärv came into being in the third volume of his work (1782) in connection with the history of Korkül manor. According to Hupel the origin story of the lake was written down by Siegbert, a monk from Riga, in his chronicle from the year 1489. Hupel says that Siegbert wrote about something that happened in about 1300. The landlord and his sister received dispensation for marriage and married each other. Their uncle Adricas was 370 Me ril i Me t s va hi initially against it, but had to agree once they had the permit to marry. On the evening of the wedding the uncle heard a voice that admonished him and told him to hurry away. After his escape the storm started, the house sank and the lake appeared to replace it. The story was published in quite a lot of 19th century sources, mainly newspaper articles (for example Livländische... 1815, Nachricht 1818, Imme mis… 1821). Several of these mention the same source of origin that Hupel mentioned, the manuscript chronicle of Livonia written by Siegbert (which has not survived to the present day). The motif of washing the hands in the stream was added to the legend only in the 19th century (for example Jung 1898: 152). Towards the interpretation of the legend: the collective nature of the social structure Considering the dating by Hupel and others, one can conclude that the Valgjärv legend comes from the middle ages. The sources that refer to Siegbert’s chronicle all state that the event took place shortly after the period when Germans intruded into Estonia. Therefore, it seems to be highly probable that it reflected tensions created in society after the huge change that took place in the process of the Christianisation and Europeanisation of Estonia. My hypothesis is that telling and listening to this legend helped Estonian peasants to define their own group in opposition to others, and at the same time released tensions that were created because of different attitudes towards endo- and exogamy among different groups in society. Since the last statement needs explanation I am going to give a very brief overview of the structure of Estonian society before the colonisation of the 13th century. According to archaeologists the group-oriented social structure of the Livs and Estonians was markedly different from the social structures of their neighbours and the conquering Christian missionaries, who had much more individualistic societies (Mägi 2013b: 108; 2017: 98-99). The best source of information on social construction is prehistoric burial. For us scholars, it is unfortunate that not more than 17–24 % of the population was buried in a way that left traces in Late Bronze and Iron Age Estonia (Lang 2011: 112, 115, 123), that way being in collective cremation cemeteries where the bones of several dozen deceased2 were scattered among stones (Mägi 2013a: 184). Therefore, archaeological evidence concerns only (some of) the elite (groups). Valter Lang has suggested that there was perhaps only one cemetery in each vakus3, where the leading family was buried (Lang 2011: 117). The members of these elite extended families were all buried together in one place: men, women and children were found in these graves in relatively equal proportions (Mägi 2013b: 111; 2017: 106-107). The interesting fact is that transformation from collective burial sites to individual took place in most of Europe, and among Estonian’s neighbouring Baltic tribes and Scandinavians, much earlier than in Estonia, mainly in the Late Stone Age. Estonians and some of their Baltic Finnic neighbours were exceptional in Europe because of their collective burials, and thus their corporate power structures (Mägi 2013b: 113). It seems that the most prominent informant of the early-13th century East Baltic, the chronicle Henry, did comprehend to a certain degree that power among Estonians was not directly associated with particular individuals (see also Mägi 2013a: 186). There are a few other written sources that confirm the statement about the strongly collective features of society. Clanbased social organisation reveals itself in a papal letter from the 19th of April 1201 that contained his response to Livonian missionaries’ enquiries. Pope Innocent III began the part of his letter that dealt with matrimonial law by acknowledging “…that the marriage usages of the newly-converted Livonians were quite different from those of the Roman Church. Specifically, the Livonians disregarded the canonical rules of affinity and consanguinity; they did this most particularly in that they allowed men to marry the widows of their deceased brothers, a practice otherwise known as ‘Levirate marriage’” (Brundage 1973: 315). Innocent allowed the practice to continue within certain limits and only during the period of transition, not supposing that it would remain that way after Christianity was well established in Livonia (Brundage 1973: 316).4 According to Brundage, through the brave decision to allow the practice of marrying the dead brother’s widow “Innocent was pushing the papal power of dispensation to its outermost limits, quite possibly, beyond them.” (Brundage 1973: 317). It could not have been a casual decision, but rather must have been seen as a serious matter that required deep consideration about possi2 In addition, probably only a part of the burned body ended up in the cemetery (see Wickholm and Raninen 2006: 159). 3 Vakus is a prehistoric administrative unit that was taken over by new landlords after occupation (Lang 2011: 116). 4 In fact, a similar practice, marrying a dead wife’s sister, has continued through the centuries. I know of an occurrence from the beginning of the 21st century: before having a serious operation an elderly woman wrote to her husband saying that in the case of her death he should marry her unmarried sister (oral account from May 2016, told by Ene Suuvere). T he E urop e a ni s at ion of Es t oni a a nd t he f ol k ta l e c onne c t e d w i t h l a k e V a l g j ä r v 371 ble positive and negative outcomes. Since marriage to a brother’s widow was prohibited by passages in both the Old and New Testaments, “[I]t is highly improbable that he would have done so had he not been convinced that the granting of this favour was absolutely essential for the future of Christian missionary work in Livonia.” (Brundage 1973: 317). In light of the aforementioned facts the following characterisation of Estonian prehistoric society appears likely: “It was a society with a weak or non-existent central power, probably divided into clans. The clans consisted of extended families, and some clans or families dominated others.” (Mägi 2013a: 185) Towards the interpretation of the legend: the woman’s position The topic of differently structured society and family among the locals and the intruders includes the question of the status of woman. The intermingled burials in Estonian stone graves generally do not enable us to distinguish between males and females; however, towards the end of the Prehistoric period, this situation changed. During the second half of the 10th century in some places in Estonia single burial complexes and inhumation graves started to appear, allowing us to distinguish between the genders of the corpses. Although the prevailing burial custom of the 12th century was still intermingled cremations in stone graves, individual burial places start to appear in many parts of Estonia that indicate a deepening stratification and consolidation of power (Mägi 2013a: 184-185, see also Mägi 2018: 78-8). Thanks to these individual burial sites one can tell that a “large part of the jewellery and dress accessories were non-gender specific, and attributes normally associated with the other gender sometimes occurred in both male and female graves.” (Mägi 2013a: 184). This kind of burial reflects egalitarian relations between the genders in society. Marika Mägi who has written a comparative study of the burial sites in Eastern Baltics during the late prehistoric times has pointed out that among the ethnic Balts the situation was quite different: in their graves there are very few non-gendered items and many gender-specific items, which usually points to a male-dominated society. The Scandinavians also had only a modest number of unisex items, so their grave goods also reflect male-dominated society, although to a somewhat lesser extent than the graves of ethnic Balts (Mägi 2013a: 188; 2017: 113-116). In addition, among Estonians and Livonians female burials were supplied with a considerably larger number of metal grave goods than the male burials (Mägi 2013a: 184). The custom of putting weapons in women’s graves also seems to characterise predominantly Baltic Finnic burials (Mägi 2013a: 188). An important factor that should be mentioned in connection with gender roles is the position of the body in the grave. The Livs, among whom inhumation graves prevailed at the end of the Prehistoric period, buried their dead with their heads towards the north or northwest, without making a distinction between males and females. In the places where Estonians buried their dead in single inhumation cemeteries shortly before the annexation of the country, the spatial arrangement of the bodies in the graves was exactly the same. In the areas inhabited by the Balts – in Semigallia, Žemaitija and Selonia – this was not the case: “the direction of the graves of different sexes was always the opposite” (Mägi 2013a: 182-184). Apart from archaeological evidence, the former stronger position of women is supported by the law of the beginning of the 13th century. I’ll point to some passages that are remarkable from the viewpoint of gender roles because they differ radically from the regulations in Western and Northern Europe. The law itself was based in Liv customary law and was first applied to Livs shortly after 1212. The preserved text of the law – most probably the same text as the original – is the Livonian-Latgalian version. Henry’s chronicle related the information that written law existed for Estonians from 1214, and most probably it was the same law (Mägi 2009: 82, 2018: 86-88). The 10th point in Livonian-Latgalian states that: “Item ein Mann der ein Wif nimbt, alle sine guter Sall siner frwen volgen. Is dat he will vonn er wesen, So is he quitt Acker vnnd alles gutes vnnt Sine Sone vnnd dochter besitten idt dat de Erue nicht wegk nam de Son So vellet Idt ann die tochter vnnd an die moder.” (Blomkvist 2005: 184) Nils Blomkvist has translated this passage in the following way: “Then a man takes a wife. He shall then let all his goods follow his woman. If he wishes to leave her, he will lose arable land and goods. And his sons and daughters shall possess them. To prevent the son from taking the inheritance away, it will be given to the daughters and the mother.” (Blomkvist 2005: 184-185). So it is stated here that the married wife has full control over mutual property and this property will stay with woman if the man wishes to divorce. The conjunction dat in the original text can be and has been translated in different ways. But whatever the translation “a holistic reading of the clause clearly excludes both a patrilineal interpretation and a bilateral one favouring men. Instead it implies a matrilocal order in which husbands leave their (moveable?) property to wives, and sons may claim their (paternal?) inheritance in order to be able to marry into other matrilocal lineages.” (Blomkvist 2005: 186) The matrilineal and matrilocal interpretations of this passage are strengthened by the following passage from the same law: 372 Me ril i Me t s va hi “Eine Wedwe wulange sie Wedwe bliuet mit den tochternn heuet sie Erue. Is dat se sick veranndert, So delenn de dochter dat Erue gelick mit der Moder.” “A widow inherits along with her daughter(s) as long as she remains a widow. If she remarries, the daughter(s) divide the property equally with the mother.” (Blomkvist 2005: 186) In the later versions of the above-mentioned law, the regulations concerning inheritance have been changed. The law code – which was forced on the Curonians in 1267, but was based on Livic code and must have been similar to the Latvian– Estonian code that was forced on Semigalians in 1272 – declares that, upon marriage, the man’s property is transferred to his wife with the exception of fields, pastures and beehives. The latter were male property, inherited by sons, who also inherited a responsibility to support their sisters (Mägi 2003: 24, Blomkvist 2005: 191-192, look also Mägi 2009: 84). Therefore, during the 13th century Estonia became patrilineal and patrilocal (see also Mägi 2017: 118). The interpretation of the legend Important changes in society are always visible in folklore. The social change that took place in Estonia in the 13th century was huge in many respects. It is no wonder that powerful folklore was formed during the process of superimposing new rules onto peoples whose traditional practices were so different from their conquerors’ that they were not able to grasp them for centuries to come. In my opinion it is highly probable that the story started to spread orally in the 13th or 14th century, and there is some historical evidence to prove this. In several versions of the tale the name Adricas appears. Adricas was a Baltic-German family who settled in Livonia in the 13th century. In 1277 the first member of this family, the knight John de Adricas, a vassal of the Archbishop of Riga, was mentioned (Transehe-Roseneck 1929: 394-415). That the event is placed in South Estonia is explained by the historical data. In South Estonia the old elite was almost completely replaced by German-speaking people, so the families formerly in power couldn’t sustain their positions (see Mägi 2003: 32). The gulf between the upper and lower classes increased and the need for othering processes, which are very often expressed through folklore, became stronger. The story could also have some real-life basis. The local Germans didn’t have a big choice of possible marriage partners to whom they were not in any way related as vassals of the highest rank were unwilling to marry outside their own rank. Therefore marriage between relatives were not so exceptional among the German-speaking populace in Estonia and Livonia. Although marrying a cousin was banned by the Catholic Church as a rule, the possibility still existed to get special allowance from the pope. Several cases are known from the 14th century where a bride and groom who were cousins received this dispensation (von Taube 1930: 58–59). For example, in 1357 Nicolaus von Uxkull and Hildegrunde von Tiesenhausen were given dispensation to marry (von Taube 1930: 62). The same practice continued through the centuries. When I started to search for information about families who have lived in the manor house at Koorküla I came across an interesting occurrence. Wolf Heinrich I von Anrep (?–1679) married Anna Dorothean Freiin von Ungern Sternberg. They had a son whose name was Wolf Heinrich II Henrik von Anrep, who went on to marry Sophia Margareta Freiin von Ungern-Sternberg. I found this information on the geni.com webpage, although this should probably not be regarded as a trustworthy source. Nevertheless, even if the construction is fictional, it provides an example of a relationship which, from the Estonian point of view, could be considered incestuous. Estonians regarded marriage between blood relatives as abominable (Hupel 1777: 138). If one presumes that Estonians preserved some matrilineal traits at that time, it would have been unthinkable for them that a young woman would marry a man whose mother was from her own kin. It is no wonder, therefore, that breaking such a taboo should be punished very severely. The world would descend into chaos if a relationship so awful that it didn’t take into account the most important rule of the social coexistence – exogamy – took place! Therefore, I state that this story, about marriage between a brother and sister, represented the viewpoint of the Estonian peasant. The Germans, who had a different understanding of family and a more individualistic world-view, saw this kind of marriage in a totally different light. Estonians started to transmit the story orally as a rumour, only later did it became a legend, which to folklore scholars is a narrative genre; later this legend was written into the chronicle. As a rule in the process of folklorisation stories change. It is probable that already during the stage of rumour the story started to adopt exaggerations, with the help of which it was easier to memorise, and changes in order to better fit into a context that was familiar to Estonians. Former cousins transformed into brother and sister, because incest between brother and sister is a popular topic in the folklore of most matrilineal cultures (see Metsvahi 2014). A person who was close to the bride and bridegroom (but whose exact relatedness to the T he E urop e a ni s at ion of Es t oni a a nd t he f ol k ta l e c onne c t e d w i t h l a k e V a l g j ä r v 373 couple is unknown) changed into a maternal uncle. In many matrilineal societies the maternal uncle plays a decisive role in the family (see for example Divale 1984). According to matrilineal understanding of kin systems he was the closest male relative of the child and so his opinion about his niece’s marriage would have been most important. The Estonian word that denoted maternal uncle in the past, but which denotes both paternal and maternal uncle today, onu (Finnish eno, Sami eanu, etc.) comes from the word enä. Enä means ‘big’ and is of Finno-Ugric (or even Uralic) origin, a root that is preserved today in several Estonian words (for example enam ‘more’, enim ‘most’). In the context of the present article the origin of the place name Valgjärv is even more important than the origin of the word onu. The knowledge gained about the legend as presented in this article makes it necessary to provide a new etymology of this place name. Since valge denotes ‘white’ and ‘bright’, and the water in Valgjärv is transparent and clear, the first association that comes to the mind of a contemporary Estonian with the word Valgjärv is the word valge. The connection of the lake name with transparency and clarity is supported both by scientific articles (for example Ilves 2010: 149; Allik 1993: 1908) and the writings of popular science (Liiva 2008). I propose the etymologically more plausible suggestion that the name derives from the verb valguma, ‘pour, spread’ in contemporary Estonian (cf. the meaning of the same stem in Finno-Ugric languages such as Ersa, Moksha, Mari, Hanti and Mansi: ‘to come down, to sink’; EES 2012: 588). There are many lakes in Estonia with the same name, several of which are connected with the same legend plot. Conclusion In my article I indicated that the story of marriage between brother and sister was created because after colonisation there was a need to distinguish us and them among the Estonian population. The rules about who could marry whom among the intruders – the German-speaking populace – seemed to be peculiar and even extraordinary to Estonians, and so this feature was stressed in the folklore about these intruders. But why was the story preserved for such a long time, for centuries even? One important factor was the long period of poverty and serfdom in Estonian history (see Metsvahi 2015: 583, 585). The reason this legend was told in the 20th century (it was a popular plot during the folklore collecting competition from the pupils in 1939, initiated by the Estonian Folklore Archives) was no longer the gulf between different understandings of kinship and the context of belief, but the fact that folklore had become a valuable tool in the national movement. Thanks to the large-scale folklore collecting that started at end of the 19th century, we are lucky to have these manuscripts in the Estonian Folklore Archives that tell us a lot about Estonian family history. The vast majority of the versions were told about lake Valgjärv because there were mysterious remains in this lake that received a trustworthy explanation only in the second half of the 20th century. The peculiarity of the lake itself, and from the second half of the 19th century onwards, also the availability of the printed versions of the story, contributed to its continual telling from one generation to another. Merili Metsvahi Eesti ja võrdleva rahvaluule osakond Tartu Ülikool Ülikooli 16-208 EE-50090 Tartu merili.metsvahi@ut.ee 374 Me ril i Me t s va hi Liter ature and Internet Sources Allik, J. 1993, Intsest ja selle tõlgendused, Akadeemia 9, 1893–1915. Apals, J. 1968, Saar Āraiši järves, Horisont 6, 56–62. Apals, J. 2000, Über die Entwicklung eines Blockbautyps im Ostbaltikum, Archeologica Baltica, Bd. 4, 149–158. Blomkvist, N. 2005, The Discovery of the Baltic. The Reception of a Catholic World-System in the European North (AD 1075-1225), Brill, Leiden, Boston. Brundage, J. 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References / Manuscripts ERA = the collections of the Estonian Folklore Archives Muks, J. 1939, ERA II 236, 532 (4) < Karksi, Karksi v., Vagiste k - Josefe Muks < Anna Muks. Cornelia Florea Petrila Mine – Sacred underground Scientific paper Petroșani Depression provided in time perfect conditions for high quality coal formation. The development of the coal mining centres began since the mid of the nineteenth century, during the Austro-Hungarian Imperial occupation. The first mine opened in Jiu Valley in 1859 in Petrila, when Hungarian, Czech, Polish and Italian workers began to come here. The opening of the mine offered jobs for those “strangers” and for the local rural people also. This was how the miners’ community was born, with workers having different identities, religion, language and customs. The miners always had to face the hard work and underground life. In order to survive and to keep the faith they would exit in safe conditions, they created their own rituals. Once they entered the coal mine, they had specific beliefs and superstitions. They greeted each other with specific greetings at the beginning of the working day. They have created their own legends, folklore and individual and collective “language”. The mine became a specific sacred space itself, an important part of the miners’ life. On the 30 of October 2015 Petrila Mine was closed. Key words: underground, mine, mountains, pastoral, identity, community, sacred “It might be the deepest, but I tell you, wherever we go into the Valley and into the country, and into the world, who knows, as I’ve never been elsewhere, there will be no mine more beautiful than this! ” (V.B., 41 years)1. A Romanian saying states that “it’s the man that makes the land sacred”. V.B. gets nostalgic when Petrila Mine is closed and the word that he considers the most appropriate to express his feelings, as well as those of all the other miners, about the place where he worked and made his friendships, the only place where he lived otherwise, it’s that his mine is more beautiful than any other. “Beautiful” includes here the value the mine has to those who made a living with each piece of coal torn from its depths, a space which they made sacred with their work and lives because “art, play, and sacralization are all means to strengthen the fragile frame old identity” (Mol 1977: 5). Petrila Mine is the oldest mine opened in the Jiu Valley (Romania) and, as a result, a mine where many events took place there during its 156 years of operation, and which employed huge workforce. It is the deepest mine not only in the Jiu Valley, but also in Europe (nearly 1,000 meters in depth, approximately 250 meters below sea level) and had 10 layers of coal in mining. It is one from the last (for the moment) to be closed, being “buried” on October 30, 2015, a few days before 7 years had been commemorated since the last big accident, when 13 miners died (hence the mine got the nickname ‘Death Mine’). Out of 11 mines in the Jiu Valley, where 70,000 miners used to work, today only 4 are functioning, but they are to be closed until 2018, in accordance with the EU agreements. Thus, after almost 200 years, during which in the Jiu Valley a culture has been created - the collective culture of the miners – it is interesting to investigate how miners’ culture will survive or what changes would occur over it when its activity has been closed. The mine buildings, a physical witness, will survive for a while, but soon they will turn into ruins or, with a little luck, into Heritage objects, passing from the industrial area into the cultural one. But the immaterial presence of the mine would last more, since peoples’ memory (and its oral formalization through folklore) will imaginary re-build its walls. 1 These words belong to a man who worked in Petrila mine since he was 18 years old. At the moment of the interview he was 41 years old. (Interview taken by Valentin Șchiopu.) Source: https://pressone.ro/mina-cea-mai-trista/. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 375 –381 376 C o rne l i a F l ore a Petrila is settled on the Jiu Valley, also known as the Petroșani Depression, a part of the Hunedoara County (Romania), and it is watered by the upper valley of Jiu river. With an average altitude of 615–620 m, it is limited by four of the highest mountain ranges of the Carpathians, also known as the Transylvanian Alps: Parâng (2519 m) in the East, Şureanu (2130 m) in the North, Vâlcan (1946 m) and Retezat (2509 m) to the West and South (Ghinea 2000: 954). Thus, nature has created favourable conditions for livestock due to the lush vegetation and alpine pastures and meadows. Fig. 1 Petrila mine in April 2016, six months after closing. Mine buildings were still present in the landscape. Meanwhile, some of them were demolished, and all of those that are not already classified as heritage monuments are to be put down (photo by: C. Florea 205) In the Jurassic and Cretaceous Periods, the last periods of the Mesozoic Era, the mountains favoured the formation of high-quality coal and, therefore, the development of coal mining centres since the mid-nineteenth century, during the imperial rule of Austro-Hungary. Being a territory with deep roots in the Romanian history, inhabited for centuries by a predominantly pastoral population, the Jiu Valley is required in the nineteenth century to accept at the same time the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s values or even the replacement of its legacy with new values, brought by the cultural eclecticism of the workforce. The imperial lifestyle, imported from the West by first opening mines in Petrila (1859), Vulcan (1867) and West Petroșani (1869), was entirely different in many aspects from the local lifestyle, newcomers migrating here with their own mentalities and perspectives on life. As in any other sites of Western and Central Europe, United State, Australia, South America and China, the industrialization of the Jiu Valley can easily be compared to the colonization of the New World. In those times, the huge amount of coal resources represented an extraordinary financial opportunity and people from different places (of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire) and with different (ethnic) cultural backgrounds came here as immigrant. The identity of a new community was taking shape based on the very phenomenon of multiculturality. The first mining companies in the area brought Hungarian, German, French, Belgian and English capital and control not only economically, but also culturally. The necessary workforce to produce burning black stones2 came from the immigrants of different nationalities and religions, but also from the former shepherds, the mining community being heterogeneous in origin and homogenous in its overall transformation, acquiring their own characteristics for the entire community of miners. Thus we can speak about the existence of a collective miners’ culture in the Jiu Valley. With the original inhabitants they will not only share the space, but also they share a common mentality. When facing hardships imposed by the coal mountain, miners adapt or create their individual and collective rituals, sacred qualities being assigned to the underground space. In 1977, Hanss J. Moll issued the idea that “the sacred can dwell in a large variety of objects and ideas: stones, trees, buildings, persons, spirits, space, and time. In all instances, it lends an extraordinary quality to the object or idea. It evokes 2 The name under which coals occur in scientific and literary references in the nineteenth century. P e t ril a Mine – S a cre d unde rg round 377 awe or dread. In its presence, one must tread with circumspection. Rites are often required to approach the sacred, and these rites invariably accentuate its separation from the profane” (Mol 1977: 203). Regardless of the geographical area, but also the period in history, both the subterraneous work place, and the imminent danger of death had the role to unite the ones involved. And that happened ever since: the unknown space of the mine came to be populated not only by those who have conquered it but also by the collective imaginary world. We could say that it is a mental pattern that repeats since old times within a community, as Mircea Eliade, the well known historian of religion, argued: “Archaic and traditional societies conceive the surrounding world as a microcosmos. At the limits of this closed world, the domain of the unknown, of the unformed begins. On the one hand there is the cosmic space, inhabited and organized - on the other hand, outside this familiar space, there is the unknown and formidable region of demons, of larvae, of dead, of strangers; in a nutshell, the chaos, the death, the night” (Eliade 1989: 47). Irrespective of the geographical area or of historical epochs, both the underground localization of the working place and the permanent risk of death created a specific and strong sense of solidarity, which characterizes the mining activities everywhere and everytime, “the miners’ never-ending quest for protection” (Wyman 1989: 258). The help and protectio aims to concret working condition and facilities, and to supernatural or divine presence, as well (often they works together, as in the case of the apothropaic function of the miner’s lamp). Henri H. Stahl, a Romanian cultural anthropologist, ethnographer, sociologist and social historian, noticed that “the sense of the sacred obviously arises in connection with enigmatic, abnormal, frightening, absurd situations that our minds cannot grasp” (Stahl 1983: 188). Mine fits all of these features and they are valid even for the most experienced miner. Undergrounds have always been associated with a negative sacred space. But the mine is also the place where miners spend a third of the day, a third of the life, a place of dura necessitas. It is the place where they earn their daily bread and which helps them support their families, but it is also the place where they risk their life. There is a daily risk of accidents, often deadly ones. A lot of not only individual accidents, but also collective ones, occurred during the hard work from the underground in those more than 156 years of Petrila Coal Mine activity. Having in mind that the average retirement age has always been around 50, an age when a man is not considered an old one and not even at the end of his days, those accidents surprised earlier than a natural death. Although, in the collective employment agreement, the imminent danger of death was subversively mentioned from the beginning of the 20th century, by means of the material support a miner (his family) would have received from the employer in case of death. This way, the miners would at least have had a secured financial passing from life to death. Death is one of the most sensitive topics to tackle. And the mine is the same because it is often death itself, the path to another realm. The risk – “the potential damage, real or imaginary, caused by actions, decisions or events, internal or external, belonging to the individual or to the communities” (Pop-Curșeu, 2013, my translation) – that comes along with working in the mine is unavoidable. About death it is said that it is dark. Talking about the mine, the dark is the most certain word one can mention. The mine in contrast with the exterior, the aboveground world, has certain physical boundaries, but the unknown reaches beyond to other imaginary boundaries, marked by the absence of light, which often inspires fear. The mine is a space that has always been dug - it is underground, unseen by the sun, not like archaeological ruins covered by the dust of time. It was buried from the beginning and for some of those who enter the mine, it becomes not only the place of their death, but their grave when their body cannot be found. Ion D. Sîrbu (1919–1989), a philologist from Petrila, who wrote in most of his writings about the archetypal miner, as a miner himself, said that “the miner is a living creature buried alive” (my translation). For miners and for those close to them, the mine is – on the one hand – a space: the final resting place of those caught in by accidents, but it is itself personified and becomes a sui generis dead identity. The date of 30th of October, 2015 will be remembered as a funeral day for the miners of Petrila. V.B., who worked in Petrila Coal Mine for 23 years, feels “grief and mourning, what else. It’s like burying a parent or, God forbid, a child. We felt really sorry.” The same day, two women who had lost their husbands in mine accidents said that “it is as if we bury our dead husbands for the second time”3. Sometimes the mine is a huge catacomb with in nuce source. It’s a necropolis, but animated by the living. The space of the mine reaches to receive therefore some of the consecrated functions of the cemetery and to be given the due respect. Often, the mine also receives the symbolism of the sacred space of the church when it becomes the place of funeral services for those who died in accidents. When the miners’ dead bodies cannot be found, at the mine entrance there are vigils and memorial services, as compensatory rituals which aims to re-calibrate the dangerous situation induced by the 3 These interviews have been conducted by reporters of a site destined to young people and took place in the very day of the mine closing. Source: http://www.vice.com/ro/read/minerii-au-plans-la-inmormantarea-petrilei-472. 378 C o rne l i a F l ore a impetuous death and the absence of its specific funeral rituals that, in normal conditions, assure the good integration of the deceased into the world beyond. Even if the very phenomenon of the death could be the same for all the miners, they belong to distinct confessional groups, whose funeral rituals differ. Besides the collective ceremonies (of great ethnological interest at their turn), each mineworker will be buried in accordance with its own religious confession. Mark Wyman points out, in his study dedicated to the Industrial Revolution in the western United States between 1860 to 1910, to a funeral ceremony of a young native of Cornwall, UK: “The impact of miners’ funeral was especially profound, not alone for their frequency but also their poignancy; they were removing from life the young muscular men who hours before were vigorous residents of the community. No cold, emotionless reading of the ritual sufficed for a miner’s funeral; more typical was the procession that filed to the Fairview Miners’ Union Cemetary in Idaho, one Sunday afternoon in late July, 1874. The three hundred miners sang solemn funeral dirges as they marched with the casket of 21-years-old William Pascoe, a Cornishman who had fallen 600 feet to his death in a shaft, the previous day. Services of a very appropriate and impressive character were conducted by a fellow Cornish miner. The event was of the most solemn description, the local newspaper reported, and will not soon be forgotten by those who witnessed it” (Wyman 1989: 175). As being among the most important individual pieces of the miner’s ecquipment, the helmet, together with the lamp, got symbolic values as representing the owner’s identity. This is why, failing the corp (due to accidental death), these saved objects became ab hinc its substitutes involved in the funeral ceremonies. Mine working split the time in three shifts, its natural course being interrupted only by sudden deaths. Șutul (from germ. Schich, en. Shift) is announced by the sound of the siren, a messenger of good news. But the same siren has the purpose to stop the shift before its end so as to announce dramatic events, gathering the community at the entrance of the mine. Also, the siren notifies on the accidents, often with human sacrifices, from the underground to those from the surface, a possible parallelism between the church bell, outside the mine, and the underground hooter. Mining hasn’t always been a long-term occupation, but also a seasonal or a periodical one. Often, students who went to other cities to study and who returned during holidays got hired for several months in the mine, the remuneration allowing them to secure their financial independence. However, their activity in the mine was that of a full time miner, their mentalities promoting the union of the collective beliefs and superstitions, especially since most of them were continuers of a family mine tradition. In the Jiu Valley, children have always been protected against the mine and its bleak space. The minimum working age was 16, but only on the surface. According to the Mining Law (that applied in Europe, at least at the beginnig of the 20th century) only after passing the threshold of 18 years of adulthood, one could penetrate the depths of the mine. Indeed, the work in the mine was ritualized, placed under a divine sign. The sign of the cross is made at the beginning of the work together with the greeting Noroc bun! (Good luck!), a specific greeting of the miners, which is made at the end of the shift also. Together with the protection given by the sign of the cross, the miners are also protected by Saint Barbara. The Patroness of the dying, patronizing against unforeseen death, interceding by praying for an easy death, she is ichnographically represented by holding in her right hand either a cross or chalice for the Eucharis. Sometimes, Saint Barbara is represented with those both symbols together. The miners’ saint is celebrated each year on the 4th of December (both in the Catholic and Orthodox Calendar) as a non-working day. Saint Barbara is also the patron saint of both the Orthodox and the Catholic Church in Petroșani, the largest miners’ settlement in the Jiu Valley, situated 3 km away from Petrila. During field research conducted between 2014–2016 we had the opportunity to observe an interesting process of mutual transfer of sacredness between Vâlva Băii (The Vâlva of the mine, a protective spirit of the mine) and Saint Varvara. Thus somethimes Vâlva, a feminine popular spirit met in all areas where the individual is found in solitude, is replaced in some legends and beliefs with St. Barbara, patron of miners. In fact, in the past, Vâlva acts differently depending on the character of whom she appeared in front of. She was either good or bad. Today in the miners’ beliefs we have met Vâlva - which one shouldn’t meet or even remember, in order not to call for her as she is the one that foretells an imminent accident. R.B. (born in 1941), who worked for 28 years in the Dâlja and Livezeni mines and who is now retired, told me that “when getting out of the mine, as there’s a chance you might not get out, make the sign of the cross and say Thank you, God!” When I asked him if he met Vâlva of the mine, he said “some things it’s better not to talk about. And you should make the sign of the cross, as the elders say”. He also confessed that he managed to survive four mine accidents, all of which had been predicted to him. P e t ril a Mine – S a cre d unde rg round 379 Fig. 2 Saint Barbara - the icon exhibited at Petrosani Coal Mining Museum, Romania Another aspect of the ritualization of the work is that the miners have sacred days like the first șut (first day of work in the mine), which require a succession of ritual moments, like those of turning a teenager into an adult male. On this day, the young man is accompanied by his sisters’, mother’s or wife’s tears when leaving home, women playing the part of shifting towards the new stage, just as in the main rites of passage (birth, death and so on). Actually, the women supported the miner’s back during the insurgences, too: “The changing role of women in the mining communities in the strike has been widely publicised. They lived in a very male-dominated society. Down the pit was one of the few working envinronments in Britain where there were no women at all, although they were to be find pithead offices and canteens“ (Adeney Martin, Lloyd 1986: 222–223). In 1997 a dynamic correspondence on the topic of The Feminine and The Sacred occurrred between Catherine Clément (a French philosopher, novelist, feminist and literary critic) and Julia Kristeva (a Bulgarian-French philosopher, literary critic, psychoanalyst, feminist and novelist). Eventually, the two conclude that the sacred is above all a personal experiment that women feel on a deeper level than men do: “the sacred is, of course, experienced in private; it even seemed to us to be what gives meaning to the most intimate of singularities, at the intersection of the body and thought, biology and memory, life and meaning – among men and women. Women, perhaps, stand at that intersection in a more dramatic, more symptomatic manner, in a more unknown manner in the future that is upon us. I say perhaps, because there is always the surprise – and often even happy surprise – of the feminine in men as well. A private sacred, therefore, since, as soon as it claims to become public, it totalizes and turns into totalitarian horror, as you say so well in your last letter, in a nod to the various revolutions and forms of fundamentalism” (Clément, Kristeva 2001: 178). 380 C o rne l i a F l ore a In fact, in the nineteenth century in Europe children and women working in mine was legally banned. Women often work in the preparation zone, where coal is washed. We find that often rituals involving water (at least in the space of Orthodox religion), bathe, were performed by women. We feel a transmutation of ritual acts, along with the actors who keep their roles from the domestic space into the industrial space. It was also a woman who gave lamps to the miners, just as a candle lady seller that sells candles in a church, the source of light for the world of those of the darkness and here we meet again a similarity came from the religious world. And if a difference is to be mentioned, this is the age of women. If in religious rituals mentioned above women’s participation was conditioned (at least until a century ago) by the age or by the marital status (old women, widows), these aspects have no relevance in the case of routine participation in mining activities. Nowadays miners are forced to look for another job until their retirement age. Most of them were assigned to the mines that have 2–3 years more to survive until the last stope. Sine ira et studio, one of those who worked at Petrila mine told the history of the place in a nutshell: “It’s sad to know that you are the last in a long line of generations. Here we earned our bread. With death always behind, always behind, we used to earn the daily bread for our families” (B., 37)4. If the moment of the birth of the industry was called the Revolution, it should not surprise us if we provide the opportunity for a new revolution, as well as its collapse. Assigning the role of a saving space during strikes by threatening to isolate underground miners themselves or the officials who have the power, the mine, once closed, will lose this function of a saving place, too. In his work, The Jiu Valley – an historical trap, Alin Rus, who after 1989 lived together with his subjects and got to know them intimately, designed the miner’s figure: “Generally, the miner is a strong man, who has no fear of anything, a man who has seen the death many times with his own eyes and who doesn’t get a fright of its imminence. The physical difficulties can not break him down. The one who has once descented underground knows what performances could get a miner, carrying on his back more than 100 kg through the most narrow groves. The physical work turned him into a giant and it is not intriguing that the communist ideology chose exactly this working class as a symbol.” (Rus 2003: 179–180). But there is no more need for miners today. Should they preserve this reflection? Moreover we wondered what would happen to these hierophanies related to a space that closes forever, a place that created a lifestyle, a culture? Will they survive and will they be passed on, keeping the initial power or will they remain only in our memory? Would Saint Barbara remain in the Jiu Valley after all the mines have been closed, keeping the same protective role or would she be assigned to another? Cornelia Florea Universitatea din București Facultatea de Limbi și Literaturi Străine Str. Edgar Quinet 5-7 Sector 1, RO–70106, Bucureşti corneliaflorea@gmail.com 4 Interview taken by Valentin Șchiopu at the mine closure date. Source: https://pressone.ro/mina-cea-mai-trista/. P e t ril a Mine – S a cre d unde rg round 381 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adeney, M., Lloyd, J. 1986, The Miners’ strike, 1984-1985. Loss without limit, Routledge & Kegan Paul, Condor, London. Clément, C., Kristeva, J. 2001, The Feminine and the Sacred, Columbia University Press, New york. Eliade, M. 1989, Images et symboles, Gallimars, Paris. Ghinea, I. 2000, Enciclopedia geografică a României, Editura Enciclopedică, București. Mol, H. J. 1977, Identity and the sacred. A sketch for a new social-scientific theory of religion, The Free Press, New York. Pop-Curșeu, I. 2013, Magie şi vrăjitorie în cultura română. Istorie, literatură, mentalităţi - Magic and Witchcraft in Romanian Culture. History, Literature, Mentality, Editura Polirom, Iași. Rus, A. 2003, Valea Jiului – o capcană istorică, Editura Realitatea Românească, Vulcan. Stahl, H. H. 1983, Eseuri critice. Despre cultura populară românească, Editura Minerva, București. Sîrbu, I. D. 2014, Povestiri petrilene, Editura Măiastră, Târgu Jiu. Wyman, M. 1989, Hard Rock Epic. Western Miners and the industrial Revolution, 1860-1910, University of California Press, Los Angeles. ONLINE SOURCES http://www.acasa.ro/ajutor-biserica-petrila http://www.observatorcultural.ro/O-mina-o-lume-omorala.-Ion-D.-Sirbu-inedit*articleID_32650-articles_details.html http://stirileprotv.ro/stiri/actualitate/mina-petrila-ceamai-veche-din-romania-inchisa-dupa-156-ani-de- activitate-este-un-moment-amar-pentru-valea-jiului.html https://pressone.ro/mina-cea-mai-trista/ https://www.vice.com/ro/article/minerii-au-plans-lainmormantarea-petrilei-472 382 Sandis Laime Offering Cave of the Livs in Latvia – from Sacred Place to Tourist Destination1 Scientific paper One of the most outstanding examples of sacred caves in Latvia is the Lībiešu Upurala (Offering Cave of the Livs). This is the only cave in Latvia, having its sacredness evidenced by nearly all types of sources that are available regarding caves. The archaeological material acquired in studies in 1973 and 2013, as well as the magic signs carved in the walls of the cave indicate that this cave was used as a sacred place from the 14th to 19th century. By analysing archaeological findings in connection with contemporary offerings and tourist graffiti from the 17th to 21st century, it will be proved that a single place can take different meanings among various groups of the society and that these meanings form the complex identity of the given place. Key words: Graffiti, Latvia, Livs, offering, sacred caves, tourism traditions To date, more than 200 naturally-formed sandstone caves have been found in the territory of Latvia. Historically, many of these caves were used in different ways, for example, as 1) practical space (cave cellars, bathhouses, granaries, hiding places), 2) sacred space (offering and healing places, mythical space) and 3) tourism space (Laime 2009: 51–132). At least 60 caves in Latvia are considered to be historical sacred places. The notion “sacred place” is used in this case as terminus technicus in order to give an umbrella term to geographical sites, which are actively or passively linked to human religious practice and which are connected to supernatural beings and experiences in the oral tradition. To identify sacred caves in Latvia to date, there have been used such sources as folklore (19th–20th century), archaeological data, written sources (since the 17th century), toponyms, iconographical material (since late 18th century) and rock carvings. Lībiešu Upurala (literally “Offering Cave of the Livs”) is one of the most outstanding examples of sacred caves in Latvia. It is situated in a 10-metre-high Devonian sandstone cliff on the bank of the Svētupe River (literally “Sacred River”) near the village of Kuiķule, eight kilometres away from the village of Svētciems (literally “Sacred Village”) and eleven kilometres from the town of Salacgrīva. The cave has changed considerably over time and is currently in its “old age”. Professor Constantin Grewingk from the Tartu University wrote in 1861 that the Offering Cave of the ancient Livs was man-made (Grewingk 1861: 21); however, this claim is false. It is difficult to determine, how long ago the cave started to develop, it is nevertheless certain that it is the result of a spring eroding soft sandstone. Such spring-eroded sandstone caves can develop surprisingly quickly in Latvia – even over a period of ten years, and they can collapse just as fast. The life of the Upurala, however, has been many centuries long. At the time when the local population began to use it as a sacred place, i.e. around the 14th century, its spring had already run dry. In the oldest known picture of the cave, which dates back to 1839, a single large entrance that the cave had in the first half of the 19th century is seen (Kruse 1842: Tab. 67: 3) (Fig. 1), but by the middle of the 19th century it collapsed. After the ceiling of the large entrance room collapsed, cave’s two branches have preserved until nowadays that make up two separate caves – the so-called Large and Small Upurala, 1 The article has been prepared as part of the project “Vidzeme’s Svētupe in Mythical and Real Cultural Space” supported by the Latvian Council of Science. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 383–392 384 Sa nd i s La ime Fig. 1 Lībiešu Upurala in 1839 (Kruse 1842: Tab. 67: 3) which are 46- and 19.5-metre long respectively (Eniņš 1995) (Fig. 2). Prior to the crumbling of the entrance, the total length of the cave was around 70 metres (Eniņš 1995). The Upurala has since 1967 been an archaeological monument of national significance and since 1977 – a protected geological site. Nowadays, in scientific and tourism literature the cave is called the Lībiešu Upurala, while in the first half of the 20th century, there have been at least two names in popular use – Upurala (Offering Cave) and Velnala (Devil’s Cave). In our time, the locals of the area most often employ the first of the aforementioned names. Legends of a respective subject-matter have been linked to both offering in the cave and the devil (Laime 2009: 261–270). On the one hand, caves as underground spaces possess naturally determined capacity or valence to attract legend motives which are connected with htonic spirits and deities including the devil (Latvian velns), which is the most popular character in Latvian folklore related to caves. On the other hand, devil (Liv kurē, kuŗē) is also one of the most popular characters in Liv2 folk belief, which embodies all evil – this is clearly a loan from Christianity (Karma 1994: 238). It is highly possible that older notions of nature spirits, associated with waters and underground, also with the dead and fertility, have transformed and merged together in the demonic Devil’s image – Liv mythology is rich in all kinds of nameless demons and spirits, with strong Catholic features which have destroyed the layer of pre-Christian beliefs (Karma 1994: 234). The above mentioned suggests that the part of Upurala folklore which is associated with Devil is comparatively new and, an older layer of beliefs being transformed, came into being when the cave had largely lost its function as a sacred site and became demonised. Judging by archaeological material, this process took place approximately at the beginning of the 19th century. The Upurala is one of the dominating features in the sacred landscape of the banks of the Svētupe River.3 In the interpretation of different historical times and social groups, the cave has obtained various meanings, of which two are discussed in detail in the present article – the Upurala as a Medieval and contemporary sacred site and the Upurala as an Early Modern and contemporary tourist destination. The goal of the article is to illustrate, how the Upurala gradually turned from a sacred site into a tourist place, therefore a wide scope of sources has been employed in the analysis: 1) Written historical sources. The offering at the Upurala and the fight by the Christian church against it is described in the church visitation records of 1641, 1674 and 1739 (Bregžis 1931: 11, 44, 88). They contain the earliest descriptions on offering in Latvian caves. 2) Archaeological material. During the 1973 archaeological excavations (headed by Juris Urtāns), 629 coins minted between the 14th and the 19th century in Riga, Tallinn, Tartu, Stockholm and elsewhere were found in the crumbled part of the Upurala. 35 artefacts that can be dated from a similar period were also discovered: six rings or their fragments, ring fibula and its fragment, two bronze bindings, two tinklers, belt buckle, bone needle, three Dutch pipe fragments etc. Likewise, remains of an organic origin have been found in the cultural layer: pieces of wax, bird bones, eggshells, fish bones etc. (Urtāns 1980). In the research of 2013 (headed by Juris Urtāns), while examining the river-bed of Svētupe in front of the Upurala, scuba divers from the Underwater Cultural and Historical Heritage Association discovered 18 coins from 16th–19th 2 Alongside Latvians, Livs are the second indigenous nation of Latvia. Livs speak the Liv language, which is part of the Finno-Ugric family of languages, and in the late Iron Age, they inhabited the northern part of Kurzeme region and the western part of Vidzeme where Lībiešu Upurala is located. Over time, Livs became assimilated into Latvians: in the 2011 national census, 250 people considered themselves Livs, while not more than ten of them speak the Liv language since their childhood. 3 It is possible that the Svētupe River has acquired its name exactly because the Upurala stands on its bank (Urtāns 2014). Of f e ring C av e of t he L i v s in L at v i a – f ro m S a cre d P l a ce t o T ouri s t D e s t in at i on 385 Fig. 2 Lībiešu Upurala nowadays: I – the Small Upurala, II – the Large Upurala, X – the crumbled part of the Upurala (Eniņš 1995) century. Two 17th century coins were also found in the Small Upurala in front of the largest group of rock carvings (Laime, Urtāns 2014: 33–34). A total of 652 coins dating back to 14th–19th century were found during the research of the Upurala. Statistics on archaeological findings in Lībiešu Upurala provided further in the article have been compiled from the articles by Juris Urtāns (Urtāns 1980; Laime, Urtāns 2014). 3) Rock carvings. In 1971, speleologist Guntis Eniņš discovered on the walls of the Upurala rock carvings, or signs of a magic character, – the first ones in Latvia and the Baltic states. Until nowadays, similar signs on sandstone cliffs and cave walls have been found in over 50 places in Latvia (Laime 2006). In 2013 and 2016, the author of the present article conducted the documentation (measuring, copying and photographing) of rock carvings of the Upurala. It was stated that till nowadays in Great and Small Upurala signs had survived in seven places (groups A–G). 36 signs were recorded in the field investigation. Adding to them five signs of group H that have perished (see Urtāns 1980), the total number of signs documented in Upurala makes 41. Most of the signs recorded in Upurala (17 signs of 41 or 41.5%) are various crosses with slanting cross being the most popular (seven signs, 17.1%). Circles, which are in all cases different versions of ring crosses, were found in great proportion (ten signs, 24.4%). Group E contains pentagram or the so-called lietuvēna krusts (nightmare cross ). The signs have most likely been scratched at time when offering was most intensive, i. e., in the 16th–17th century. It would be easier to suspect causes of scratching signs on the walls of Upurala if motivation of offering were clearly understood. In spite of the wide range of sources this is unfortunately one of the most complicated questions that cannot be given an unequivocal answer. A certain point of reference concerning offering tradition in the Upurala is provided by visitation records of Salaca church: record of 1674 mentions that in older times offerings had been made there on St. Bartholomew’s day, while record of 1739 mentions that on St. Bartholomew’s day money, ribbons, wool, cabbage, meat, flat cakes and other things had been offered in the cave. Thus, in two of three visitation records offering in the cave is associated with St. Bartholomew’s day. This is obviously connected with the fact that St. Bartholomew’s chapel had been situated not far from the cave. Church visitation record of 1684 mentions that Salaca parishioners on St. Bartholomew’s day went 386 Sa nd i s La ime to St. Bartholomew’s chapel as well, which once more testifies that the Upurala was used as a sacred site in the 17th–18th century to celebrate St. Bartholomew’s day. Judging by evidence of written records, traditions concerning this day were practised not only in the Upurala, but also at nearby chapel, therefore Upurala as a sacred site should be considered in context with Catholic chapel of Livonian period and traditions associated with it. Offering traditions on St. Bartholomew’s day presumably were syncretic, i. e., they resulted from converging of pre-Christian and Christian practices. Traditions of this day were connected with expressing gratitude to the souls of the dead and spirits of fertility, which had merged with Catholic saints, asking for good harvest and blessings in the future. Such offering motivation would seem acceptable, trying to understand the purposes of scratching signs of jumis (twin ears signs; jumis is a deity of well-being, fruitfulness and fertility in Latvian mythology), slanting crosses, ring crosses and other magic signs on the walls of Upurala. 4) Tourist graffiti and coin offerings. During the 2013 research by the author, 127 dated tourist inscriptions on the walls of the cave were counted and 320 contemporary coins left as offerings were collected, which is a significant source for studying the development of tourism traditions at the Upurala. 5) Folklore. Starting from the second half of the 19th century, but mostly in the 1930s, a comparatively large folklore material about the Upurala has been written down.4 The legends mainly provide stereotyped statements that in times long ago Livs gave offerings to their gods in the cave. During the first half of the 20th century people still kept memories about offering in the Upurala, but they are quite indefinite and dim. This is presumably connected with the fact that since the 16th–17th centuries, when offering was most intensive in the Upurala, the Livs dominant in the local population were gradually substituted by Latvians. The newcomers obviously did not continue offering practice in Livs’ sacred site – at least not so intensively as before. That is why certain ethnic positioning can be observed in oral tradition by pointing out that līvji (Livs), lībieši (Livonians), senie lībieši (ancient Livonians) had made offerings at some point in the Upurala etc., but for the newcomers the ancient Livs’ sacred site was rather associated with Devil and ghosts. Archaeological material provides the earliest evidence on human activity at the Lībiešu Upurala. The unearthed 14th– 19 century artefacts and coins, signs carved into the walls of the cave and information from written sources indicates that the Upurala was used during this period as a syncretic sacred site for a wider region inhabited by Livs. The years of minting of the earliest coins left as offerings at the Upurala show that the offering begun around the 14th century. The intensity of offering, however, was not high during this time, since only five and 23 coins from the 14th and the 15th century respectively were found. These offerings indicate that the beginning of using the Upurala as a sacred place can most likely be dated to the time after the introduction of Christianity in the territory of Latvia (i.e. after the 12th century). There is very limited proof of earlier inhabitation in Northern Vidzeme, including the area around the Upurala, as, evidently, this territory was poorly inhabited during the Iron Age. In the 16th and 17th century, the practice of making offerings intensified considerably at the Upurala. This resulted from a number of circumstances, for example, the end of the period of Livonia and the following wide-ranging 16th and 17th century military actions, years of epidemic, hunger and various economic problems. The movement of Reformation and Counter-Reformation also made folk Christianity and syncretic beliefs flourish. Over the two centuries, at least 231 and 367 coins have been left as offerings at the cave. Judging by the large and wide range of offerings and comparatively frequent mentions in historical sources, in the 16th and 17th century, the Upurala became a sacred site for a larger area inhabited by the Livs (Urtāns 1980). Not far from the Upurala, in the past, there was the council building of Svētciems pagasts’ (pagasts – Latvia’s smallest administrative territorial unit) and magazine, Orthodox and Catholic Christian schools, old people’s home, Kuiķule cemetery and inn (Balaško, Cimermanis 2003: 207). This shows that the significant sacred site was located close to the administrative centre of the area. According to evidence in 17th century written sources and graffiti carved by tourists, during the peak time of the offering practice at the Upurala, the place also attracted the attention of the highest social stratum (Baltic German noblemen, priests etc.) of the surrounding area. The Salacgrīva church visitation records of 1641 and 1674 show that the activities of local farmers and fishermen (serfs at the time) were known well to local priests and their task was to eradicate these nonChristian traditions (Bregžis 1931: 11, 44). Already in 1641, the priest of Salacgrīva church admitted during its visitation that peasants made offerings in a cave near Ķuikule. Against the will of the priest, his own wife and son had been there and collected the money and other items left as offerings by the Livs (Bregžis 1931: 11). A question arises – why did the priest’s wife go to the Upurala? Was it to see with her own eyes the place, where peasants of the Salacgrīva parish indulge in the superstitious practice of offering? th 4 This material has been compiled in a monograph devoted to Latvian cave folklore, see Laime 2009: 265–270. Of f e ring C av e of t he L i v s in L at v i a – f ro m S a cre d P l a ce t o T ouri s t D e s t in at i on A 387 B Fig. 3 A – drawing “Die Gutmannshöhle nebst dem Schlosse Treiden” (1813) by Gustav Gerhard Kieseritzky (Broce 2002: 154). B – detail of the drawing depicting making an inscription on the wall of Gūtmaņala cave 17th century inscriptions that can be found on the walls of the Upurala also point to Baltic Germans of the Salacgrīva area having visited the Upurala. The carving of graffiti in cave and cliff walls is one of the earliest traditions of cave tourism in Latvia (Fig. 3), with its credible evidence having preserved since at least the 16th century. For example, in Gūtmaņala (Latvia’s largest and most visited cave), inscriptions from 1521 and 1564 could be seen in the past (Mellin 1794: 525; for more information on the history of this tradition in Latvia see Laime 2009: 66–79). The earliest tourist graffiti in Latvia that has preserved until nowadays “HANS SEHVSEN 1642” can be seen in the Small Upurala. It has been carved only a year after the time, when the wife of Salacgrīva parish priest visited the Upurala. Twenty-two years later, namely, in 1664, Matias A. Bach from Salacgrīva left his name for the next generations and did it twice: he carved “MATIAS : A : BACH AO 1664” in the Large Upurala and “: M : BACH SALIS AO 1664” (Fig. 4) – in the Small Upurala. The year “1670 : ” has also been carved in the wall of the Large Upurala, but without the mention of a name, surname or initials. It has been noted in a travel guide that an inscription from 1617 can be seen at the Large Upurala (Limbaži 1962: 37); however, it cannot be found there nowadays. Another inscription dating back to either the 17th or the 18th century is seen in the Small Upurala, where the names “FABIAN ADERKAS” and “HANS BRINCK” have been carved one on top of the other, but unfortunately not specifying the exact time of the visit. When analysing tourist graffiti, it has to be taken into account that not every person visiting the cave carved his or her name in it, as well as the aspect that the majority of earlier inscriptions most likely perished with the crumbling of the cave’s entrance. Despite this, the Upurala is still one of the three sites in Latvia, where tourist inscriptions carved into sandstone in the 17th century have preserved until nowadays, moreover their number is the largest in the Upurala. It is of a special value that Matias Bach along with his name, surname and year of visit has also noted his home town – Salacgrīva (Salis) situated eleven kilometres away from the Upurala. The wife of Salaca parish priest also visited the Upurala from Salacgrīva. The Aderkas family, in turn, administered the Ķirbiži Manor situated thirteen kilometres away from the Upurala. As was noted previously, the name of Fabian Aderkas has been carved in the cave together with the name of Hans Brinck, which could indicate that the lord of Ķirbiži Manor could have brought one of his guests to show him the cave. This points to the possible conclusion that it was mostly Baltic Germans living nearby, who went to visit the Upurala in the 17th century. The visit have taken a half of a day. Here more than elsewhere they could learn about and experience the superstitious traditions practised by their serfs that could have been considered foreign, deserving condemnation or eradication, but also to a certain extent – mysterious and exotic. The Upurala was a worthwhile place for sightseeing also because of it being an unusual geological object. People needed to prepare specially for visiting the cave by both arranging transport (a horse-drawn cart or something else) and finding torches, candles or other sources of light, as it is 388 Sa nd i s La ime Fig. 4 17th century inscriptions “HANS SEHVSEN 1642”, “: M : BACH SALIS AO 1664” and magic signs on the wall of the Small Upurala (photo by: S. Laime) pitch-dark in the branches of the cave, where the 17th century writings have been carved. For these reasons it was in the first half of the 17th century already that the Upurala became a sightseeing place for local Baltic Germans, while at the same time maintaining the function of a sacred place among the local Livs. Although one of the central driving forces for the development of tourism has been the wish to explore distant and foreign countries and places (Gyr 2010: 11), it cannot be denied that travelling habits developed when people first travelled around their local surrounding area. In the 18th century, offering in the Upurala continued, though the intensity subsided considerably. Only 13 coins dating back to the 18th century have been found in archaeological research inside the cave and in the river near the cave. It is possible that food and other organic substances were left as offerings more in the cave during this period. For example, in the 1739 visitation, the priest of the Salacgrīva parish noted that peasants still made offerings of money, ribbons, wool, cabbages, meat and other things at the Upurala on St. Bartholomew’s day (Bregžis 1931: 88). Judging by graffiti in the cave, the interest in the Upurala among local Baltic Germans also grew weaker in the 18th century. Only two inscriptions from the 18th century (dating back to 1757 and 1777) have been found during the research. A similar situation with 18th century inscriptions has also been established regarding Gūtmaņala Cave. Offering in small amounts continued at the Upurala until the early 19th century. The practice stopped, evidently, due to the gradual disappearance of the offering traditions (similarly to other places in Northern Vidzeme and throughout the territory of Latvia). As a whole, it can be concluded that in the mid-19th century, the Upurala ceased to function as a sacred site of the local peasants. At the same time, it is visible that the popularity of the ancient Livs’ sacred place increased and that visitors started to arrive from more distant regions. Thus, for example, several scholars visited the Upurala in the early 19th century and later published descriptions of the cave. Doctor and ethnographer Otto von Huhn saw the cave in 1822 and found offerings of clothes and bread in it (Lövis 1908). On 15 August 1839, during a journey in Latvia to visit archaeological monuments, professor of history at the Tartu University Friedrich Kruse stopped at this site and noticed an offering of dyed wool and rooster sparrows (Kruse 1842: 7, Tab. 67: 3). On 20 June 1846, the Upurala was visited by the participants Of f e ring C av e of t he L i v s in L at v i a – f ro m S a cre d P l a ce t o T ouri s t D e s t in at i on 389 of the first Livs’ research expedition of Andreas Johan Sjögren. In his diary, Sjögren left the following text on the visit to the cave: “[...] we had arranged a tour, where we went accompanied by the host [owner of Svētciems Manor Karl von Vegesack]. Inland, on the bank of a small river, in the Ikskul village, there was a place, which has been known for a long time as an old Livs’ offering site, so all guests had the habit of visiting it” (quoted as by: Blumberga 2006: 22). Sjögren gives a significant note, which indicates that the owner of Svētciems Manor, had always taken his guests to the Upurala. This coincides with the conclusion drawn previously that the cave as an interesting natural object and an old sacred site of the Livs was visited in the 17th and 18th century mostly by the local Baltic Germans – noblemen and clergymen, who also showed it to their guests. The analysis of inscriptions carved onto the walls of the cave indicates that a mass tourism flow to the Upurala began in the second half of the 19th century, namely, starting from 1860 (Fig. 5). Over a period of 220 years (from 1642 to 1860), 11 inscriptions had been carved in the Upurala, whereas during the next 40 years, from 1860 to 1899, people left 40. Judging by the carved surnames, Latvian and Estonian5 travellers also began to visit the Upurala in the second half of the 19th century. The involvement of Latvians in the tourism movement was possible after the abolishment of serfdom, which took place in 1819 in the Governorate of Livonia. When serfdom was abolished, peasants acquired the freedom of movement and more rights to private property, as well as the chance to receive better education. On this basis, a stratum of intelligent Latvians started to emerge, who published travel notes and descriptions of interesting places in Latvian, thus stimulating the development of inland tourism. It seems that the mass increase in the number of tourists at the Upurala after 1860 can be linked specifically to Latvian travellers (i.e. the lowest social stratum at the time) engaging in tourism. At the same time, one must note that exactly the mid-19th century was the time in Europe, when travel shifted from being a luxury activity of higher classes of the society to mass tourism (Gyr 2010: 18). Fig. 5 Dated tourist graffiti (1642–2013) in the Small and the Large Upurala (n=127) The number of writings dated with the first half of the 20th century again decreases sharply, which is evidently linked to the fact that the part of the cave’s entrance collapsed around this time. Between 1926 and 1970 only seven dated inscriptions have been carved in the Upurala. Seven writings over a period of almost 50 years indicate that it has been very difficult or impossible to access the cave. Clearly, the number of visitors subsided in such conditions. Tourists returned in considerable numbers to the Upurala in the 1970s. This has been due to researchers working in the caves. In the summer of 1970 and 1971, Guntis Eniņš performed the first precise measurements of the Upurala and made a plan of the remaining part of the cave. Other specialists – geologist Viktors Grāvītis and archaeologist Juris Urtāns – joined Eniņš to study the cave in 1972 and 1973. A pump was used in 1973 to wash tons of sand into Svētupe to uncover the ground layer the way it was at the time, when offering was practised there. Subsequently, archaeological excavations headed by Juris Urtāns were conducted in the Upurala. Publications by Eniņš and Urtāns stimulated the influx of tourists and fuelled public interest on the site. Nowadays, the tourist flow is maintained by tourism infrastructure surrounding 5 N. Raudsep in 1875, E. Kusk in 1897. The border of Estonia is only 25 kilometres away from the Upurala. 390 Sa nd i s La ime the cave (roadside signs leading to it, an information stand and a comfortable pathway to the cave), information in travel guides and on the internet. Between 1970 and 1999, 34 tourist graffiti have been carved in the cave and a similar intensity of carving has continued through the early 21th century, when over the period of 13 years, 24 dated inscriptions have been left. Such intensity of carving new inscriptions raises concern over the future preservation of the historically most significant carvings – magic signs and writings of the 17th century. Starting with the 1970s, a new visitor tradition appears at the Upurala – “offerings” of coins and at times other objects (e.g. food, candies, wreaths; Fig. 6). In 2013 and 2014, a total of 320 “contemporary” coins (1957–2014) were counted that have mostly been used as a means of payment in Latvia (USSR kopeks, Latvian santīms and lats, Latvian euro cents and euros), but also foreign currency (Estonian, Lithuanian, Russian, Polish, Ukrainian, Swedish, Austrian, French, Italian, Dutch, British, Mexican and Thai) coins. Although it is possible that some foreign coins have been left as “offerings” in the cave by foreign tourists, it is likely that mostly these are “offerings” by Latvians, who have travelled to the respective countries. One should also take into account that after Latvia joined the euro zone in 2014, the euros and euro cents of other countries are an official means of payment also in the territory of Latvia. Although it is impossible to determine the aim, why they have been left in the cave, judging only by modern-time object offerings, most likely they can be subdivided into two groups: Fig. 6 Contemporary offerings in the Large Upurala (photo by: S. Laime, 2014) 1) Tourist offerings, i.e. mostly coins of small nominal value that are thrown down similarly to the practice in other touristic places (especially in fountains) in order to, for example, return to the respective place etc. The leaving of small coins as offerings at the Upurala could also be motivated by the description on the information stand about centuries-long traditions of coin offering in the cave, thus encouraging tourists to imitate a similar act. Judging by the 17 USSR coins (minted between 1957 and 1991), this tradition began at the Lībiešu Upurala in the 1970’s after the cave entrance had been dug open and the archaeological excavations were performed. 2) Offerings left in the cave by representatives of various folklore, Neopagan and esoteric movements. The (re)birth of these movements in Latvia took place in the 1990s (see Muktupāvela 2013). Unlike tourist visits, the actions and rituals Of f e ring C av e of t he L i v s in L at v i a – f ro m S a cre d P l a ce t o T ouri s t D e s t in at i on 391 performed by these visitors of the Upurala are much more complex, with necessary preparations done beforehand, selection of specific days (e.g. solstices) and their character is not spontaneous. Most likely, making offerings is only a part of the cave activities of this group of visitors. Others include, for example, having bonfires at the entrance of the cave, singing folk songs, meditating etc. The Lībiešu Upurala is a good example of one and the same place taking different meanings to various groups of the society, whereas the interaction of these meanings can over time create a complex identity of the respective place. Judging by the available data, the Upurala has since the 14th century turned from a sacred place of local significance into a contemporary tourism destination of a national scale, while losing the meaning of a specially-labelled sacred site in the interpretation of the local population along the way. The rich scope of available sources not only allows tracing the “biography” of the Lībiešu Upurala itself, but also provides an insight into such problems as transmission from folk religion to folk Christianity and from folk Christianity to Christianity in Northern Vidzeme from the 14th to 19th century and the expansion of tourism traditions in Latvia since their beginning in around the 17th century up until nowadays. Sandis Laime University of Latvia Institute of Literature, Folklore and Art Mūkusalas iela 3 Riga, LV-1423 sandis.laime@lulfmi.lv 392 Sa nd i s La ime BIBLIOGRAPHY Balaško, A., Cimermanis, S. 2003, Par Rietumvidzemes pašvaldību iespējamo atbalstu valsts ilgtermiņa mērķprogrammas „Lībieši Latvijā” zinātniskās daļas īstenošanai: rosinājumi pētījumu paplašināšanai, Latvijas Zinātņu Akadēmijas Vēstis, Nr. 5/6, 201– 209. Blumberga, R. 2006, Lībieši dokumentos un vēstulēs: Somijas zinātnieku ekspedīcijas pie lībiešiem, Latvijas vēstures institūta apgāds, Rīga. Bregžis, K. 1931, Baznīcu vizitāciju protokoli. Izraksti par jautājumu: kristīgās ticības cīņa ar latvju tautas reliģiju, Valters un Rapa, [Rīga]. Eniņš, G. 1995, Lībiešu Upuralas, in: Latvijas daba: Enciklopēdija. 3. sēj., Latvijas enciklopēdija, Rīga, 113. Grewingk, C. 1861, Geologie von Liv- und Kurland mit Inbegriff einiger angrenzenden Gebiete, Heinrich Laakmann, Dorpat. Gyr, U. 2010, The History of Tourism: Structures on the Path to Modernity, European History Online (EGO), http://www.ieg-ego.eu/gyru-2010-en (12 July 2016). Kruse, F. 1842, Necrolivonica oder Alterthümer Liv-, Esthund Curlands bis zur Einführung der Christlichen Religion in dem Kaiserlich Russischen Ostsee-Gouvernements, Leopold Voss, Dorpat-Leipzig. Laime, S. 2006, Rock Carvings as a New Kind of Cultural and Historical Resource in Latvia, Cosmos: The Journal of the Traditional Cosmology Society, Vol. 22, No. 1, 3–19. Laime, S. 2009, Svētā pazeme. Latvijas alu folklore, Zinātne, Rīga. English summary: The Sacred Underworld: Cave Folklore in Latvia, pp. 436–470. Laime, S., Urtāns, J. 2014. Svētupes Lībiešu Upuralas – no svētvietas līdz tūrisma objektam, in: Kultūras krustpunkti. 2013. gada 1.–2. novembra konference. Starptautiskās zinātniskās konferences materiāli. 6. laidiens, Nordik, Rīga, 21–34. Limbaži, 1962, Limbaži: tūrisma ceļvedis pa Limbažiem un to apkārtni, Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, Rīga. Lövis, K. 1908, Schloss Salis, Düna-Zeitung, 28. aug. Mellin, L. A. 1794, Nachricht von der alten lettischen Burg Pilliskaln, und von mehrern ehemaligen festen Plätzen der Letten und Ehsten; auch von etlichen andern lief- und ehstländischen Merkwürdigkeiten, Neue Nordische Miscellaneen von August Wilhelm Hupel, IX–X St., Johann Friedrich Hartknoch, Riga. Muktupāvela, R. 2013, The Mythology of Ethnic Identity and the Establishing of Modern Holy Places in PostSoviet Latvia, The Pomegranate: The International Journal of Pagan Studies, Vol. 14 (1), 69–90. Urtāns, J. 1980, Svētupes Lībiešu Upuralu arheoloģiskās izpētes rezultāti, Latvijas PSR Zinātņu Akadēmijas Vēstis, Nr. 11 (400), 71–84. Urtāns, J. 2014, Latvian Watercourses and their Place Names with roots svēt-, svent- (sacred) as the Marks of Ancient Boundaries, in: Water, Borders and Boundaries, Turku, in print. Ivan Majnarić The Uses of the Past – the Case of Maksimir Park Mogila Scientific paper This paper will examine the relation between the construction of the Mogila in the present-day Maksimir Park in Zagreb and the narrative of Croatian “heroic history”, especially the part of it regarding the Middle Ages. It will do so by using the concept of hierotopy, specifically the theory of shaping of space by words-images. Furthermore, with the aim of understanding the durability of the Mogila as a hierotopic project, and comparing the contemporary knowledge of the Croatian medieval studies with the words-images of the Mogila, this paper will emphasize the link between sacred space (to a specific nation) and uses of the past. Key words: Croatian nation, history, Middle Ages, historiography, Maksimir Park, Mogila Time and space are indispensable in determining the perception of the environment and the existence of each and every individual. Both are equally crucial determinants in all historical research, with the main question of the relationship between time and space. As one may presume, that relationship has been far from one-sided in history, for it is not only time that influences (and probably modifies) space, but also space that can crucially modify time. Namely, in the notion of temporal flow – which is in historical research essentially expressed in the myth of historical progress – space can become omnitemporal, non-temporal, and/or outside of time. As such, it eventually loses its temporal as well as spatial determination, becoming a reference of the transcendence, the link with the otherworldly and the omnitemporal. It is in this context that I shall focus on the question of how can history interpret the impact of space on time.1 This will be done by taking a closer look at the emergence, meaning, and role of a particular reference to national transcendence: the Mogila/tumulus in a corner of Zagreb’s first public space for rest and relaxation, the Maksimir Park. But before doing that, I would like to mention a particular theory on the creation of sacral spaces, followed by a brief reference to the context in which the Mogila was erected and the related concept of the spatial foundation of time. Finally, I will analyse the distortion of time in terms of Croatian historiography – with an emphasis on the Middle Ages – which occurs due to the “uses of the past” and the shaping of space (specifically, by erecting the Mogila).2 *** In order to elaborate these introductory theses and provide a theoretical framework, I have considered it most adequate to use the theory of hierotopy (Lidov 2006; 2014)3 – which has in the past fifteen years opened up a series of new * 1 This work has been supported by the Catholic University of Croatia under the project “Otherness as the Social and Cultural Determinant of the Croatian Past” (HKS-2017-7). For understanding of sacred space, see also Eliade 1987: 20–24. Also, for further reading on the relation between historical time and space, see Zerubavel 2003: 40–43. However, the whole field of time and space studies is beyond the scope of this paper. Let it suffice to recommend for better understanding of that subject the inspiring conclusions in Fabian 2014; Munn 1992; Postill 2002; Hodges 2008; Sinha, Gärdenfors 2014; Gell 1992. 2 For useful methodological approach cf. Klaniczay 2016. Also on relation between time, collective memory, space, memorabilia as tangible links between past and present, and history, see Zerubavel 2003. 3 Besides the literature listed here, various uses and elaborations of the theory of hierotopy have been discussed in detail by Alexei Lidov in his various publications. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 393– 401 394 I va n M a jn a ri ć possibilities in viewing sacralised spaces – more precisely, one of its aspects, namely the emergence of words-images. According to Lidov (2014: 23), hierotopy is the modelling of sacred spaces regarded as a special form of creativity, and a field of historical research that reveals and analyses the specific examples of that creativity. Briefly and somewhat generally speaking, hierotopy as a whole looks at the material aspect of sacral spaces (such as the materials, objects, smells, artistic form, spatial organization, and illumination), yet pays equal attention to social rituals and the conceptual/ideological aspect of the emergence/creation/persistence of sacral spaces. This kind of sacral programme also implies a specific awareness on the compatibility of ideologemes, whereby particular importance is attached to the use of pre-existing words and/or memories, which are assigned a new sacral meaning: that is, to the emergence of words-images. It is these words-images, or rather the textual vision of sacrality, that can be crucial for the existence of sacral space beyond the realm of the material.4 Moreover, the hierotopic model of viewing reality is not limited to the spiritual sphere, but is comparatively (or metaphorically) manifest in secular cases. It is precisely this aspect of words-images in the secular sphere that is applicable to the aforementioned Mogila of Maksimir. These words-images have all the more importance if viewed in accordance with the process of emergence of a collective social memory of the past, visions of historical continuity and a “common mnemonic effort to enhance one’s legitimacy” (Zerubavel 2003: 8). In order to understand this hierotopic project better, it is necessary to say a few words about its historical context and the accompanying ideologeme. *** The Mogila of Maksimir was created for the millennial jubilee of the Kingdom of Croatia in 1925 (Freudenreich 1925; Baždar 1999). On that occasion, Zagreb hosted the Third Croatian Falcons’ Rally, which is why the Steering Committee of the Croatian Falcons’ Association (Hrvatski sokolski savez) decided to erect a memorial tumulus in order to commemorate the event. The fact that the initiative for constructing the tumulus came from a sports organization should not come as a surprise. The Czech model of sports associations named “Sokol” (Falcon) – particularly famous for their mass rallies dominated by visually impressive gymnastic exhibitions known as slet – was to Slavic nations far more than a mere cult of a healthy body. Simply put, Falcons’ associations, as an expression of the liberal circles and the emergent bourgeois society, were primarily organizations that played an outspokenly unifying role within a given nation, with a component of panSlavism. In that context, particular attention was paid to the apolitical care for the body, upheld through physical exercises and sports education, and presented through a slet. That physical care included subtle and indirect political message of upkeep of the “spirit of the nation”. This was associated with morality achieved through an intellectual insight into the significance of the national past. Popularization of these ideological premises of the Falcons was assisted by the appropriate mass-media.5 With regard to this, the idea of a solemn commemoration of the millennial anniversary of the Kingdom of Croatia and the construction of a tumulus by the Falcons was actually inherent to their goals. It was also fully compatible with the overall political circumstances in Croatia and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes at the time, particularly manifest in the tense public opinion concerning the central government in Belgrade.6 The Mogila was designed as a cone-shaped earthen mound with a bed of wheat spiralling around in the form of a wreath, with ten lime-trees (tilia) around it (as a symbol of the ten centuries of the Kingdom of Croatia). In its centre – as expected in a Mogila – there was to be a chamber, and on its top a statue of a falcon placed on a stone pedestal bearing the following inscriptions: “925: Tomislav was the first king, crowning the Croats’ pride!” (on the western face) and “1925: The Falcon will be the life and hope of the new centuries of Croatian work! (on the eastern face). While the inscriptions and the appearance of the Mogila can be a subject of a further research, the paper aims at discerning the meaning of the content of the chamber and the inauguration of the tumulus. The chamber in the base contained “mostly handicraft objects made by our people” (Freudenreich 1926: 370–75). During the opening celebration, a hole was left on top of the four-metre mound, into which the representatives of 95 Croatian Falcons’ associations placed 155 clods of soil from various important sites of Croatian history. The clods were first assembled in the garden of the Croatian Falcon at the then Wilson’s Square in Zagreb and then transported to the Maksimir Park, where the associations’ elders took their respective clods and placed them into the mound. The closing of the tumulus foresaw the placement of a bronze falcon 4 In this context, Peter Brown (2006: 122–124) coined the term “chorotope”. Cf. Lidov 2006: 47–48; 2014: 83–84. 5 On the history of the Falcons in Croatian lands, see Paar 2011. Further important contributions can be found in the organization’s main periodical Sokol [The Falcon] and its successors published in the period from 1903 until 1929 under various names (with a break during World War I). For an overview of scholarly literature on the history of the Falcons, see Hrstić 2011: 79–80. 6 Literature on the political position of Croatia in the 1920s is vast. A selection appropriate for our purposes includes: Antić 2006; Matković 1998; Janjatović 2002; Lukić, Petrić 2015. T he Us e s of t he P a s t – t he C a s e of M a k s imir P a rk Mo gil a 395 Fig. 1 Mogila in Maksimir Park in Zagreb (photo by: I. Majnarić) onto the pedestal, but that was, due to specific political circumstances, done only in 1996 (Baždar 1999: 367–68), when new inscriptions were added.7 For the sake of a detailed analysis of the sacral significance and meaning of the Mogila, I would like to single out several clods of soil and objects in the chamber for illustration purposes. The chamber housed – as noted down before the construction of the tumulus and as it was believed at the time8 – objects such as “relics from the sarcophagus, the bones of the Croatian duke Zdeslav”, wickerwork relief from the church of St Bartholomew from Kapitul near Knin, “where the last crowned Croatian ruler, King Zvonimir, was buried”, as well as a coffee set, a pair of women’s slippers from the region of Gorski Kotar, an umbrella with folk ornaments, “the shovel used to dig the earth for the tumulus of the old town of Sušice”, “a small American flag on a pole”, embroidered towels and cloths, various flagons, books, postcards, and photographs (Freudenreich 1926: 370–75). As I have mentioned earlier, the chamber contained mostly objects believed to symbolize the traditional values of the Croatian people,9 which served to corroborate the significance expressed first and foremost through clods of soil. As for the clods themselves, I will limit myself to those related to the medieval past of the Croatian lands. The Mogila contained soil from various castles of the Frankapan family, from Gorjan, a fort owned by the Gorjanski family, from Grobničko Polje, where “the Croats defeated the Mongols and Tatars in 1242,” from Petrova Gora, “where Petar Svačić, the last Croatian king, fell in battle in 1102,”, from “Krbavsko Polje”, where “Jakub Hadum-pasha destroyed the Croatian army in 1493 and where the flower of Croatian nobility fell”, from Požega as the main seat of the “Croatian movement in Slavonia, initiated in 1386 by Ban Ivan Horvat, Ivan Paližna, Bishop Pavao Horvat, and others against the queens Marija and Jelisava Kotromanić and Nikola Gorjanski”. Finally, the First Croatian Museum in Knin donated clods of soil from the church of St Bartholomew in Kapitul near Knin and the fortress of Knin. Since that had been the site of the court of Duke Mutimir, father of King Tomislav, and Knin was the site where “the last Croatian king, Petar Svačić” had been crowned, that was “the 7 The inscriptions bear the following words: 1925: The Falcon will be the life and hope of the new centuries of Croatian work! (on the eastern face), 1995: Accomplished dream of the Croats: a free, independent and sovereign Croatian state (on the southern face), 925: Tomislav was the first king, crowning the Croats’ pride!” (on the western face), 1925: For the millennial jubilee of the Kingdom of Croatia, the Croatian Falcons brought a clod of holy soil from all Croatian regions (on the northern face). 8 Each of the 69 gifts had a note on the Falcon association that had donated it. 9 Or the proof of upholding the care for the fatherland by various Croatian overseas emigrant communities – which was the case of “a small American flag on a pole” – thus further establishing the symbolism of the traditional values of the Croatian people. 396 I va n M a jn a ri ć Fig. 2 Scheme of Mogila (according to Srkoč 1996: 425) soil that bore the first and the last king of Croatian blood” (Freudenreich 1926).10 It should also be mentioned that, besides the original 155 clods of soil, another, 156th one was added at the final completion of the project in 1996. It was the soil that John Paul II ceremonially kissed during his first pastoral visit to Croatia, in 1994, upon disembarking at the Zagreb Airport. Furthermore, a special connection with the past was emphasized in visual form by the poster announcing the Third Croatian Falcons’ Rally. The obelisk in the middle of the poster consists of ten cubes, each for a century of the glorious Croatian past, and each bearing the image of some important person or event from Croatian history. Their selection and its explanation were as follows (Horvat 1925). The first and lowest cube depicts King Tomislav on his throne, the second one King Petar Krešimir IV, the first ruler who both formally and actually ruled over Dalmatia. The third cube is decorated with the title Pacta conventa in memory of the “state agreement between the representatives of the twelve tribes of Croatia and the Arpadian king Coloman”, made in 1102 after the extinction of the native Croat dynasty. The fourth cube bears the coat of arms of Stephen Šubić of Bribir, who defended the town of Trogir from the rampaging Mongols, the fifth an equestrian figure of Fig. 3 Poster announcing the Third Croatian Falcons’ Rally (published in Horvat 1925: 235) 10 One should also mention, although the scope of this paper does not allow me to consider this in detail, that the Sokols’ associations contributing to the inauguration with their clods of soil did not originate from Dalmatia. In fact, due to pressure from the regime, the previously unified Sokol movement in Croatia and Dalmatia was divided into the Croatian Falcons’ Association (Hrvatski sokolski savez) with its headquarters in Zagreb and the Yugoslav Falcons’ Association (Jugoslavenski sokolski savez) with its headquarters in Beograd. Many of Sokols’ associations from Dalmatia joined the latter. Thus, the First Croatian Museum in Knin was the only participant from the territory of actual medieval Croatia to contribute soil and objects for the chamber. T he Us e s of t he P a s t – t he C a s e of M a k s imir P a rk Mo gil a 397 Stjepan Tvrtko (i.e. Tvrtko I), the first Bosnian king, who waged a war against the “bloodthirsty King Sigismund” and who was “after three centuries the first king in whose veins ran the blood of our people”. The sixth cube is decorated with the coat of arms of Duke Hrvoje Vukčić Hrvatinić, who invested Ladislaus of Naples with the crown of Croatia and who bravely repelled King Sigismud’s attacks. Finally, the seventh cube stands in memory of the 1527 election in Cetin, where “almost all of Croatia”, regardless of Hungary and separately from it, declared the Habsburg Archduke Ferdinand I King of Croatia.11 In the following, I will first examine how the past was used in constructing the symbolic significance of the mentioned clods of soil and cubes of the obelisk and in which way and to what purpose it was done. Then I will consider the meaning inscribed in the clods and the cubes, alike. Furthermore, I will pay special attention to modern scholarly interpretations related to the inscribed meaning. Finally, I will examine the phenomena in the context of the sacral meaning of the emergence and persistence of words-images. *** First of all it is important to define what I consider the expression “the use of the past” means. Of course, the past was perceived, interpreted, and used in specific ways far before “our” times. Simply put, people living in the past interpreted the earlier times in a way that was typical of their own times. And since the common man tends to live in the present, he is limited by time and understands the world around him in a way that is characteristic of him, including his own past. Therefore, it is evidently indispensable to understand the collective mental habitus concerning the past and to see its possible link to the actual historical events (Zerubavel 2003: 40–54; 2012). And this is precisely what the question of “the use of the past” is all about, as not even historiography is free from it as it evolves, much less so the popular image closely connected to it, such as the one expressed in the Falcons’ perceptions of the past.12 It is in this correlation between the dated scholarly and popular perceptions that the full complexity of the mental landscape can be discerned,13 especially with regard to the fact that historicity (as an interpretation of the past) is the very core of law and the social system, as well as of identity itself (Smith 2000; Hirschi 2012; Hroch 2015). To be sure, this mental landscape – be it scholarly or popular – is extremely questionable, and often also insufficient and superficial in the context of contemporary historiographical discourse. However, what matters in this paper is the fact that it endured in the form of a master narrative on the Croatian past, according to which the Mogila is a key expression of the spatial sacrality of that mental landscape. And what is the contemporary historiographical discourse on the “use of the past”, so essential to the creation of master narratives? I will discuss it on the basis of several medieval examples. First of all, it should be mentioned that historiographical research has advanced considerably since the construction of the Mogila, and one may certainly expect some differences between its achievements in 1925 and today (Budak 2009). The very incentive for the act of erecting the Mogila, namely the millennial anniversary of the Kingdom, is utterly questionable, for the scholarly debate on whether Tomislav was indeed the first crowned king of Croatia is still going strong.14 I have recently argued that, in terms of scholarship, this question is not decisive – either for the understanding of the territory over which the early medieval Croatian ruler reigned, nor regarding the nature of Tomislav’s reign, which was in accordance with the ideas of its time period (Majnarić 2010). Nevertheless, taking the year 925 as the exact starting point from which Croatia is to be perceived as a kingdom is far from plausible. Furthermore, Knin was presented as the sole centre of the early Croatian kingdom. However, there is no positive and decisive evidence of that, and it does not even correspond to the understanding of power that was characteristic of medieval rulers, despite the geo-morphological determinants (or limitations) of the Kingdom of Croatia. Knin was indeed the centre of the Kingdom, but only during the late Middle Ages, especially the 15th century, when the ban and other institutions of his power were forced to reside there because of the political situation. Moreover, the movement led by Ivan Horvat, Ivan Paližna, and Pavao Horvat following the death of Louis I of Anjou was by no means “Croatian”, but simply directed against the court and the monarch (Bak 1973: 24–38; Mályusz 1990: 7–32; Engel 2001: 196–202). After the death of Queen Elizabeth – and there is no definite proof that she was murdered (strangled, to 11 The three remaining cubes portray the events from the early modern period and the nineteenth century, in which are not relevant to the subject of this paper. 12 It should be noted that Franjo Rački, one of the fathers of historiography as a scholarly discipline, said that “history merely clarified politics,” yet the historians must “reflect on the reasons why the forces of statehood were so weak in our people in the past, to discover them, and to teach how to cure them” (Rački 1881). Moreover, one should keep in mind that the historiography of the time emerged in the period of political and legal conflict with Hungary, and that historians-politicians stood in the very core of that conflict. 13 Aspects of this mental landscape regarding the modern popular perception of Croatian medieval past were thoroughly discussed in Budak 2009; Grgin 2007. 14 Literature on that problem is vast. For this occasion, see further Majnarić 2010: 6 and number of opinions in Nikolić Jakus 2015. 398 I va n M a jn a ri ć be exact) – and the imprisonment of Queen Mary, the majority of Croatian noblemen accepted the authority of the legitimate monarchs: Mary and her husband Sigismund of Luxembourg (Majnarić 2012; Karbić 2000: 142–43). Moreover, neither Tvrtko I nor Duke Hrvoje Vukčić Hrvatinić were champions of the “Croatian cause”, but primarily late medieval magnates trying to improve their social standing after the dissolution of the firm grip in which the Angevins held east-central Europe. The battle of Grobničko Polje is not a historical fact,15 while the battle of Krbava was not a “disaster” for the Croatian nobility (Jurković 1999, 2006; Ančić 2008: 62–67; Miljan, Kekez 2015) in fact, it even did not have any crucial short-term consequences for the political situation of the time. But perhaps the best example of the use of the past is the perception of King Zvonimir.16 Most of the written sources concerning this ruler date from the 14th century, when his figure was used by the members of the Šubići kindred to assert the divine sanction of their power and was further nurtured by their social circles, that is, the rest of the Croatian nobility (for example, the story of King Zvonimir’s death, or mentioning of a certain Klauda, a daughter of King Zvonimir, in the royal charter of king Louis I of Anjou). Thus, by the second half of the 14th century, as attested in the sources, the idea of linking the Croatian noble lineages with the “good king” Zvonimir became common way of tracing ones roots. By doing so the nobility presented itself as the bearer of continuity and the main political subject of the Kingdom on the basis of its historical right, as the principal and direct partaker in the legacy of Zvonimir’s “sacred” rule. All things considered, it seems that these data have little historical value for the time of Zvonimir’s rule, and therefore the Falcons’ perception of this king (as well as that of the older historiography) is actually a myth created by the nobility of the Kingdom of Croatia in the mid-14th century, in accordance with the specific political circumstances of the time and their own social agenda (Majnarić, 2012: 249–53). Moreover, precisely this common understanding of the past and these common memories were the basis for creating the political-ideological message directed against the forceful assertion of royal supremacy of Louis I in the mid-14th century, so the Pacta conventa served only as a discursive framework of this political ideology. Not surprisingly, the Pacta conventa did not reflect the actual social situation at the beginning of the twelfth century. In fact, at that time there were no concepts in political philosophy of any kind of (state) agreements between the ruler and his subjects (Pennington 2008). In any case, why is all this important? Especially regarding the fact that today’s scholarly insights can hardly be related to those of 1920s, be they popular or scholarly. As mentioned above, for this discussion it is crucial to note that the Falcons’ myth has thrived to the present day as a master narrative on the Croatian past.17 This master narrative relies on the vision of the sanctified timeless heroic past (Smith 1999: 57–95, 149–59; Ančić 2008: 61–62) that represents, successively, the “continuity, antiquity of origins, heroism and past greatness, martyrdom and sacrifice, victimization and overcoming of trauma” (Suny 2001: 870; Ančić 2009: 10–12; Elshtain 1991). This master narrative – or at least its basic premises – was created in the second half of the 19 th century, at the time when the modern Croatian nation was being formed, by the pens and ideas of the scholars of the time, especially the historians-politicians, and it has been inculcated in the mental landscape of each single member of the nation by means of repeated dissemination achieved through the educational system, and also by spreading the awareness of belonging to the (national) community. It is in this context that the Falcons’ vision was in complete accordance with the master narrative of Croatian history, which makes the Mogila a key expression of its spatial sacrality. *** This master narrative, as a basis of the mental landscape in which the Mogila was created, was easily adapted to the emergence of the words-images. Moreover, the reciprocity between word and space intensified their mutual sacralisation, actually adding a new sacral significance, that of a sacred space of the nation. At the same time, this sacralised space had a two-tier character: as the physical space of the Mogila and its 155 clods of soil, as well as a mental one which expressed, by means of that soil, all the places of heroism, martyrdom and sacrifice from the entire Croatian history. In this way, the hierotopic significance of the Mogila as a project was expressed to the fullest, which is quite evident from the words of its builders, namely that it should “symbolize love for one’s homeland and the place of rest for our national doyens, heroes, 15 It is important to mention that this battle was popularized by Dmitrija Demeter’s - a 19 th century romanticist novelist who wrote, among other things, historical novels – epic poem Grobničko polje, and in the following decades the battle became part of popular historical canon. 16 It should also be mentioned that even the Falcons’ image of the past was not consistent. They mentioned that Zvonimir had been the last crowned Croatian king, at the same time claiming the same regarding to Petar Svačić. However, far more important than this inconsistency is the underlying meaning, according to which the extinction of the Croatian native dynasty marked the ending of a peaceful time of mutual respect and freedom, pure fellowship of common blood bonds and democracy (where the ruler was just the conduit through which the will of the entire people manifested itself), i. e. the ending of the “golden age” and the beginning of a period of decadence and torpor (Özkırımlı 2010: 49–52). 17 On the formation and understanding of master narratives see Halverson, Goodall, Corman 2011: 11–26. For historical narrative and usage of medieval history in it also see Pohl 2013; Bak 1999, 2015; La Rocca 2015; Hegardt 2015. T he Us e s of t he P a s t – t he C a s e of M a k s imir P a rk Mo gil a 399 kings, scholars, and all those whose graves have been veiled by time!“ (Freudenreich 1925: 251). Moreover, these words contain a warning for the future in terms of the need of preserving the sacrality of the nation: “If the future generations direct our country in development, progress, and internationalism by erasing our monuments, thus showing the lack of love for their homeland, then they will at least find, in a safe place, a small museum of objects that the Croats were using at the time when they celebrated their first millennial anniversary and when they still loved their country” (Freudenreich 1925: 251). Sacrality was established by words-images even if the actual historical content was missing – of course, according to the ideas of the time – by referring to heroism and past greatness, martyrdom and sacrifice. Thus, the Falcons’ association from the village of Palanjek (near Sisak) laid down “a clod of soil from their own village, imbibed with the blood and sweat of their forefathers.” Finally, the sacrality of space and the endurance of words-images is clearly shown by the fact that the Mogila was finished only in 1996 and that another, 156th clod of soil was added to it. Of course, the fact that these words-images have nothing to do with actual history – to which the present historiography stands witness – has no impact on the survival of the Mogila as a sacralised space of the nation. Trans-personalized words-images have no need of keeping their connection to the reality in order to survive. It is the clod of soil no. 156 that testifies to the spatial and temporal link between the present and the year 1925, as well as all those periods in the past to which the other 155 clods of soil are connected. By adding that new clod of soil, the Mogila lost its temporal, as well as spatial determination, becoming a point of transcendence for the omnitemporal character of the Croatian nation. However, the addition of the clod of soil no. 156 raises another question: was its adding to the Mogila the end of the teleological “master narrative” or even the end of history (especially as understood by Jean Baudrillard) – which may accentuate the sacrality of the Mogila even more – or does omnitemporality, same as space, twist the teleological movement? In order to answer that question, we shall have to keep an eye on the Mogila in the future. The case of the Mogila is one of many examples which shows the process of constructing a modern nation. But it also shows the endeavour to materialize its discursive framework, to relate it to the history and to give it valid justification in the past, thus making the nation omnitemporal. Nevertheless, the fact remains, although I shall formulate it selectively, that the foundation of the modern transcendental space of the nation – including the moment when Pope Gregory VII handed the royal crown directly to Dmitar Zvonimir (the first such case in the history of papacy and secular kingship), and the moment when Pope John Paul II blessed the first modern and independent state of Croatia – that this very foundation includes a pair of female slippers from Gorski Kotar and a shovel. Ivan Majnarić Catholic University of Croatia Department of History Ilica 242 HR-10000 Zagreb ivan.majnaric@unicath.hr 400 I va n M a jn a ri ć BIBLIOGRAPHY Ančić, M. 2008, Što “svi znaju” i što je “svima jasno”: historiografija i nacionalizam, Zagreb, Hrvatski institut za povijest. Ančić, M. 2009, Kako danas čitati studije Franje Račkog, Intorduction to Franjo Rački, Nutarnje stanje Hrvatske prije XII. Stoljeća, Golden MarketingTehnička knjiga, Zagreb, VII–XXXVIII. Antić, Lj. 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Freudenreich, A. 1926, Sokolska mogila, Hrvatski sokol, Vol. 8, No. 1, 2–4; No. 3, 88–90; No. 5, 177–84; No. 6, 227–30; No. 7, 268–70; No. 10, 370–75. Horvat, R. 1925, Plakat za treći hrvatski svesokolski slet, Hrvatski sokol, Vol. 7, No. 8, 235–36. 402 Antonija Zaradija Kiš Saint Martin Space and Its Cultural Perspective Scientific paper Based on the guidelines of cultural and religious anthropology, the paper shall present the European project Saint Martin of Tours, a European, a Symbol of Sharing, Joint Value as a specific form of revitalisation of the cult and tradition of Saint Martin the Bishop, i.e. the Saint Martin sacred space. The project that has been supported by the Council of Europe and European Institute of Cultural Routes was inaugurated in the biggest European Saint Martin centre, in the town of Tours on the Loire river, whence it has spread and strengthened in the wider European geographical area over the period of one decade. The entire project is conceived on the extremely strong tradition and cult of Saint Martin, the Early Christian saint from the 4th century, whose religious Christian basis has been built up by the multiple contents of the cultural route. The most prominent is the promotion of sharing that is developing the consciousness about the caring for others in the broader context of fellowship, which is highlighted through designing a new way of living and thinking about Saint Martin space in its entirety. In this paper we would try to discern how and to what extent it has been achieved by now and what the perspective of current deliberation is by looking for answers to the question of the cultural route as a reinterpretation of the Saint Martin heritage in the 21st century. Key words: Europe, Saint Martin, Cultural Route, Dugo Selo, Lovčić If all the “Eurosceptics” were to walk along Saint Martin routes, maybe they would forget their divisions and egoism and finally build a Europe of fellowship, solidarity and sharing on the example of Martin the European!1 Huber Morel (a St. Martin walker) European Saint Martin Route The localities of cult and tradition of Saint Martin the Bishop that developed on much older foundations of pagan shrines have had a major role for sustainability and development of smaller rural communities which are more often the bearers of Saint Martin tradition than urban environments. In the current deliberation of the reality its former strategic and cultural significance has been diminished or completely weakened due to various reasons such as unattractive position, remoteness from main roads, etc. But the possibilities of reinterpretation of that primordial sacred space open up, offering also new potentials of shaping specificities by emphasising the cult of St. Martin and other values of St. Martin sites, the religious history of which often impinges upon mythical spheres of space. That is how, for example, many shrines of Western Europe that had been in Antiquity dedicated to Roman deities such as Minerva, Apollo, Mars, were transformed into St. Martin shrines (Mons 2015: 16–17). Based on those guidelines of transformation of paganism into Christianity, i.e. supstitution of pagan shrines with Christian, one should also observe Croatian antique St. Martin sites that reached its progress peak between the 1st and 4th century AD. Those are Varaždinske Toplice/Aquae Iasae, Sveti Martin na Muri/Halicanum, Šćitarjevo/Andautonia and the area of Kalnik the hillsides of which are especially interesting for its historical-pagan trinity – the pre-historical Igrišće, ex-voto rocks and remains of a medieval, once St. Martin church – still insufficiently re1 Si tous les "eurosceptiques" marchaient sur les chemins martiniens, ils oublieraient peut-être leurs divisions, leurs égoïsmes pour enfin construire une Europe de la fraternité, de la solidarité et du partage à l'exemple de Martin l'européen! Hubert Morel (marcheur martinien). Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 403– 413 404 A n t o ni j a Z a r a d i j a K i š searched and mutually unconnected regarding the cult and their culture. The sacredness of those and other sites that has been reflected in many folk religious practices, manifestations of sacred realities (Eliade 1985: 24; Župan 1997: 22), that are evident in traditional customs, myths, forgotten oral stories, through established symbols, and finally through the human and through the animal, shortly, in different ways that are imprinted into the existential experience of the members of the local community. Today, in the 21st century we are the witnesses of revalorisation and reinterpretation of St. Martin tradition in contemporary artistic and ecologically aware manner. The Footprint of St. Martin (Fig. 1) is a small work of constantly increasing artistic value and symbolism shaped by the French sculptor Michel Audiard in 2003.2 Fig. 1 The Footprint of St. Martin The Footprint has been placed at European St. Martin shrines since 2005 and by each new placement it perpetuates the cult of St. Martin, that is, it insists on the understanding of the importance of European St. Martin tradition as a joint cultural and civilizational heritage that encourages some new thinking regarding rapprochement, meeting each other, discovering and sharing. The Footprint has the intention of transferring the idea of a tireless traveller, eternal seeker and cultural and Christian missionary, such as St. Martin was in his time 1700 years ago. The Footprint therefore has the intention to enlighten and raise awareness. Through a whole decade of its use, i.e. of placing it at sacred St. Martin sites, the Footprint has become a new European symbol of “eternal truth” that has been consciously developed and became a collective idea of unity (cf. Jung 1987: 93). It was accepted by the civil society over broad European space by blessing it, bowing to it and kissing it.3 By observing St. Martin heritage through contemporary points of view, the Footprint apostrophizes in an original way the importance of St. Martin tradition of a specific locality in the consciousness of its inhabitants. By placing the Footprint, the cultural importance of a local community in the context of the European St. Martin idea entirely becomes or aspires to become more attractive and by it, more special. In that sense the Footprint becomes also a symbol of social responsibility, emphasizing the existing sacred space and placing it into the process of the revival of history as an actual fact. We therefore talk about a new, well imagined perception and presentation of St. Martin localities through contemporary and attractive form of a new symbol. The Footprint of St. Martin is attractive because of two reasons: a) it is a work of a renowned artist, an important participator of cultic St. Martin space circle, whence originated the idea about revitalizing and bringing up to date European St. Martin heritage – from the town of Tours on the Loire river; b) the author’s belonging to St. Martin space (where Martin shaped his charisma and gained his sacredness) is imprinted in his work, which has become accessible to everybody and which, by its simple transmission, transfers St. Martin’s myth of the author’s space. The Footprint of St. Martin is contemporary out of two reasons: a) because the author chose for its shaping the technique of pouring “lost wax” in mould, one of the oldest sculpting techniques in general, considered to be the “royal trend in 2 Michel Audiard (1951) is an eminent French sculptor who lives and works in Tours. The beginning of his artistic career was marked by painting which he abandoned in 1978 by completely dedicating himself to sculpting (cf. "Michel Audiard"). 3 I would like to emphasise the moment of revealing the Footprint of Saint Martin in Lovčić (July 4, 2014) when the solemn mass was attended by a group of older women wearing black clothes who penitentially kissed the Footprint after it had been blessed by the priest. S a in t M a r t in S p a ce a nd I t s Cult ur a l P e r sp e c t i v e 405 sculpture”, what the space4 where St. Martin and the sculptor Michel Audiard worked remained like until today5; b) because the chosen technique of making the Footprint is an authentic connection between the early history of Christianity and transferred sacredness in the current moment. The Footprint of St. Martin is most often placed onto St. Martin shrines (a church, a chapel) or inside of them, transmitting the well-thought-out idea about connecting St. Martin sites culturally all over Europe and especially the idea about forming connecting routes intended for walking and bringing people closer together. We talk about a cultural building of the European St. Martin route which has, during its first decade of development, become recognizable because of the message it transmits. The Footprint of St. Martin is the main mark and symbol6 of this European cultural route called Saint Martin, a European, a Symbol of Sharing, Joint Value. It is one of 32 European cultural itineraries of the Council of Europe and European Institute of Cultural Routes. With the building of the European St. Martin itinerary, the symbolism of the Footprint of St. Martin broadens and out of a particular St. Martin shrine, which becomes only one point on the European route, it becomes a symbol of the European project which is a complex connection between St. Martin shrines and their histories, people and cultures. In that sense it is also a significant symbol of the promotion of European multiculturality. From the Croatian perspective, the Footprint can be understood in the way that the national St. Martin heritage is more clearly observed and valorised through the European St. Martin cult and tradition as a narrative. Through broader current points of view and primary cultural perspective, the Footprint of St. Martin develops its ecological and ethical dimension (Marjanić 2016: 335–355) in the sense of advocating for a healthier way of living based on walking and spending time outdoors as well as building sincere relationships among people. In that way, a more closer relationship with all the aspects of natural surroundings is established, including also the relationship between humans, encouraging a deeper thinking about St. Martin’s spirituality, the role and personalities of the saint that we are discovering while uncovering many sites along St. Martin route. Ecological awareness emphasizes the knowledge and promotion of European bio-diversity, awareness about European endemic flora and fauna species while pointing out endangered species7 and developing the awareness about their preservation as well as promotion of new insights about the area through which Via Sancti Martini passes (Fig. 2) encompassing a large part of Europe. The Footprint therefore opens up the possibility of a deeper ecological insightfulness with a more hearted relationship towards the nature and the areas it connects. By the Footprint as a signpost and by walking as an important segment of healthy living, we think about and propagate the idea of civil sharing (partage citoyen). This inherited antique humanistic thought that sprung out of societas civilis was most systematically interpreted as the basic premise of St. Martin route by Jacques Fontaine (1922 – 2015), the famous French Latinist and Medievalist as well as one of the key researchers of St. Martin literary heritage, who emphasized the reflection on the role of the Footprint that “invites us to think more deeply about the current ‘St. Martin’s sharing’”. That primordial antique heritage had been carried on already through Isaiah (58, 6–7), Judaism and Christianity toward the source and echo of the French revolutions that, from 1789 until 1851 and further, enriched the notions of sharing and citizenship with the new harmony of reflection. In spite of many interruptions, the continuity of the idea has remained, which has been best evoked in the reflections of Blaise Pascal (1623 – 1662) about the uninterrupted progress of humanity: “The endless succession of people during many centuries has to be understood as one eternal being which always exists and which constantly learns. The meaning of the terms of sharing and citizenship has been enriched by passing through many temporal and social changes all the way to our time when we talk about a citizen of the World” (Fontaine 2008: 245–248). 4 It is the province of Touraine, one of the most attractive destinations in France, known for about 20 or so castles located along the Loire river. 5 Michel Audiard is spiritually and creatively connected to the Touraine province where the St. Martin cult is exceptionally strong because the saint had the biggest impact in that area as a monk and bishop. The artist's commitment to the area is obvious exactly in the current moment, in 2016, when we celebrate the 1700 th anniversary of St. Martin's birth what Audiard marked by making a sculpture of St. Martin in three sizes out of lacquered steel shaped by so called laser cutting, a contemporary digital sculpture technique. The importance of this newest contribution to St. Martin expression is that Audiard's artistic work together with Marie-Françoise Sacré's historical novel 316, l’ultime secret and red wine from Odile et Jean-Max Manceau's cellar were publicly presented at the beginning of 2016 as "three St. Martin products of sharing" (produit-partage), from the selling price of which a contractual percentage has been intended for the renewal of St. Martin basilica in Tours (Collet 2016). 6 The second symbol is a replica of the Roman stone road mark from the 4th century that has been placed along the European St. Martin cultural route. One of them was placed at Martin Breg (Martin Hill) in Dugo Selo in 2014 which is a gift of the Sumartin town and work of the Island of Brač sculpture workshop. 7 We should remember many folk names for animals and plants that contain the word martin (Zaradija Kiš 2004: 65–66; 2016: 36). 406 A n t o ni j a Z a r a d i j a K i š Fig. 2 Via Sancti Martini8 In the context of current reflections, civil sharing should be observed as the evolution of the awareness in the 21st century about the absolute need of sharing all the goods that enable healthy life, and they are: water, air, food, energy sources, knowledge, access to education, work, health, accommodation, etc. Civil sharing is an indispensable factor in the active creation of the future and the global vision of the world, while insisting on humanism and its interpersonal, international and intergenerational solidarities as powerful stimulating means of long-term social development. In the current world of globalization in which interdependence of each individual is evident, civil sharing gains its full meaning, because it is an innovative concept of bringing people closer to each other on the same path of sharing the basic life sources, knowledge, cultures and other values with the purpose of sustaining humanity. That is why intercultural and intergenerational dialogues are the basic preconditions of transferring civil sharing from material goods toward sharing of spiritual universal values and toward intercultural sharing.9 Along Croatian St. Martin Route On the basis of the afore said, the Croatian space becomes especially interesting in the current reflection about St. Martin cult and Croatian St. Martin heritage as well as in building of an itinerary as a branch of the European route Via Sancti Martini.10 The building of the cultural route develops the awareness about a thousand-year old spreading of St. Martin cult all over the European space, the same way as Martin the monk in the 4th century built a Christian West-European route along the same space, spreading the Evangelical thought, its understanding and living. 8 htlm: http://www.ffice.eu/itineraires/litineraire-saint-martin-de-tours 9 Compare Centre Culturel Européen Saint Martin de Tours (htlm: http://www.saintmartindetours.eu). 10 Besides the large European route Via Sancti Martini (1850 km) from Szombathely to Tours (inaugurated in 2008) the following routes have been traced in France: Le Chemin de l'Évêque de Tours: Poitiers – Ligugé – Tours; Le Chemin de Trèves: Vendôme – Amboise – Tours; Le Chemin de l'Été de la Saint Martin: Chinon – Candes-Saint-Martin – Langeais – Tours. S a in t M a r t in S p a ce a nd I t s Cult ur a l P e r sp e c t i v e 407 During the ten-year long cooperation on St. Martin project of the Council of Europe there have been placed 18 St. Martin Footprints11 in Croatia until today and the attempt has been made to view St. Martin heritage from the position of a European project, integrating it into everyday life by the implementation of the awareness about civil sharing as the most developed consciously agreed-upon approach to fellowship. All St. Martin Footprints, except one12, have been placed in St. Martin shrines or onto churches dedicated to St. Martin, at the base of which historical layers and mythical traces of the ancient times are buried. They should be approached through complex interdisciplinary archaeological, ethnological and philological research so as to reach the deepest mythological layers of the landscape and continuity of the survival of a sacred space, what has been rarely or not at all researched. With the European St. Martin project, the ideas have been encouraged for a more systematic approach to every St. Martin site as a sacred space, their interrelatedness in the context of the Slavic mythological area and cultural shaping of the Croatian Via Sancti Martini route. On this occasion we shall focus on two St. Martin sites that have become parts of the Croatian St. Martin route as well as of the European network of St. Martin sites by the placement of the Footprint of St. Martin. With their promotion a micro space that is often abandoned and neglected, has been tried to be revived, not only by its inclusion into cultural events, but also by developing the awareness about the importance of each sacred place as a joint life space of its inhabitants and all chance travellers. Both St. Martin shrines are the monuments of category zero, one dilapidated – St. Martin on Martin Breg (Martin Hill)13 in Dugo Selo, and the other whole and restored – the graveyard chapel of St. Martin at the site of Glavica above Lovčić village. St. Martin on Martin Breg The remains of the Templar church of St. Martin on Martin Breg (Martin Hill)14 above Dugo Selo village (Fig. 3) have been very systematically researched until today. The church belongs to the large Templar estate of Terra Sancti Martini (Zaradija Kiš 2004: 142; Kozić: 2009). Today’s core of the dilapidated shrine touches upon the late Gothic of the 15th century with the bell-tower from the 17th century. Although the church was first mentioned in 1334 in the Kaptol anthology of the archdeacon Ivan Gorički, its existence can be traced even earlier from the name of the estate Terra Sancti Martini which was given to the Order of the Knights Templar by the Hungarian and Croatian king Andrew II in 1209 (Horvat 1931: 293–297; Buturac 1984: 66; Dobronić 1984: 28–30), and after that taken over by the Order of the Knights of the Hospital of Saint John (Hospitallers). Fig. 3 Martin Breg (Martin’s Hill), the Church of St. Martin A more recent multidisciplinary research by Vitomir and Juraj Belaj (2014) confirmed it as an especially interesting sacred space that kept the continuity of its sacredness through the cult of St. Martin. This early Christian saint from the 4th century AD was given the important role in the process of Christianization of today’s Croatian places and overlaying of pagan deities, among which he took over the place of the 11 Those are the following places: Dugo Selo, Virje, Donje Selo on the island of Šolta, Sumartin on the island of Brač, Tar-Vabriga and Ližnjan in Istria, Velika Trnovitica, Vranjic near Split, Lovčić near Brodski Stupnik, Šćitarjevo near Velika Gorica, Martijanec, Mali Lošinj, Kalnik, Slani Potok near Gornja Stubica, Sv. Martin on the Mura River, Varaždinske Toplice, Svinjarevci, Donja Voća. 12 This Footprint was placed onto the house of St. Martin Brotherhood in Donje Selo on the island of Šolta in 2010. 13 Cf. "Stara crkva sv. Martina – Martin Breg" ("The Old St. Martin Church – Martin Breg"), Crofilm.hr. 14 A systematic archaeological research had been conducted from 2002 until 2008, the results of which are published in several scientific studies (cf. literature) and in the book "The Knights Templar and the Knights of St. John on Saint Martin Land" by the author Juraj Belaj. 408 A n t o ni j a Z a r a d i j a K i š Slavic God of Thunder – Perun (Belaj V., Belaj J. 2014: 237–253), “about which is concluded on the basis of the relations in space towards the other places with the relevant toponyms” (Belaj 2009: 85–92; Belaj 2016: 265–283).15 The sacred space of Martin Breg (Martin’s Hill), memory of Terra Sancti Martini and links to the Knights Templar have contributed to St. Martin cultural renaissance since the last decade of the 20th century when the national and religious identity of an area was intensified by the space symbolism based upon St. Martin guidelines (Belaj 2016: 265–283). In that sense the shaping of the cultural identity of Dugo Selo town has been revived in 2007 when the Footprint of St. Martin was placed there on July 4. Martin Breg (Martin’s Hill) is not anymore only an open archaeological site, but also the first Croatian St. Martin locality where the contemporary mark of the European St. Martin route in Croatia was placed. In that way it symbolically joined Dugo Selo to the broad network of St. Martin sites marked by the European symbol of St. Martin sharing. It should be highlighted that with the choice of the date of revealing of the Footprint a new celebration regarding St. Martin has been initiated: the day when the monk Martin became the bishop of the town of Tours. So called the Summer St. Martin, that has been marked in Western Europe since ancient times on July 4, in Croatian places it has been completely unknown, so by the act of placement of the Footprint the “domestication” of a new holiday has been initiated that can be used for various tourist or other purposes, more so as it takes place in summer, and it can contribute to more significant tourist promotion of coastal and island St. Martin localities16. During long years of cooperation with Dugo Selo it has been noted that it is not simple to easily accept something new on the level of the broader community. This is why as far as in 2015 the way how the public event of July the 4th would be marked was agreed upon: not as St. Martin holiday but as the memory of the day of placing of the Footprint of St. Martin on Martin Breg (Martin’s Hill). What has been initiated are: the gathering of winemakers at the archaeological site i.e. on the sacred site, awards for the best wines (Bratulić 2015: 33–64) of the last year and joint festivity in the town’s vineyard cottage at the foot of the dilapidated shrine, because “wine gladdens human heart” (Ps 104:15). The event has proven to be interesting and it was organized also in the Martin’s jubilee year of 2016, with the exhibition for the occasion of the art works on the subject of St. Martin and sharing, by which 1700th anniversary of St. Martin’s birthday wanted to be additionally emphasized. Although it might seem that this gathering is only one of the ways toward unity and planning of socializing, it is a symbolic thanksgiving and celebration of the fruits of (wo) man’s work, his/her taking care and reason that emphasize the (wo)man-creator a lot more than the (wo)man-consumer, and in that sense it should be more strengthened and constantly enriched. This and similar events that are yet to be realized17, have opened a new doors of communication, cooperation, exchange and meetings based on St. Martin’s spirituality, trying to erase different barriers and borders as well as opening broad possibilities of global reflection and acting on the basis of St. Martin tradition and cult. St. Martin on Glavica The Glavica18 (Little Head) site on the southern slopes of Dilj mountain (a microregion of Prigorje), about 2 kilometres from the village of Lovčić,19 is embellished with the renewed20 Late Romanesque one-nave graveyard church of southern Mediterranean type from the 12th century21 (Lozuk 2010: 41–42; cf. Ivanušec, Perković 2011: 79) dedicated to St. Martin the Bishop (Fig. 4). 15 It might be assumed that some parts of St. Martin’s biography, as well as many legends and St. Martin rituals, could have had an important role in transitional process of transferral from polytheism into Christianity. In that context, e.g. the connection of the saint with sacrificing and blood should be emphasized (cf. Zaradija Kiš 2004: 49), as well as with the mill and millstone renamed into the Stone of St. Martin (Sebillot 1968: 402), with fire and light (Zaradija Kiš 2004: 51), with the World of the Dead (Zaradija Kiš 2010: 206–208), etc. 16 In that sense one should get to know Donje Selo on the island of Šolta and current marking of July 4 there since 2010 when a St. Martin Footprint was placed on the house of the Brotherhood of St. Martin – Donje Selo Šolta (Zaradija Kiš 2012: 568–584). 17 This relates to the development and forming of Via Sancti Martini, St. Martin route that has been passable since 2013 from Sv. Martin na Muri (St. Martin on the Mura river) to Martin Breg (St. Martin's Hill) where on July 4, 2012 St. Martin milestone was placed, a stone post with unique markings and direction of movement. 18 At the Glavica site there are no traces of a settlement besides the church and graveyard, although the area was inhabited in the Middle Ages exactly because of its strategic and defence position (Marković 2002: 376–377). 19 Lovčić is situated in the Brod-Posavina County above the rich vineyards of Brodski Stupnik village 25 km west of the city of Slavonski Brod. 20 The last renewal of the church that took place from 1998 till 2010 was led by the Croatian Restoration Institute (under the surveillance of the Conservation Department of the Ministry of Culture in Slavonski Brod). 21 Today's church that was refurbished in the Baroque style in the 18th century had been built on the basis of the older one, the construction of which can be placed in 1100 taking into consideration the way it had been built and comparison to the other similar shrines (Zadnikar 1982: 14; Ivanušec, Perković 2011: 80). S a in t M a r t in S p a ce a nd I t s Cult ur a l P e r sp e c t i v e 409 Fig. 4 Lovčić, the Church of St. Martin It is the only church in Slavonski Brod area from that period mentioned for the first time in the 14th century (Buturac 2004: 172–176). The visitation descriptions about its renewals during the 18th and 19th centuries foreshadow a gradual decline in importance of the shrine (Ivanušec, Perković 2011: 77–78). The interior of the church had once been luxuriously painted by frescoes that have been preserved until today only in fragments.22 On the left wall of the nave can still be discerned the famous composition of St. Martin’s sharing in Amiens (Fig. 5) in natural size that must have had a suggestive impact on everyone who has come to that sacred space. Fig. 5 A fragment of the fresco showing St. Martin and the beggar The church is today a zero category monument (Zaradija Kiš 2014: 21), and the knowledge about its mediaeval history and St. Martin cult taking root, that spread through this area with the Benedictine Order and Order of Knights Templar (afterwards the Order of the Knights of Saint John), is very modest (Ćuk 1925: 56–57; Dobronić 2002: 60, 108). The reason for that are many social changes during which the written history irretrievably vanished, the original toponyms, tradition, myths and oral stories – the “collective memory” in general (Belaj V., Belaj J. 2014: 303). However, the more we search and question, the more the Middle Ages protrudes in fragments. That is how at the end of the 1990s the medieval graffiti have been uncovered among which three letters from different time periods can be recognized: Gothic, Cyrillic and Glagolitic. A special attention was dedicated to three Glagolitic graffiti23 of unexplained content around the fresco of St. Martin. Their discovery in 1995 (Paun 2004: 117–131) opened up many philological, historical and cultural 22 More recent iconographic researches have established two layers of frescoes out of which the older one reveals the Byzantine influence (Jukić 2010: 48) and the younger leans to the Early Gothic style. 23 The Glagolitic graffiti in St. Martin church in Lovčić were discovered by Milan Paun (Paun 2004; Paun, Žagar 2004: 279–283). 410 A n t o ni j a Z a r a d i j a K i š questions by which a more systematic query of the Glagolitic script in Slavonia area has been encouraged and especially of the issue of travellers and pilgrims migration at the Lovčić site that must have been a very frequently visited area. The medieval status of the parish church about which the 17th-century visitation notes testify, relation of the toponym Glavica (Little Head) towards the neighbouring toponyms as well as vital roads since the Roman time (Škiljan 2010: 9; Gračanin 2010: 9–69) confirm geostrategic importance of the area and its being a traffic and market junction (toponym Pazarište [Market Place])24 (Ivanušec, Perković 2011: 75–76) in which St. Martin shrine had been an important cultural, religious and pilgrimage center.25 Everything said points to a mythological basis of the origin and continuation of St. Martin shrine in Lovčić, which hasn’t been affected by many destructive conquests and it should be approached in the context of paganChristian overlaying. In that sense one of the rare memorized oral stories talking about the origin of the village after the big waters should be considered. The Biblical conception of the Great Flood that has remained present in the oral tradition of Lovčić until today entices the interest and encourages reflection about water as a hierophanic factor i.e. about its symbolic manifestation that is obvious in beliefs about water as being vital, cultic and sacred to which the origin and survival of Lovčić is bound. Water is materia prima and a cosmogonic symbol and as such it has been worshiped since the beginning of the world, but at the same time it has brought fear so people would pray to it and go on pilgrimage to it, because in the end clean water regenerates, healing water heals - water is therefore life energy and wisdom (cf. Grbić Jakopović 2011: 153–154). In the context of the pagan interfering with the Christian, i.e. overlapping of pre-Christian customs connected to water with beliefs about miraculous power of sacred water, the ethnologist Milovan Gavazzi concluded “that there is no insurmountable gap between many purely religious traditions and rituals of the Church and real folk annual customs, therefore no strict boundary can be drawn between them when analysing them...” (Gavazzi 1991: 10). Water is, therefore, as the basic starting point of the reflection about Lovčić, with its three key subjects relating to water as the source of life, the means of purification and the core of renewal (Chevalier, Gheerbrant 1994: 755), important for understanding the Christian St. Martin as water saint, into whose cult a cosmogonic symbol of water is woven, i.e. water as a symbol of mercy and spiritual life. In that way water enters into St. Martin Christian concept of mercy that is recognizable in healing water (when talking about Martin the Healer)26, in water sources (when talking about life substance i.e. St. Martin’s wells),27 in relationship between humans and life on water (when talking about e.g. St. Martin and Kingfisher / Fr. Martin-pêcheur) and finally in water stream (when talking about the last trip of St. Martin’s body along the Loire river to his final resting place in Tours) (Fontaine, Monceaux 2003: 46–49). The Footprint of St. Martin is placed at Glavica in front of St. Martin church on July 4, 2014 during the Summer St. Martin, for the same reason as the one on Martin Breg (Martin’s Hill), to highlight St. Martin summer holiday and with it interesting features and beauty of the scenery as well as to entice the promotion of Lovčić as an attractive rural destination on the European St. Martin route. The water specificity of the village, which is rarely so accentuated as in Lovčić, is more usable during summer, especially when we talk about walking tours of three most important Lovčić springs of Popovac, Drinko and Trst, but also the others, such as Korenica, Palučak, Rit, Dol, Siga28, and making passable the walking trails. A special attention in the village attract the wells in front of each house (Zmaić 2014: 41–48), so it is not unusual that Lovčić was given a nickname the Village on the Water (Petrović, Bagarić 2014: 38). In that sense it would be worthwhile to think about Lovčić also as the Village of the Wells. The cult of water, i.e. wells has an important mythological background which is the essential cultural component of traditional heritage of Lovčić. Also one should keep in mind the suppressed pagan/Christian substitute of the water cult and St. Martin cult, i.e. Martin as a patron saint of water and on those guidelines develop the vision of the village as the unavoidable water station along Via Sancti Martini. A water well or draw-well as a cultic pagan place is a symbol of revitalization and knowledge, i.e. earthly heaven. The power of living water in wells from pre-Christian beliefs poured off into the power of the Christian saints,29 because the one 24 This site should be approached via a mythical-archaeological and toponymic perspective, similar to the one that was implied in the conducted research for the area of Martin Breg (Martin Hill) in Dugo Selo (Belaj 2009a) to establish the relationship between the toponyms: Gradina, Gratčina (Town, Fortification), Vračanica (Healing, Sorcery), Kučište (Housing), Glavica (Little Head), Humka (Hillock), Fratrovo brdo (Fratrovac) (Frier's Hill) and so on, in the context of mythological-Christian relations. 25 In that sense St. Martin should be observed as an evangelist and fighter for the Christian Church who successfully transformed many village pagan shrines all over the Gaul area into Christian shrines, what was noted by his biographer Sulpicius Severus (Sévèr 2003: 22–26). 26 In this context we have to have in mind the water cult and its survival in those Croatian places which have the origin, history and survival tightly connected to thermal sources such as Sveti Martin na Muri (St. Martin on the Mura river), Varaždinske Toplice (Varaždin Thermae) and so on (Zaradija Kiš 2013: 162–164). 27 The Biblical motif of wells as places of joy with emphasized beneficial effect of water that flows from the Old into the New Testament, in the oral stories about St. Martin who hitting upon earth creates a water source, apostrophizes the saint's life energy and spirituality as well as the importance of his earthly paths that grew together with water "because it is the centre of peace and light... and a sign of blessing" (Chevalier, Gheerbrant 1994: 756). 28 Spring waters flow along the canal in Lovčić into the Orljava river which further flows into the Sava river. 29 Except in the springs and wells of St. Martin, the cult of the living water has been transposed into the patronage of many saints among which, besides St. Martin, are the most popular: St. Peter, St. Anthony, St. Marcus, St. Margaret, St. Catherine, St. Michael, St. Lawrence, St. Madeleine, St. Claire, St. Jacob, St. Lucia, St. Agatha, St. Andrew, St. Roch (Rocco), St. Medard, especially St. George, St. John the Baptist and St. Anne (Grbić Jakopović 2011: 157–165) and some other less known local saints (Ratonnat 2000). S a in t M a r t in S p a ce a nd I t s Cult ur a l P e r sp e c t i v e 411 “who drinks from them [wells] oversteps the boundaries of being conditioned by time and achieves longevity through continuously renewed youth” (Chevalier, Gheerbrant 1994: 780). A well as a sacred enclosed space, a keeper of water – a prophylactic and vital elixir – undergoes its symbolic transformation in the closed place of conversion of grape into wine – a miraculous elixir of health. Those places today are basements, vineyard cottages or cellars, closed “sacred spaces” in which, as in wells, a healing potion is created – new wine that by special rituals enters into the final part of the annual cycle. In that sense the connection between St. Martin and wine should be partially interpreted, especially if we have in mind Martin’s comprehension of wine’s healing properties, its prophylactic possibilities and the knowledge about its use (Zaradija Kiš 2004: 52). Instead of the conclusion let us go back to the beginning of this paper, reflecting on numerous possibilities of European cultural routes, and especially St. Martin route that has exceptionally rapidly spread over Western Europe. Croatian St. Martin branch of the Route can, in its perspective, encompass the whole Croatian space with the possibility of constant opening of new guidelines for development of smaller local communities that accept cultural revalorization of St. Martin material and intangible heritage and its meaningful inclusion into economic, ecologic and social trends. Figuratively, it is a contemporary and innovative way of reinterpretation of St. Martin space in the sense of high social and cultural awareness. Along that way the possibilities of cooperation open up in Croatia and abroad, i.e. along the whole route of Via Sancti Martini in the foundation of which St. Martin heritage is inbuilt as primordial cultural and traditional heritage. St. Martin itinerary30 has been developing on the exemplary and innovative projects of high-level values of sustainable development31, that is, on resacralisation of St. Martin space based on inter-and multidisciplinary queries which open up multiple mythological-Christian relations as an interesting framework for current cultural and other promotions of local communites. Fig. 6 Michel Audiard, St. Martin (2016) Antonija Zaradija Kiš Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research Šubićeva 42 HR-10000 Zagreb zaradija@ief.hr 30 Randonnées de la subvention Saint Martin, http://www.saintmartin-tours.fr/fr/randonnees-de-la-subvention-saint-martin (May 10, 2016). 31 Développement durable, http://www.mtaterre.fr/le-developpement-durable/87/C-est-quoi-le-developpement-durable (May 10, 2016). 412 A n t o ni j a Z a r a d i j a K i š BIBLIOGRAPHY Belaj, J. 2007, Templari i ivanovci na zemlji svetoga Martina, Pučko otvoreno učilište, Dugo Selo. 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Grbić Jakopović, J. 2011, Voda u vjerovanjima, običajima, ritualima: analiza primjera iz hrvatske etnografske literature, in: Voda i njezina uloga kroz povijest, Novosel F. (ed.), Zagreb, 145–180. https://www.scribd.com/doc/155558584/Dies-HistoriaeBr-4 (May 10, 2016). Michel Audiard, Artsper, http://www.artsper.com/fr/artistescontemporains/france/2628/michel-audiard (May 12, 2016). Randonnées de la subvention Saint Martin, http://www. saintmartin-tours.fr/fr/randonnees-de la-subvention-saint-martin (May 10, 2016). Stara crkva sv. Martina – Martin Breg, Crofilm.hr, http:// www.crofilm.hr/?page=odabir&video=127 (May 3, 2016). 414 Neda Kulenović Ocelić, Igor Kulenović New “Sacred” Places: Heritage Practices on Heritage Sites Scientific paper This paper analyses the constitution of a veneration place through material practices. It is focused on how the existing properties/capacities of the place were utilized or deployed to create a new set of spatial and material relations embodying notions of nation, national unity, community, sacrifice and victory in war. These issues are addressed in a case study regarding complex mutual relationships between a prehistoric stone cairn, war memorial and commemoration practice (Štrkovača hill, Polača, Zadar County, Croatia). Key Words: War in Croatia (1991-1995), war memorial, prehistoric stone cairn, embodiment, materiality, non-human agency, affect Introduction Past material practices or archaeological record is commonly understood through notions such as typology, function, period, historical value etc. Accordingly, the past and the present are radically separated and materiality is reduced to a diachronic sequence of events conceptualized as stratigraphic phases in a disembodied time - line. The case study presented in this paper refers to a multiperiod site - a prehistoric stone cairn upon which new structures were built during the 1990-ies: military positions - drystone wall breastworks and a war memorial dedicated to a fallen veteran. In terms of Authorizing Heritage Discourse (AHD), a contemporary monument was built on the site which is supposed to be a value in itself, a monument or a heritage site (for a critique of AHD see: Smith 2006). The war memorial and the commemoration are contemporary material practices of remembrance i.e. heritage practices. Furthermore, prehistoric stone cairn i.e. a tumulus and the war memorial could be, according to the Cartesian perspective, labeled as sacred. The relationship between the ‘’phases’’ or material practices which take place at the same location, under same material circumstances and separated by millennia cannot be accounted for by relations of superimposed different chronological phases, the loss of historic value or ‘’intrinsic sacredness’’ of the place but rather as mutually constitutive relationship between materiality, human subjectivity and material practices. Therefore, the ‘’sacred’’ is practiced as embodied action in a specific material setting. Material Pr actice, Embodiment and Affect The traditional archaeological understanding of human practice, material culture, landscape etc. is firmly rooted in a dual ontology characteristic for rationalism or Cartesian perspective. Binary oppositions such as subject/object or mind/ body constitute the very core of this perspective in archaeology (Thomas 2001; 2004). The primary implication of dualistic reasoning is representational thinking. Such a mode of reasoning privileges the perceiving centralized subject which is ontologically external to the material world (Thrift 1996: 3–6; 2008). Therefore, the representational mode posits the human subject as the sole actor detached from the material world where ‘’…human body inhabits a geometrical world of mere objects, and all meanings are events which take place in the metaphysical space of the mind.’’ (Thomas 2001: 171), or to put it in another words ‘’…’action’ is not in the bodies, habits, practices of the individual or the collective… but rather in the ideas and Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 415 – 422 416 Ne d a K ul e no v i ć O ce l i ć , Ig or K ul e no v i ć meanings cited by and projected onto those bodies, habits, practices...’’ (Anderson, Harrison 2010: 5). Ever since the inception of the discipline, archaeology has labored to make sense of objects and their place in the world. Various strands of archaeology, such as culture-history, processual and post-processual, all operate within some form of dualistic and representational thinking, whether it is essential identities projected on material culture (Trigger 1989), systemic relations fossilized in the archaeological record (Binford 1962; 1965) or material culture constituted as meaningful signifying systems (Hodder 1982; Hodder, Hutson 2003, but see Hodder 2012). Dual concepts such as culture/ nature (Whatmore 1999), sacred/profane (Brück 1999) are also integrated within these perspectives. Another important issue, beside radical separation of subject/object or representational thinking which stems from dual ontology, is a fixed essence of the material or things. New perspectives on these issues have emerged since the 1990’s, directly addressing the problems of dualistic ontology, fixed essence of things and/or centered human subject. Perhaps the most vocal is the non-representational theory. Rather than being a unified body of theory, it is a conglomerate of various approaches and theoretical concepts through which these issues are contested (see: Thrift 1996; 2008; Anderson, Harrison 2010; Wylie 2007; Cadman 2009; Vannini 2015). The most important concepts pertinent to our case study include embodiment, relationality, practice, and affect. Merleau-Ponty’s (1962; 1968) philosophy can be construed as a starting point of redefining the role of the material in the world. His notions of body/subject, corporeality, embodiment and reversibility are contrasted to dual ontology. Humans are intertwined with the world as we experience the world through our bodily engagement with it, hence the embodiment. Our bodies are, at the same time, the means and the context with which the world becomes intelligible. Furthermore, the property of the body is that it is simultaneously a subject and an object, a phenomenon Merleau-Ponty termed reversibility. Humans do not exist in isolation from the world. Rather, humans are enmeshed with the world in a sense that humans act upon the world and vice versa (Wiley 2007: 147–153 with all references). The implication is that both, the humans and the world, are constituted in a mutual relationship of bodily practice. The human existence is thus material in a sense that our very existence is contingent upon bodily encounters with the world or as Merleau-Ponty has put it ‘’we are always already ‘’caught up in the fabric of the world’’ (Merleau-Ponty (1962: 256), cited in: Anderson, Harrison 2010: 8). Dual ontology is also contrasted by relational ontology elaborated within Latour’s (1993; 2005) Actor Network Theory (ANT). The basic principle of ANT is dispersed agency and/or capacity, possessed by humans and non-humans, actors and actants alike. The very condition of existence of the material or things is mutually constitutive interaction network. Things do not have in and of themselves some innate characteristics which somehow locks them in some determinate mode of existence. On the contrary, things are constituted in their mutual relations based on their intertwined capacities or agencies (for discussion see: Whatmore 1999: 26–31; for the application in archaeology see: Fahlander 2012; 2013, Back Danielsson et al. 2012; Back Danielsson 2013, symmetrical archaeology: Olsen 2003; 2010). Practice, as the mode of society reproduction, is very significant for non-representational theory. The majority of human lives take place as dispositions toward certain modes of behavior (Bourdieu 1977). The everyday and mundane is constituted in the non-discursive and involuntary, as taken - for - granted facts which are not amenable to conscious deliberation. However, the constitution of the human world (and the world in general, for that matter) is irreducible to what humans do in the world. Relational ontology implies that the world is not made up of autonomous subjects and objects where only humans are capable of agentic action. The world is populated by sentient and non-sentient beings alike and all of them have the capacity to affect or, to put it differently, to make a difference (Harman 2002: 167). Bearing this in mind, affect is a relational concept which describes bodies intertwined rather than bodies (and objects) radically separated in their material exclusiveness. Drawing primarily on Spinoza, Massumi (2015: 3–4) explains that the affect is a capacity of bodies to affect and to be affected. Therefore, rather than conflating materiality with interiority, materiality could be described as a constantly on-going process where different bodies or actants in Latour’s (1993; 2005) terms, engage in a relational field. Understood in this way, affect is not reducible to emotion as an interiorized state of an autonomous subject (Massumi 2015: 209), any more than the non-living entities or things are reducible to fixed essences stemming from their supposed material properties. Hence, the world is always on the move as it is constituted on the plane of actors and actants always already positioned in a relational setting and neither have the ontological primacy. Therefore, the practice is material in a sense that it is embodied and it entails human and non-human entities in a mutually constitutive relational and material network. Accordingly, agency is not the sole property of humans in a sense that it is humans and humans alone who possess the capacity to act or to affect (see: Dobres and Robb 2000). Precisely because humans are constituted through their engagement with Ne w “ S a cre d ” P l a ce s : He ri ta ge P r a c t i ce s on H e ri ta ge S i t e s 417 the material world and things in their own right have the capacity to affect (and therefore act), the agency is dispersed among various entities acting upon one another. The Context of Material Pr actices on Štrkovača Hill The following section presents the historical-material context of Štrkovača hill case study featuring wider geographical setting, basic historical information, architectural elements presented in the chronological order (the prehistoric stone cairn, the war memorial) and activities which take place at the site (the commemoration ceremony). The eastern Adriatic coast with its hinterland is a typical Dinaric karst landscape. Karst areas are characterized by mostly excellent preservation of human material practices. Apart from excellent preservation, another important trait of karst areas is the preservation of long-term material practices as well as the high-level preservation of short-term material traces of human action. Thus, material practices have become a permanent presence in landscape micro-topography, preserved and visible mostly as surface stone structures. Accordingly, the karst landscape provides a suitable context for studying intertwined long-term material practices and the constitution of subjectivity as a relational engagement with the material world. Map 1 The location of Štrkovača hill and the procession track (made by: N. Kulenović Ocelić) Štrkovača hill is located near Polača village in the Biograd hinterland (northern Dalmatia, Zadar County, Croatia, Map 1). It features several material practices separated by millennia. A monumental prehistoric stone cairn is placed on the top of a cone-shaped hill, encircled by a perimetral terraced area, tentatively dated to Bronze Age (Batović 1990; 2004; Chapman et al. 1996). The stone cairn accentuates the cone-shaped hill by making itself the apex by virtue of its placement (Fig. 1). It raises 3 m high from the surface it is placed on. The monumentality of the construction is emphasized by the steepness of its slopes. The large, uncut limestone blocks render it a very distinctive feature on this micro-location. An additional property of stone cairn architecture is that it lacks a front and as such its appearance is the same, regardless of the side the cairn is approached from. The whiteness of stone is in stark contrast with the greenness of surrounding terraced area and hill slopes covered in maquis vegetation. Even before the war memorial was built, this must have already been a powerful setting. 418 Ne d a K ul e no v i ć O ce l i ć , Ig or K ul e no v i ć Fig. 1 War memorial dedicated to Franko Lisica, built on the prehistoric stone cairn, Štrkovača hill (photo: N. Kulenović Ocelić) Štrkovača hill practically stood ‘’outside of history’’ until it reemerged once again with a vengeance in the contemporary period. At the beginning of the 1990-ies, the war in Croatia started and the most of what was once Yugoslavia (Zadar region included) was engulfed in the horrors of war. This particular place certainly saw its share of war vividly materialized in military structures - drystone wall breastworks. Military positions are built on the north side of the cairn, reusing the cairn stone to build low semicircular drystone wall breastwork. However, it is a particular event that brought this hill to the fore of public attention. One of the first militarized personnel to get killed in 1991–1995 war in Croatia was Franko Lisica. It happened on the May the 2nd, 1991 on Štrkovača hill, the very place of the prehistoric stone cairn. Following the cessation of hostilities in the 1995, Croatia saw a resurgence of monuments dedicated to war. It was a case of creating new national memories drawing on national unity, suffering and victory in war. Furthermore, the war is discursively constructed as inherent to the constitution of the Croatian state. The erection of the Franko Lisica monument, as well as the entire narrative environment created around the tragic event, is a typical representative of this new politics of remembrance. The violent death of this Croatian policeman reached epic proportions.1 The building of the monument itself is an integral part of sustained efforts to produce suitable narratives regarding this tragic event. The monument to Franko Lisica was erected in 1996, extensively modifying a monumental prehistoric stone cairn (Fig. 1). Since then it is a place of veneration and commemoration. Almost every year on the anniversary of his death a commemorative event is organized. People from his home village, Bibinje, walk in a procession for about 30 kilometers (Map 1), followed by a commemoration ceremony at the site of his death. The occasion is strongly local in character. The war memorial is a relatively complex composition, including the monument and a path leading to the monument itself. The path that leads from the base to the summit of the hill (Fig. 2: A) terminates at the large stone cairn and war memorial (Fig. 1). The western side of the stone cairn and the space in front of it are modified to house a war memorial. 1 Franko Lisica is an important local public figure: a school, a sports and recreation center and streets are named after him in Zadar County (Franko Lisica Elementary School in Polača, Franko Lisica streets in Zadar and Bibinje and Franko Lisica Sports and Recreation Center in Zadar). Ne w “ S a cre d ” P l a ce s : He ri ta ge P r a c t i ce s on H e ri ta ge S i t e s 419 This side of cairn became the face, the visual focus upon approach. The entire monument composition is shaped in a cascade pattern and stone cairn serves as a background to the bust of the fallen hero (Fig. 2: B). The bust is placed on slightly elevated platform with three steps leading to it. The sculpted image is separated from the cairn by the open trapezoidal parapet (Fig. 1). It is flanked by two commemorative inscriptions (Fig. 3: A–B). Six carefully crafted steps are cut into the western cairn slope by rearranging the already existing stone. The steps lead to the summit (of stone cairn) (Fig. 2: C). The very apex (the stone cairn) is additionally accentuated by a large white stone cross and a large national flag on a pole, the flagpole being the same height as the cross (Fig. 1; Fig. 2: C). The procession path dramatically terminates at the cross and the national flag. The whole composition is replete with national and religious symbols such as Croatian crest, sign of the cross and wicker (Fig 3: A–C). Fig. 2 A: the ceremonial path leading to the summit, B: the bust depic- Fig. 3 Commemorative inscriptions decorated with national and religious symbols A: cross and wicker, B: cross, C: Croatian crest ting Franko Lisica, C: the steps cut into the western cairn slope (photos: N. Kulenović Ocelić) leading to the composition climax: the cross and the flag (photos: N. Kulenović Ocelić) 420 Ne d a K ul e no v i ć O ce l i ć , Ig or K ul e no v i ć The Agency of Things and Other Parties Involved The remainder of the paper will discuss how the social and the material are mutually constitutive, intertwined and inseparable. Each ‘’element’’ in our case study has a capacity to exert influence on other ‘’nods’’ in the relational networks. It is very important to note that the notions such as elements and nods are used here merely as heuristic devices to demonstrate relational and affective nature of the material. For the purpose of laying out the intricate network of relations between various actors and actants, material practices are categorized as past and present. First we turn to the prehistoric stone cairn. The very materiality of the cairn, including its position, shape, monumentality, volume and material are capacities of the cairn which were not only modified, but deployed to create a novel experience. The prehistoric stone cairn is a circular architectural feature lacking a front. Therefore, it enables the act of choosing one as a powerful statement regarding the configuration of the composition. The cairn shape and the surrounding terraced area enable a set of spatial hierarchical relations to be established, affording the deployment of hierarchical relations both on the horizontal and the vertical plane. On the other hand, the building material and building technique enable the creation of new structures by rearranging the existing material rather than completely obliterating the old structure and building one anew. In the following section, we will discuss how the properties of prehistoric stone cairn described above were deployed to create a completely different context - the war memorial as contemporary material practice of remembrance. The war memorial is placed on the western side of the cairn, thus giving it a front. The whole composition is oriented westwards, enabling the sculpted image of Franko Lisica to face the west. The hierarchical relations in the monument composition were established by deployment of placement of various elements including the platform with the bust and parapet on one hand and the cross and the flag on the other. These elements are arranged in a very distinctive pattern. The monument ensemble (trapezoidal parapet, platform and the bust) is placed below the cross and the flag, on the vertical plane. On the horizontal plane, however, the monument ensemble is placed in front of the cross and the flag. The monument ensemble is in fact merely the first station at the procession path. The procession path actually culminates at the cross and the flag. Their significance is enhanced by six steps cut into the cairn slope. The steps are carefully aligned with the cross and the flag making it a dramatical link between the stations. The war memorial on Štrkovača hill is the focus of the commemorative event. The procession begins in Bibinje followed by a 30 kilometers walk to Polača (Map 1). The commemorative community includes members of family, fellow villagers, comrades in arms, local political representatives etc. The central part of the commemorative event starts with the first section of the memorial complex - climbing a narrow path starting at the foot of the Štrkovača hill. Path itself ends at the first station - the parapet and the elevated platform with the bust. The procession community is assembled in front of the monument complex. However, the space of the platform where the bust is placed is reserved for various dignitaries and family members and commemorative wreaths and candles laid during the ceremony. Various formal elements, material capacities, spatial arrangements and ritualized actions described above constitute a context for embodied and emplaced action. We are aware that our exposition of the elements involved and their interplay might be misleading in a sense that, implicitly, they form some sort of discursive formation which is subsequently acted upon. However, humans, for the most part, experience life as lived, non-discursive ways of doing things and certainly not as endless sequences of discursive elaboration and subsequent action. Therefore, various actions, affects, spatial arrangements etc. constitute a world, a plane where the interplay of different elements enables a proper way of dealing with what is important in life. These dispositions are constituted in practice, as bodily experience and not so much as discursive formations (Anderson, Harrison 2010). The commemorative event holds a prominent place in the identity narratives and upholding of community values. The commemoration is an opportunity to re-immerse the community members into collective memories of war, sacrifice, struggle and a proper way of dealing with them. The bodily experience of walking 30 kilometers in a procession with one’s compatriots, taking a certain route, climbing a narrow path in a long column and finally reaching the war memorial on top emplaces the commemorating community bodies into a specific set of material relations. The placement of commemorative community bodies in front of the sculpted image ensemble seems carefully arranged. Upon approach and then just standing there, the gaze is firmly fixed on the bust framed by the parapet, only to be led away to the next and the last station, the steps on the slope leading to the cross and a flag. These hierarchical material relations do not work only at the visual level but also at the level of bodily movement. The path ends at the cross and the flag making it a culmination of the composition, positioning the body above the fallen hero. Thus, the sanctity of war as inherent to the state constitution and the notion that the nation is greater than an individual (even a deserving one) is constituted at the level of bodily mo- Ne w “ S a cre d ” P l a ce s : He ri ta ge P r a c t i ce s on H e ri ta ge S i t e s 421 vement and bodily position. Our very bodies, now joined with the cross and the flag, are quite literally and experientially, above the sculpted image of the fallen veteran. As discussed above, the performance of commemorating does not work only at the level of understanding the national symbols but at the level of emplaced action facilitated by body movement, body position and material setting. Furthermore, the constructed set of material relations and acts of remembering which are practiced on Štrkovača hill are mutually constitutive. A very distinct set of material relations is practiced in assembling the monument complex, making it appropriate to invite further practices. The monument complex thus also becomes an agent providing a material setting for the practice of remembering and commemorating. The relations between past and present material practices are of extreme importance. In this case, the past (the prehistoric stone cairn) is not engaged discursively, as a monument or a heritage item but as intertwining of past and present material practices of remembrance. The prehistoric stone cairn is complicit in new material practices by virtue of its capacities and affects. These properties of the stone cairn must not be reduced to or mistaken for immanent properties Štrkovača is supposed to have in itself. The stone cairn is indeed an agent facilitating expression of a desired affect. In this sense, the cairn is engulfed in a novel set of material relations networks and its capacities engaged in new ways of deployment. The ‘’sacredness’’ of a place does not reside in some intrinsic quality; rather, the sacredness (in this case it is the sacredness of nation) is practiced and exists only as long as people are materially engaged in deployment of intelligible acts of memory. Or, to put it differently, the networks established (it includes the material and the spatial) as a stage for choreographed practice and the practice itself is always already emergent and enlivened in practice. The constitution of a meaningful and intelligible world of values, memories and a sense of place is, for the most part, practiced and not imagined and as such it exists only in practice. Conclusion The purpose of this paper is to analyze the complex relationship between past and present material practices, the prehistoric stone cairn, the erection of a contemporary monument and acts of remembrance. We attempted to demonstrate how deliberate acts of building, commemorating and remembering are, for the most part, experienced as embodied practices facilitated by formal arrangement of elements, bodily movements and positions and deployment of various material capacities, both old/past and new/present. Accordingly, the relationship forged between the two monuments (the prehistoric stone cairn and the war memorial) does not work at the level of traditional cultural values but at the level of the materiality itself. The capacities of the prehistoric stone cairn were deployed to create a certain set of relations in the new monument - the war memorial, which are in turn communicated by their materiality. The already existing properties of the place were utilized to create a new set of spatial and material relations embodying notions of nation, war, sacrifice, religion, community and a good and honorable death. These new material relations and what they embody are intelligible to us as a composition which communicates a relationship between notions such as nation, sacrifice, religion and struggle. However, the agency cannot be reduced to humans alone. A very distinct set of material relations is practiced in assembling the monument complex, making it appropriate to invite further practices. The war memorial complex thus also becomes an agent providing a material setting for the practice of remembering, commemorating and constituting national subjects. Neda Kulenović Ocelić Andrije Hebranga 21 HR–23000 Zadar nedaocelic@gmail.com Igor Kulenović University of Zadar Department of Tourism and Communication Studies Ulica dr. 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Sandra Križić Roban Displacement in the space of art Scientific paper Based on the thinking about other spaces – endless and open (Foucault) – in which the localization has been replaced by spreading, as well in terms of the traditions of sacral organization and definition of the landscape, this paper points out different ways of celebrating certain places. These are the places where traumas occurred, especially in the 20th century, and which rely upon various types of denotation and appropriation. Trauma marks a space in the same or in a similar way as many other events do. Contemporary art relates to these places differently than archaeology, ethnology and other related sciences do. Contemporary interventions in space, performance, photography, sculpture and land art often participate in (accidental, purposeful) appropriation of the place and its identification. Its character can be sacral and sometimes even ritual. Various contemporary art media are used in the specific semantic context of a space marked by trauma. Following recent theoretical considerations, the question is whether someone’s suffering justifies the ways of marking the victims and extracting those places from an infinite whole? By marking the places with an artistic gesture, which may not even be visible, their potential and subsequent ‘sacralisation’ is realized, primarily through the act of exposure in an artistic place. Key words: photography, space, place, landscape, memory, myth If we accept Douglas Marshall’s thesis of sacralisation, where the sacred arises from the “collision of temptation and tradition” (Marshall 2010: 68), and where the native or acquired comes in conflict with social conventions, we become aware of the gap between desired and actual behaviour. Therefore, it is not surprising that many places that can be associated with the term sacralisation are in fact characterized by trauma. They are sometimes individual, often collective, and artists refer to many of them by using new media, performance and land art installations, to name a few. The concept of sacralisation lies at the heart of religion, but the events that we are particularly aware of, and which have marked the 20th century, led to a negative contextual meaning of that term. In this paper I will present a few examples that deal with the perception of the landscape considered as endless and open space. In these examples, the importance is no longer given to the specific place that was in earlier periods characterized by a sacred composition, but rather to the spreading of activities and relations in the area that contemporary art interprets in its own way. The emphasis will be on the medium of photography and artists who speak about drastic changes in the landscape, along with the negation of the former sacred places (Fig. 1). Photography plays an important role in cultural geography (Wells 2011: 262); it speaks about certain places and participates in the construction of their narratives. Photography helps us to understand a specific scene not only in terms of topographical evidence, but also as the portrayal of myths and memories that are associated with a particular place. It helps us to feel the uniqueness of a place even though it seems ordinary at a first glance (Wells 2011: 262). It takes us back to sources, to the time before a place became the scene of human culture. Although it cannot transfer the actual experience, photography helps us to realize what actually defines a certain place and its history. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 423– 432 424 S a nd r a K ri ž i ć Rob a n Fig. 1 Robert Smithson, Spiral Hill, Emmen, The Netherlands, summer 1971, Earth, black topsoil, and white sand, Base: 75 ft. diameter, Courtesy of James Cohan Gallery, New York and Shanghai, © Holt-Smithson Foundation/ Licensed by VAGA, New York, NY If we agree with the thesis that photography is “provoking the structure of narrative” (Wells 2011: 263), we have to consider that these narratives are changing just as we are. We shall read photographs in relation to our knowledge, aspirations, beliefs or something else. We may search for signs that we will not be able to find, in accordance with myths, which Jung assumed to be universal. Sacralisation is a long, perhaps never-ending process, whose individual aspects can be found in the process of taking pictures, as a way of conquering space and gathering certain spots in it. In such a way, space is being generated, while the photographer appears to be a kind of a catalyst of memories, a person responsible for the samples of what is to be seen, just as we accept the samples of sacralisation in the open air set by someone else. To paraphrase W. J. T. Mitchell (Mitchell 2002: 261), that which is sacred in the landscape is one part of the whole unified in peace and harmony. Perhaps this is a land which is healthy and cleansed of all that is filthy and sick. Do we agree with the question raised by this author, about the “innocent landscape ... [as a] harmless place where violence is unknown”? Even a landscape that has passed through a certain filter of sacralisation, which is characterized by processes of belief and their manifestations from prehistory to the present, has been at the same time overshadowed by something evil. The untouched, innocent place does not exist; it is preserved in the belief itself, while the reality is characterised by human nature that balances good and evil. In the works of contemporary artists, we often find representations of landscapes – places that at first glance seem to be idyllic, but in their backgrounds there are countless sacrifices. Some of them occurred in the name of religion, while far more occurred in the name of the people and their desire for reign, for supremacy over a place and over its people. In D i sp l a ce me n t in t he sp a ce of a r t 425 theory, the landscape is considered as a medium of representation that has been freed of idolatrous elements through history. What perhaps speaks in favour of this are the ways of celebrating the holy sites solely by ‘nature’ which people tried to modify to still look ‘natural’. They were changing the landscape, for example, by creating hills, or marking it using stones or in other similar ways. On the other hand, the landscape itself is an ideological representation which “serves to naturalize powers of relation”, in order to “neutralize the traces of history and elements that contribute to its readability” (Mitchell 2002: 262). In his approach to this theme, Mitchell differs with Simon Schama, who brings to the surface numerous myths and memories that have been buried long ago (Schama 1995). In contrast Schama’s ideas, and along the lines of what many contemporary artists refer to in their works, Mitchell describes a landscape as “a place of amnesia and erasure, a strategic site for burying the past and veiling history with ‘natural beauty’” (Mitchell 2002: 262–263). Often referred to as the Holy Land, Israel’s landscape has many times been a topic in the works of contemporary artists. Some of those places are shot by Efrat Shvily, who photographed Jewish settlements in Judea along the road from Jerusalem to the Dead Sea. Unlike historic and religious traces, the hills that she encountered do not mark holy places. They are a series of bright white houses that look as though they were made of children’s cubes. In lieu of holy place insignia she pictured the Israeli settlements built in the occupied territories – secluded cottages in the middle of nowhere that looked to her like the one from the movie The Wizard of Oz, brought to the country of Munchkin by a tornado. The stone from Jerusalem from which they are built is used only to cover the non-existing content. Her photographs, among other things, depict the process of cancelling the memories and history of the Palestinian people, their settlements and holy places that once existed in landscapes and were completely razed. The once-cultivated area full of olive trees today is a desert; these are places which Simon Schama relates to childhood, reminding us that they are loaded with complicated memories, myths and meanings (Schama 1995: 6). The subtle distinction between Mitchell’s and Schama’s respective theses (Mitchell refers to the image as a representation, while Schama refers to the frame) reveals the extent of vulnerability of the position of the person who observes the photograph and tries to see something in it, to conclude and finally interpret what was seen (Fig. 2). The questions that we inevitably encounter when it comes to photographs of almost empty landscapes, which are part of contemporary art practice around the world, are based on the aforementioned difference between the image and the frame. The question is, how we can define these photographs, especially given our awareness of the long research and frequent activism ser- Fig. 2 Ahlam Shibli, Woman, House and Tree (Unrecognised no. 4), ’Arab al-N’aim, Palestine / Israel, 1999-2000, chromogenic print, 50 x 76 cm, Courtesy of the artist, © Ahlam Shibli 426 S a nd r a K ri ž i ć Rob a n ving as a kind of a frame within which artistic curiosity develops? According to M. Rosler, documentary realism becomes a style, and the photographer is perceived as a director (Rosler 1981: 3). The controlling photographing view is assured by the probability of what is photographed, whereas creative freedom is not only expressed through vivid depictions which inspire lonesome fantasies. But, what should we fantasize about when we are witnessing a mutual, true experience that resulted from drastic actions? In a real landscape, in a specific place marked by some of historical act of sacralisation we will be under the impression of what has been seen or at least sensed. As an opposition to that, photography systematically composes, separates and deprives us of the wider context in which there are many doubts that need to be resolved. The works of Ahlam Shibli from the series Unrecognised (1999–2000) present a Palestinian Bedouin village in Israel that still exists today (Fig. 3). The state of Israel does not legally acknowledge the villagers and denies them the right to live where they were born, where their houses were located and where the landscape is marked by several centuriesold sacred symbols. The story of this village is not exclusive; we can find similar situations around the world, including in our own region that has been affected by the Homeland War. To attend the school for the children of the ´Arab al-N’aim means to walk two kilometres to the station where they wait for further transport every day. Water is supplied to only one place in the village that has a limited delivery and was set only at the initiative of the High Court in The Hague. In the 1950s, the Israelis made a survey of the terrain but did not draw the houses (Fig. 4). A dozen years later their “non-existence” served as an excuse to blow the houses up. Everything was bombed, including the wells and the cemetery; Fig. 3 Ahlam Shibli, Square, Circle and Point (Unrecognised no. 3), ’Arab al-N’aim, Palestine / Israel, 1999-2000, chromogenic print, 50 x 76 cm, Courtesy of the the ruins became the new living environment for artist, © Ahlam Shibli the inhabitants of this village. Fig. 4 Ahlam Shibli, White Horses (Unrecognised no. 6), ’Arab al-N’aim, Palestine / Israel, 1999-2000, chromogenic print, 60 x 91 cm, Courtesy of the artist, © Ahlam Shibli D i sp l a ce me n t in t he sp a ce of a r t 427 The discussion on the view of social discourse – which unreservedly implies a display of the political and economic discourse – has long ago been accompanied by a photographic debate. In the current time frame, from a post-colonial aspect we must inevitably wonder about the representation of the Other – how to analyse and interpret it. In this task it is desirable to avoid the traps of the picturesque and Oriental, as they accurately illustrate our ideological aberrations. At this point, we can use the reflexivity of the French sociologist, philosopher and occasional photographer Pierre Bourdieu, who documented Algeria in the late 1950s through photographs and accompanying texts. Bourdieu’s goal is to be a witness to actual events in Algeria, and it is primarily intended for French citizens in France. His complex scientific research is dedicated to the thoroughly changed conditions of the life of the Algerian people, their fate and the possibility of survival during the colonial liberation war in the 1950s. Bourdieu describes the “social laboratory” as a result of the French colonial policy started in the year 1830, which was directed to destruction of common property and the traditional social structure of the clan (Frisinghelli 2016: 115). In his photographs, Bourdieu directs his attention to the pronounced social change which occurred during the colonial war in the 1950s. The systematic deportation of millions of Algerians to resettlement camps resulted in a loss of social and economic roots, destruction of traditional solidarity and disintegration of family structures, as well as of all spatial symbols that previously characterized them. The accompanying notes are very important as they provide the information necessary for a complete understanding of what is seen. Thanks to his thorough research we discover more on the colonial conditions and the changes that they produced not only in social relations but in the landscape as well. The real experience, which we notice as we observe the photographs, thus becomes a part of the wider knowledge of the past and present. His views on the society are not just mere picturesque descriptions or anecdotes; they are testimonies which he obtained thanks to his understanding of photography’s social usefulness. Many current photographs are often spectacular examples of the landscape in which there are hardly any noticeable human traces. The scenes often appear the way we imagine innocent nature to look, untouched by human hands. But artists have an expressive power at their disposal that a sensitized viewer can reach towards. Inevitably, we ask ourselves whose myths, beliefs and memories selected photographs transmit. What position do we as viewers take at a time when we become aware that behind every recorded scene that artists bring to the showroom, there are many layers removed? For, among other things, many scenes are witnesses to disappearance, forgetting, erasure from history and dislocation, which means that they are characterized by political changes and talk about social levels which are important to awake. Referring to the sites that can be linked to sacralisation, contemporary artists, such as Robert Smithson, sometimes resort to unusual scenes. His famous series Hotel Palenque (1969 – 1972) with scenes of abandoned and forgotten places includes a photograph which he described as follows (Figs 5 and 6): “This is interesting because if any of you ever visit the major temple of Palenque, it is one of the few pyramids in Mexico where they discovered a tomb. There’s a stairway which goes down into the middle of this pyramid, and at the bottom of this stairway in the middle of this pyramid they buried a Mayan king, and then they filled in the stairway that they had built with earth. They left a molding that looks very similar to this, only it’s hollow so that the spirit of the old Mayan king would sort of come up through this molding: a sort of chambered molding you might call it. ...” (Folie 2009: 168). Recalling the looks of the place where the Mayan king was buried, the artist establishes a connection to it by shooting a scene that resembles it in terms of its Fig. 5 Robert Smithson, Hotel Palenque, 1969-72, Slide projection of thirty-one 35 mm color slides (126 format) and audio recording of a lecture by the artist at the University of Utah in 1972 (42 min, 57 sec), Dimensions variable, Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, New York, © Holt-Smithson Foundation/Licensed by VAGA, New York, NY 428 S a nd r a K ri ž i ć Rob a n Fig. 6 Robert Smithson, Hotel Palenque, 1969-72, Slide projection of thirty-one 35 mm color slides (126 format) and audio recording of a lecture by the artist at the University of Utah in 1972 (42 min, 57 sec), Dimensions variable, Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, New York, © Holt-Smithson Foundation/Licensed by VAGA, New York, NY idea and which ultimately leads only him to a number of associations to which we would not have come without the photograph’s accompanying comments. The largest part of the series was photographed in a dilapidated hotel; through a complex associative procedure, the artist relates the hotel’s abandoned decrepit spaces to the Maya’s holy sites, such as the scene in which a staircase can only partially be seen. Other artists work in a similar way, especially those who shoot selected places in the endless American regions. Sacralisation has a completely different meaning there and, in fact, leads to distorted worship of the people outside the law and the place where they lived, and whose “sacred” status is kept within modest edifices. The Danish artist Joachim Koester in his series The Barker Ranch (2008) captures one of the places where Charles Manson’s family lived, which is an essential part of the mythology of the American West and its frontier areas (Fig. 7). The incredible status that this place holds for a part of American society is problematized in a number of works. While the film references to B-grade cowboy movies contain a touch of nostalgia, everything else is shrouded in the dreadful memory of villains who killed a dozen people before they were arrested. Photographs of the original location, shot by the California state prosecutor Vincent Bugliosi, were used in the trial in an attempt to explain the character of the killer and to determine the circumstantial evidence (Caron 2014: 98) (Fig. 8). Koester’s photographs are evidence as well – evidence of the particular relations that the Manson family has to an American history marked by expansion, and whose landscape is intersected with traces of violence. D i sp l a ce me n t in t he sp a ce of a r t Fig. 7 Joachim Koester, The Barker Ranch, 2008, 4 part photographic series, selenium toned silver gelatin prints, 44 x 58,3 cm each, artist text, Courtesy of the artist, © Joachim Koester Fig. 8 Joachim Koester, The Barker Ranch, 2008, 4 part photographic series, selenium toned silver gelatin prints, 44 x 58,3 cm each, artist text, Courtesy of the artist, © Joachim Koester 429 430 S a nd r a K ri ž i ć Rob a n Koester’s black-and-white photographs do not offer any concrete evidence as to why this landscape is considered to be a mythical place. Without a comment to accompany it, the stern environment, consisting of a few bare trees and ruinous log cabins in which a monstrous crime took place, will not allow the observer to reach the meaning of the place, the family’s history nor the complex relations that preceded the tragic event. Relations that, among other things, also include often violent processes from the period when the American West and frontier were populated (Fig. 9). Fig. 9 Joachim Koester, The Barker Ranch, 2008, 4 part photographic series, selenium toned silver gelatin prints, 44 x 58,3 cm each, artist text, Courtesy of the artist, © Joachim Koester The American filmmaker James Benning was also inspired by the figure of the criminal, the controversial “Unabomber” Ted Kaczynski, who embraced violence as a strategy. Kaczynski was a very intelligent mathematician who in the period from 1978 till 1995 made sixteen letters with explosives and sent them to several US address expressing his opposition to the development of technology. In a distant corner of a mountainous area he built a simple cabin which Benning replicated in the exhibition space (Stemple Pass, 2012), showing a basic shelter in which it was possible to survive and write. A typewriter is the only technological concession and the centre of an isolated world, which Kaczynski looked at through two small square windows. It was the same cabin, located in the area of Montana called Stemple Pass, that Benning reinterpreted in several hours of video footage in which he assembled the changes in the landscape in relation to the changing seasons. The smoke from the chimney is the only clue that points to a symbol of social isolation. Nothing happens. We sit more or less alone in isolated black display boxes. We listen to birds singing, the wind blowing through the trees, and nothing else reaches us. This example also speaks of a mythical relationship towards a particular place in a landscape, in which Kaczynski’s entire character becomes an object of worship and dedication, just as was the case with the Manson family. The artist’s inscenation of a romanticized relationship with the landscape also includes a dedication to the mathematician/terrorist’s special affection for Henry David Thoreau. The picturesque elements, such as smoke coming out of the lonely cabin, are visual signs indicating how the occupancy of this place has “sacralised” the landscape in an antisocial way. Both Kaczynski and Thoreau were interpreted as outsiders and anarchists who, each in his own time, built cabins in isolated areas of American vastness and whose existence reached a mythical status. Broken Manual (2006 – 2010) is the cycle of American photographer Alec Soth, whose title refers to the rejection of daily instruction for so-called “normal” functioning. He took photos in the American South, exploring the places where Eric D i sp l a ce me n t in t he sp a ce of a r t 431 Rudolph, popularly known as the Olympic Park Bomber in Atlanta, moved and stayed. Between 1996 and 1998, Rudolph set up explosive devices in public places that killed two people and wounded 120. He was an opponent of abortion and homosexuality and was condemned to four life sentences, as a deal to avoid the death penalty. Soth has reconstructed his itinerary at the time that Rudolph was one of the most wanted fugitives on the FBI list. He does not consider his political views, but concentrates on the decisions made by the person who is on the run. So he came up to North Georgia, where he found a small monastery where several men were living. Photographs are not a documentary essay about a specific ideology, but a tribute to a way of life that happens outside the usual human state, trying to ignore it or even completely dismiss it. The image of America mediated by Soth in this series is not, at first glance, linked with the America that every one of us imagines. The coexistence of incredible differences, which have contributed to the impression of that waste space being split, is an homage to an America filled with discontent in whose distant areas a latent violence smoulders. The walls of the cave occupied by “martyrs” from the margins of society are filled with unwanted signs, such as a swastika. In this example, the question of sacral is linked with the unacceptable ideological statuses of individuals temporarily excluded from society. In this case, American mythology is marked by the consequences of disappointment and despair transformed into grounds for a potentially “sacral” place filled with hate and bigotry towards others and those who are different. Contemporary art relates to places marked by processes of sacralisation differently than archaeology, ethnology and other related sciences do. They share a common use of tradition, and in some aspects we can find similarities in the methodology of research. Selected examples mentioned in the paper indicate strategies of contemporary art that introduce the themes associated with sacred places into the exhibition spaces. Identification of the place falls into processes of appropriation, relocation and compensation. The identification of places and their potential subsequent ‘sacralisation’ occurs through different artistic strategies. The photographic space, operates as a surrounding (a frame, according to Schama) just as the cinematographic space does; a space in which the contemporary approaches to sacralisation are realised and mediated to the public by media. It is no longer just about sacral places in a landscape marked by various signs. Artistic procedures are based on the spiritual transposition of content in the exhibition space. Totalitarian ideologies and “barbarian” actions enter the exhibition display, they are recognised and become a part of a complex context in which many things will also depend on the predisposition of every individual viewer. The sacralisation in such a way becomes a part of the aesthetics of the look which is influenced by political, economic and cultural factors. The question of religious marking of a space obtains new meanings, with respect to the factors we have mentioned in this context. The social order that functioned for centuries in a specific way, through the aforementioned works, is now being reviewed through processes of recognising canons which do not necessarily respond to the civilizational legacies we have grown accustomed to. English translator: Ivana Bertić English language editor: Sarah Rengel Sandra Križić Roban Institute of Art History Ulica Grada Vukovara 68 HR-10000 Zagreb skrizic@ipu.hr 432 S a nd r a K ri ž i ć Rob a n BIBLIOGRAPHY Burdieu, P. 2003, In Algerien. Zeugnisse der Entwurzelung, Camera Austria, Graz. Caron, T. (ed.), 2014, Joachim Koester. Of Spirits and Empty Spaces, Institut d’art contemporain, Villeurbanne, Rhône-Alpes. Folie, S. (ed.), 2009, Die Moderne als Ruine. Eine Archäologie der Gegenwart / Modernism as a Ruin. An Archaeology of the Present, Generali Foundation, Wien. Frisinghelli, C., Križić Roban, S. (eds.), 2004, Ostati ili otići / Bleiben oder gehen / Staying or leaving, Hrvatski fotosavez, Zagreb. Frisinghelli, C. 2016, Vidjeti da bi se razumjelo. Pokazati da bi se shvatilo. Fotografska dokumentacija Pierrea Bourdieua. Alžir, 1957. – 1961., Život umjetnosti, 98, 114–121. Marshall, D. A. 2010, Temptation, Tradition, and Ta- boo: A Theory of Sacralization. Sociological Theory, 28: 64–90. Mitchell, W. J. T. 2002, Holy Landscape: Israel, Palestine, and the American Wilderness, in: Mitchell, W. J. T. (ed.), 2002, Landscape and Power, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 261–290. Pakesch, P., Steinbrügge, B. (eds.), 2014, James Benning. Decoding Fear, Kunsthaus Graz, Universalmuseum Joanneum, Graz. Rosler, M. 1981, In, around, and afterthoughts (on documentary photography), http://web.pdx.edu/~vcc/Seminar/Rosler_photo.pdf (15. 4. 2016.) Schama, S. 1995, Landscape & Memory, Harper Perennial, London. Wells, L. 2011, Land Matters. Landscape Photography, Culture and Identity, I. B. Tauris, London. Suzana Marjanić The Sacralisation of Landscape in Contemporary Art Practices: Croatian Scene Case Study Professional paper This article shall discuss some examples of the sacralisation of landscape in Croatian contemporary art practices, those being: Tajči Čekada, fashion designer who rejects the dictates of the fashion industry and conventional catwalk, Damir Stojnić’s concept of “ontological activism”, the Centre of Painting of All the Universe and Golo Brdo Studio (art family Brajnović), and finally the case of Josip Zanki, contemporary artist, professor and researcher, who has succeeded in intertwining art and science in the interactive performance Mirila (authors: Bojan Gagić and Josip Zanki). Key words: sacralisation of landscape, Croatian contemporary art practices My previous article (2014b)1, in which the need was suggested for the recording of history of Croatian land art practices, thematised Croatian land art/earth art/Earthworks practice. Now, in this paper and the specific context of the topic of sacralisation of landscape, I have interpreted four selected examples of land art practices that illustrate, each in their own perspective, the abovementioned concept – the sacralisation of landscapes. They are the following: Tajči Čekada, fashion designer who rejects the dictates of the fashion industry and conventional catwalk, Damir Stojnić’s concept of “ontological activism” in his own art of Ignisograms, or fire drawings/markings or letters (designated by the artist himself as pismena vatre), whose art directly references land art/Earthworks; the Centre of Painting of All the Universe and Golo Brdo Studio (art family Brajnović), and finally the case of Josip Zanki, contemporary artist, professor and researcher who has succeeded in intertwining art and science in the interactive performance Mirila (authors: Bojan Gagić and Josip Zanki). Nature and Animal Rights: Sacred Place Multimedia artist, fashion designer and performance artist Tajči Čekada2 – or, more precisely, her unconventional fashion exhibition, the photo-performance Look into the Interworld (2011) – can be interpreted as an illustration of the connection of sacred, archaic mythic, sacral space combined with design. The connection to space, as she points out, is a space with an aura, or, as noted by Ivan Majnarić – a hierotopy3, sacred space with art practice. 1 The abovementioned article is a fragmentary review of the manner in which the artists on the contemporary art scene treat nature, non-urban space in their performances, some of whom treat nature as a phenomenon of land art (Earthworks). 2 Tajči Čekada (Rijeka, 1979) works in costume design, fashion design, performance art, photography and video art. Specifically, she is a fashion designer who rejects the dictates of the fashion industry and conventional catwalk. In 2006, she started a series of fashion events entitled Modne novosti (Fashion News) in collaboration with the M.M.C. (Palach). Her engaged, conceptual and avant-garde fashion collections are ordinarily presented at unconventional fashion shows and locations. She has had numerous solo and group exhibitions at home and abroad. She lives and works in Rijeka. Web-page: www.tajcicekada.com/ 3 At the end of his article on hierotopy, Alexei Lidov points out that hierotopy, as one might notice, is not a philosophical concept that needs a sophisticated theory. "It can be considered, in my view, as a form of vision that helps to recognize the presence of a special stratum of cultural phenomena, which should be historically reconstructed in detail" (Lidov 2006: 48). Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 433– 4 42 434 S u z a n a M a r j a ni ć As she herself once pointed out – the role of myth and the use of different archetypes is a prominent characteristic of the majority of her works. In the series of photographs, the photo-performance titled Look into the Interworld (2011), Tajči Čekada presents mythical beings such as fairies, elves, nightmares (moras), werewolves (kudlaks), Naiads and Rusalkas – water nymphs. However, as a starting point, she does not take the existing archetypes of these supernatural beings, but her own experience with them. In this sense, the artist especially stresses her work on the Still Life fashion collection, on which she started to work on in 2006/2007 and which saw its public premiere in 2009. Later, in 2011, the artist employed photography to transform the fashion collection into a series of photographs, photo-performance art that she called A Look into the Interworld (2011) (cf. Marjanić 2014). Specifically, I learnt in conversation with the artist that, when she had completed the collection, she felt that something was missing – a specific aura of space. So, she decided to photograph these models at locations especially significant to her; those were the spaces in which she had come to the idea of making such creations at places at which she had collected the greater part of the components-materials, which she later glued to the fairy garments. The artist decided that the collection should be dedicated to the photography medium, so as to intertwine the aura of the models and the space. Briefly, the models in the abovementioned collection have a fairly demanding structure, they are sometimes of monumental form. While some refer to them as sculptures and not costumes, the designer herself considers that they are, in fact, wearable costumes. The specificity of these surreal structures is that they are characterised by natural mosaics found in the fragments of nature, such as animal hair, bones, snails, acorns, dried orange cores, dried palm leaves, miscellaneous leaves, dried and fresh grass, flowers, ivy, moss, pine cones, feathers, sea sponges, shellfish, sea urchins, beans and pasta, tiny pebbles, etc. The process of gluing of said materials onto the selected base required extraordinary dedication and patience, both of which are more than evident in Tajči Čekada’s work. With this structure, the artist seeks to represent the sacred nature on the costumes, which are a wearable mirror of nature. When referring to the Send-Off ritual, performed by the artist at a mystic location near the entrance to the Tramuntana Woods, near the village of Beli (on the Island of Cres) in 2012, she said that she literally performed the send-off ritual for an entity with which she had had a long-term cooperation. She saw these woods as an ideal location for the farewell, since they have been known since ancient times as a mystic dwelling place of fairies and elves, macmalićs and kudlak werewolves. Apart from being a send-off to all those mysterious beings, with that performance the artist also solemnly brought to an end her long-term creative phase that had relied on Slavic mythology, mysticism, her fascination with woods, tales, legends, and various borderline interworlds. Fig. 1 T. Čekada: video performance The Picnic (2013) is part of two channel video installation Vepar, veprica, veprovina/ She-Boar, He-Boar, Boar Meat (2013). The video performance The Picnic (2013) is also part of the performance Le Déjeuner sur l’Herbe vs. The Dinner (Days of Performance, Varaždin, 2013) T he S a cr a l i s at ion of L a nd s c a p e in C on t e mp or a r y A r t P r a c t i ce s : Cro at i a n S ce ne C a s e S t ud y 435 In her latest work, Tajči Čekada’s works focus more on animal rights; the video performance (two-channel video installation) Veprica, vepar, veprovina / She-Boar, He-Boar, Boar Meat (2013) is structured as a picnic by Tajči Čekada and Gertruda. Getruda is a huge she-boar of about 150 kilograms, dressed for that occasion in white tulle. As a live performance, the aim was a reinterpretation of Édouard Manet’s painting The Luncheon on the Grass (Le Déjeuner sur l’herbe), created in 1862 and 1863, which was the first painting of modern art. The video shows a picnic where Gertruda and Tajči Čekada are having breakfast on the grass. They are eating a variety of delicacies such as strawberries and cream, French delicacies, fruit, rolls, puddings, etc. while drinking wine from silver cups (cf. Marjanić 2014: 1434; Čekada, cf. Šimunović 2016: 68). As a juxtaposition to the picnic, on the other side of the video performance (two-channel video installation) scenes are being displayed of wild boars being hunted and their flesh being prepared for everyday consumption. Concluding the subject of art work by Tajči Čekada related to nature, one can notice that the artist uses nature similarly to the concept of the phenomenology of the sacred (which has been studied by Mircea Eliade, Rudolf Otto and, to a certain extent, Pavel Florensky). For Tajči Čekada, sacred spaces are where the spirits are; they are visible representations of invisible powers (cf. Engels 2010: 6). Ignisogr ams or fire dr awings and Astr alopolis – the Istrian pentagr am Furthermore, land art drawings made by fire called Ignisograms, fire drawings/markings or letters (designated by the artist himself as pismena vatre), are interpreted by multimedia artist Damir Stojnić from Rijeka (cf. Stojnić 2014:78).4 He used fire in his ritual performance art – called Atelier Fire I and II – which he has been performing since 2004 in abandoned quarries in Istria. Through these ritual performances with fire in the quarries of Istria, the artist seeks to capture the moment that can reflect the comprehensiveness. With or without the audience, he extracts stones from the quarry, which are then formed into symbolic figures – heart, butterfly, etc.5 Within these symbolical figures, the artist lights the pyre at night while gradually fanning embers with soil, creating glowing spatial forms that are called Ignisograms or fire drawings. They reflect the thought of all that exists – what begins in the heat of the flames with the flames, burns and disappears. Using coal or coal dust as a symbol of metaphysical dust, Damir Stojnić creates his most recent cycle called Conflagration, meaning absolute burning.6 Based on the tradition of Gnostic philosophy, a dualistic view of the world and a form of alchemy, in order to create a path and means of personal transformation in achieving spiritual experience, Stojnić creates works in which coal dust is treated as the essence of creation and decomposition. Furthermore, I would like to mention Stojnić’s concept of utopian cities which he created in his site-specific project Astralopolis – istarski pentagram / The Astralopolis – Istrian pentagram (Stojnić, cf. Marjanić 2014: 1517). On the map of Istria, the artist recognised the structure of pentagram between five Istrian towns, Vižinada, Poreč, Pazin, Rovinj and Savičenta, when connected by diagonals on the map. In esoteric tradition, the pentagram is a symbol of the resurrected woman/man, who liberates his/her divine principle through five planets and four elements. In this manner, he/ she can reach the spirit as his/her Quintaesencia7. Thus, the pentagram also served as the apotropaic mark against spells, and in most Istrian churches – as confirmed to Damir Stojnić by archaeologist Marino Baldini – there are exhumed remains of carved pentagrams. So, in this way, Stojnić interprets these diagonals, the Istrian pentagram, as a geo-pictogram. 4 Damir Stojnić (Rijeka, 1972) graduated in Painting from the Academy of Fine Arts in Zagreb in 2000. He attended the postgraduate course in Painting at the Academy of Fine Arts and Design in Ljubljana. In his work, painting and performance art are brought together, while erasing the differences between the two and including both into a single artistic expression dealing with a broad field of interest in various areas – from spirituality, esotery, holy geometry, shamanism, druidism and mythology to anthropology, cosmology and ontology. All of the above is bound together through the title Anarhitektura (Anarchitecture), which is the name of his program aimed at transforming the world, the society and human consciousness. He also authored the concept of iso-topia, a variety of a subjective perspective on the general meaning of “utopia” as the generator behind every revolution, signifying the process of achieving final realization of the things that in nature exist only at the level of their potential. He has taken part in over a hundred solo and group exhibitions at home and abroad (Vienna, Cairo, Athens, Milan, Venice, London). He holds a number of awards and recognitions. He lives and works in Rijeka. (cf. Marjanić 2014: 1511) 5 The narrative of the angel was inspired by Maurice Maeterlinck's research on the life of yellow ants, termites, who, in the course of their evolution, became more group oriented and, at the expense of their individuality, lost the wings they originally had as their activities were reduced to pure survival, pragmatism and utility. They also lost their eyesight and gender distinction. Thus, the same goes for us. In order to survive, we are forced to kill something good in us and to accept strategies that are more collective. The artist stresses that, in the course of this ritual, he discovered how we lost some angelic qualities during the process of growing up (cf. Stojnić 2016). 6 The artist presented both cycles, Ignisograms and Conflagration, at his exhibition at MMSU (Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art) in Rijeka in 2015. 7 It can be noted that this Istrian pentagram practically connects the most important prehistorical sites in Istria. They are Velika and Mala Mordela, pit Beredine, Trogrla cave, Pazinska jama (pit), tumuli Maklavaun, Nezakcij, Monkodonja, Kringa, Vižula near Medulin, Beram, Krkavče (a small town in the Slovenian part of Istria). Krkavče is well-known for the menhir on which the anthropomorphic figure was carved; the figure has widespread hands and rounded legs, and the sunrays spread from its head (cf. Stojnić 2016). 436 S u z a n a M a r j a ni ć Fig. 2 D. Stojnić: Ignisograms, drawings made by fire (2004) (cf. Marjanić 2014: 1517-1518) Or, to quote Stojnić: “Diagonals of the pentagram make up a ‘solstice cross’ so that, viewing from this intersection, the sun during the summer solstice comes out in the direction of Pazin and sets in the direction of Poreč, while during the winter solstice the sun comes out in the direction of Savičenta, and sets in the direction of Rovinj (...). This place carries all geometrical and astronomical features of votive space from the old Christian churches, described by Mladen Pejaković, to Stonehenge or the Giza plateau in Egypt...” (Damir Stojnić, cf. Borkovsky 2015). The artist presents an interesting theory on the Istrian pentagram, or the astonishing geometrical connection between the towns in Istria, which almost correspond to the proper pentagram – that being in context of their correspondence with the healing wheel of the ancient Native American tradition, which is a stone wheel with 28 spoke bones. These 28 spoke bones correspond to the lunar cycles, the days in the lunar months, according to the Moon phases. 8 Denying the concept of “engaged art”, considering the fact that this specific mode of art, according to his understanding, could be the most susceptible to manipulation, Damir Stojnić – as an artistic response to the situation in Rijeka and the Istrian area – highlights several (iso)utopian projections that belong to the sphere of “ontological activism”. In this ontological activism, he includes primarily the projects Underground City-Labin Art Express (initiated by Dean Zahtila and Krešimir Farkaš), Antimuzej-Vodnjan (V. D. Trokut and Mladen Lučić), Alley Log-Shamballa by Marijan Vejvoda, and Eco-Centre Eia (by Igor Drandić) near the Istrian town of Bale. Eco-centre Eia managed to gather a few like-minded people, who on that land built houses made of clay “and using alternative energy sources (solar panels, organic collectors and water purifiers) broke away completely from the system”. Furthermore, in the concept of ontological activism, Stojnić also 8 Cf. the documentary Zmajeve linije (Istra i planet Zemlja kakve još niste doživjeli / Lines of the Dragon (Istria and the Planet Earth as You’ve Never Seen Them Before). Here the artist interprets in detail the parallel symbolism of the healing wheel of the ancient Native American tradition. T he S a cr a l i s at ion of L a nd s c a p e in C on t e mp or a r y A r t P r a c t i ce s : Cro at i a n S ce ne C a s e S t ud y 437 counts one of his own projects, the abovementioned project Astralopolis – Istrian Pentagram (Stojnić 2011: 69–70). Also, in his interpretation of his own land art projects, Damir Stojnić incorporates the theory of sacral geometry by Vitomir Belaj and Radoslav Katičić (the artist mentions only these two scientists-mythologists). According to their interpretation of the location Marganovo (near Rijeka where FONA – Festival of New Art was held in 2005), the artist stresses that “just above Marganovo there is the Church of St. George (Sv. Juraj/ St. George is probably Yarilo in ancient Slavic mythology), just under the walls of Trsat Gradina. I always saw the geo-morphological web above and around Rječina as a spatial expression of an obscure female deity; something like the Hindu Kali or the Black Isis, whom Gustav Meyrink mentions in his novel The Angel of the West Window (1927). The coasts of Kvarner represent spread legs, Kozala and the opposite Trsat are breasts moved apart by Rječina that leads to its source – the cave, vulva/heart, which pulsates and feeds off the energy of its own inhabitants” (Stojnić 2013: 99; cf. Belaj, Belaj 2014: 163–164, 228, 329). Fig. 3 D. Stojnić: Astralopolis – Istrian Pentagram (cf. Marjanić 2014: 1511) The Centre of Painting of All the Universe and Golo Brdo Studio Near Rovinjsko selo, there is an interesting art centre, the Centre of Painting of All the Universe, founded in the sixties by artist Marčelo Brajnović (Kranjčević Batalić, 2014, http). At this isolated place known as the stone gomila9 (stone mounds from the Illyrian period, or tumuli, or colloquially the stone pile), during the 60s, Marčelo Brajnović started to build a surreal space (a series of white buildings dominated by white stone and a fantastic building tower) through this residential and exhibition space, thus achieving the avant-garde concept Life = Art. The small house Mala Gumila (Small Gumila) was given to Tomislav Brajnović10 by his parents, in which he placed his Golo Brdo Studio (“Studio Golo Brdo”, http). It served as the fulfilment of his father’s idea to establish an art centre, as the artist himself states on the web-page of this project11 (cf. “About Studio Golo Brdo” [s.a.]). Or, to quote Tomislav Brajnović: “The hill stands a bit away from the village and people frightened young children with it – in the sense that, if they’re naughty, they will be taken there ... It is also synonymous with loneliness, isolation, which my dad was actually looking for. The hill was called Gumila at the moment my dad decided to raise the flag according to the biblical quote ‘lift up a standard on the bare hill’. What is interesting, the toponym Golo Brdo is located at the point where Gumila was named, and some still call it nowadays by this name... It used to be a grave and it must have been some sort of custom, making piles, rocks, gromače, tombs in fact... It’s a bit away from the village.” (from the e-mail correspondence with the artist) 9 Oronym Gumila is an old Slavic name (Crljenko 1985: 106). The local authority does, in fact, mention this art centre on the web-page of Rovinjsko Selo: "Gumila, hill in the eastern part of Rovinjsko Selo, is today a rather large pile of ruinous stone" ("Rovinj Village", http). 10 Tomislav Brajnović (Zagreb, born in 1965) graduated from the Academy of Fine Arts in Zagreb in 1999, and completed an M.A. in Fine Arts at the Central St Martins College of Art & Design in London in 2003. He teaches the courses in New Media, City Mapping and Re-Contextualization at the Academy of Applied Arts in Rijeka. He has had solo exhibitions in Zagreb, Rovinj, Pula, Novigrad, Rijeka, Sarajevo, Skopje and Ljubljana. He has participated in group exhibitions in Croatia, Italy, the USA, Netherlands, Hungary, Macedonia, Poland, Great Britain, Slovenia, Serbia, Ireland, Germany and Bosnia and Herzegovina. He holds multiple awards and recognitions. In 2007, he founded the Studio Golo Brdo project-gallery, which he now runs. He is the author of the project Supper with the Artist. Web page: www.brajnovic.com (cf. Marjanić, Stanić 2016: 46–47). 11 Regarding this concept of art centres, I have had contact with the whole family (cf. Brajnović, M., Brajnović, P. 2015; interview with Brajnović, T., in: Marjanić 2014). 438 S u z a n a M a r j a ni ć With the concept of independent curatorial program, Brajnović family leads a battle against the Socialist concept of treatment of the art/ist – where artist Marčelo Brajnović sought complete autonomy of the work – as well as a battle against the neoliberal market-oriented treatment of the artist Tomislav Brajnović. Tomislav Brajnović opened the Golo Brdo Studio upon completing his MA in London and returning to Rovinjsko Selo. Then he visited an exhibition in Šikuti (a place in Istria), organized by the artist group Šikuti Machine. Tomislav Brajnović was amazed by “the speed at which they did things, their cool way of solving problems and the complete lack of any institutional frame. It was a shock after the chaotic London experience” (“About Studio Golo Brdo” [s.a.]). In short, he was inspired by the lack of institutional framework, by the dislocation of the events, by the rhythm and the speed of event organization of Šikuti Machine. So, same as his father Marčelo Brajnović, who was against the socialistic ruling over artists and artists’ programmes, and sought to make his own curatorial and artistic word, his son, artist Tomislav Brajnović tried to oppose the neoliberal market treatment of artists. Or, as Tomislav Brajnović states: “In the 60s, he (father, Marčelo Brajnović) started to build a small house on the already mentioned pile of stones. The small house resembled more a small desolated church on a hill than an artist studio. In the centre of the building, he placed a stone chair for the teacher, with stone benches on the left and right side for the students” (“About Studio Golo Brdo” [s.a.]). Fig. 4 The Centre of Painting of All the Universe and Golo Brdo Studio; The sacred – artistic place: M. Brajnović (father), Z. Hegedušić-Brajnović (mother), T. and P. Brajnović (sons) (source: “About Studio Golo Brdo” [s.a.]) T he S a cr a l i s at ion of L a nd s c a p e in C on t e mp or a r y A r t P r a c t i ce s : Cro at i a n S ce ne C a s e S t ud y 439 Mountain Art: Velebit Among many interests, Josip Zanki is also interested in the phenomenon of Velebit mountain range – the Mirila custom, valleys, enchanted forests, and the existence and influence of elemental beings on the myth and reality of this region.12 As there is no coincidence in the art strategies that react to the reality, it is no coincidence that the exhibition Follies and Ruins: Between Incompleteness and the Imagination, organised at the Church of St. Donatus, Zadar, 2014, was the last exhibition that concluded the interdisciplinary project Back to Heritage (2007–2014);13 the project was initiated in 2007 by the University of Zadar.14 In the context of overall necro-politics, it refers to the connotation of madness – regarding the meaning of the French word folie – where, in reality of ruthless corporatism, we are increasingly surrounded not only by fake, but also by real ruins of the present (from the Middle East to Paris). The video work Tiny Geographies (2013) by the Scottish artist Chris Dooks functions as a naturalising charter for this. For instance, fragments of a lost pastoral – a cow family set against a hazy skyline of green utopia mirrored into archaic standing stones – can be interpreted as an ethical counterpoint to dominant speciesism (discrimination based on species-membership). I am also reminded of the pre-Romantic matrix of graveyard poetry as one of the movements in English pre-Romantic poetry of the 18th century, in which the motive of a tomb or graveyard served as the archetype for reflecting on the inevitability of death, as well as on the transience of all earthly things. In graveyard poetry, which deals with the fear of death as the puzzle of decay was the reaction to the rationalism of the time, the curatorial duo – Katarzyna Kosmala and Josip Zanki – found a lens in the subject of ruins to criticise the society of the spectacle, in which, as Guy Debord (La société du spectacle / Society of the Spectacle, 1967) pointed out, the citizen is transformed into a spectator, the consumer of visual spectacles, Homo Spectator. The exhibition Follies and Ruins: Between Incompleteness and the Imagination, presented at the Church of St. Donatus in Zadar, Croatia, in September 2014, as its curators pointed out, was based on the idea that ruins are not only the remains of past civilizations, but also a kind of illusion of collective memory, an idealized version of the past. The remains can therefore appear only as ruins, illusions of memories and acts of remembrance.15 Jan Assmann stated that memory needs places, as it has a tendency towards spatialization. Or, as Katarzyna Kosmala and Josip Zanki stressed in the catalogue of the international exhibition Follies and Ruins: Between Incompleteness and the Imagination: “(…) brought together artists working with new media deconstruction and reinterpretation of cultural remains. The artists in this exhibition have addressed the processes of representing and reinterpreting cultural heritage, reflected upon the contemporary uses of archaeological remains, and probed into the follies of human memory through digital process, and drawing on the legacy of different influences in the context of Scotland and Croatia: the legacy of Roman civilization and the Gothic revival’s heritage of follies in prospective localities.” (Kosmala, Zanki 2016) Here we can refer to another art project of Zanki’s that performatively interprets an old Croatian belief in the departed soul – the Mirila custom. The performance in question is the interactive performance Mirila presented by Josip Zanki and Bojan Gagić in 2001. The work consists of a site-specific installation that features a replica of the Mirila monument itself, and an interactive performance that allows visitors to directly experience an ancient ritual and their own – for the time being – metaphorical death. 12 Josip Zanki, PhD (Zadar, 1969), graduated from the Academy of Fine Arts in Zagreb in 1994 (class of Professor Miroslav Šutej) with the thesis entitled Mysticism in the Artistic Practice of Joseph Beuys and an experimental series of etchings New Machines, a remake of the research conducted by the Croatian renaissance scientist Faust Vrančić. He completed his Postgraduate Studies from the Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Studies in Zagreb in 2016, and presented his doctoral thesis entitled Anthropological Conceptualisation of the Space in Thangka Painting and Contemporary Art Practices. Since 1986 he has been working on installations, performances, experimental film and video, research of graphic media and cultural anthropology. He received numerous awards for his work. His involvement in archaeology has resulted in a collection of 200 prehistoric and mediaeval objects. He has participated in numerous individual and collective exhibitions in Croatia and abroad. He taught at the University of Zadar from 2009 to 2016, and Vytautas Magnus University in Kaunas in 2016. Since December 2007 he is President of the Croatian Association of Artists, the oldest association in Croatia and the region, established in 1868. Since 2011 he is member of the European Cultural Parliament. He lives and works in Zagreb. More about the artist at “About me” [s.a.]. 13 More about the programme of this project for the year 2010, which was held under the title Back to Heritage: Jacopo Tintoretto (Zadar 30 May–7 June 2010), cf. the catalogue of the project. 14 Another project of Zanki's, which is also based on the topic of ruins, is his series of drawings titled Ruins and the Expression of Romanticism. Josip Zanki took his artistic friend, art historian Mark Gisbourne on a journey that was part of his artistic and scientific research. Zanki started his art journey from the impressive landscape of Wales, a location known for its castle heritage, and returned to Croatia i.e. Velebit, "a place that most accurately explains his artistic expression and poetics" (cf. Zanki 2014). 15 Here, part of my essay "Follies, ruins, or how memory needs places" has been incorporated; from the introduction to the catalogue Coding Follies. Ruins and the Thirdspace, Kosmala, K. Zanki, J. (eds.). Zagreb: FOLIE project, 2016. 440 S u z a n a M a r j a ni ć Zanki’s intimate, autobiographical story of funeral customs related to the Mirila begins deep in the Velebit Mountain region. The Mirila custom of said region ritually unfolds in the following manner. After the customary weeping and mourning, beside a raised platform upon which the body was laid out, it was wrapped in a coverlet and carried on a wooden stretcher to the graveyard before sunrise. During the process, the cortege would stop at a particular place, usually at a bend in the path. Then, flat stones would be placed on the ground and the body of the deceased would be laid on them. A more symmetrical stone would be set vertically by the head and a smaller stone at the feet. These two stones took the mira of the dead body, that is, its mjera i.e. measure, that made up its mirila. It was considered important that the head faced the East, the rising sun, so that the deceased’s face would be caressed by the sun one last time. After taking the measurements, the body was carried to the graveyard where it was buried with a church ceremony. A few days later, a more symmetrical or cut stone with a carved symbol would replace the stone that had been at the head of the mirila.16 Fig. 5 J. Zanki and B. Gagić: Mirila, Zagrebi! EkoFestival, Bundek Lake in Zagreb in 2008. One of the variations of the interactive performance art Mirila was performed by the artists at Zagrebi! EkoFestival on Zagreb Bundek Lake in 2008. It took place as an early morning performance. Specifically, as a living sculpture, the performance time of which was set at 5:30 a.m. in one of Bundek's groves, where seven performance mirila stones had been placed the day before. There were only four people in the audience (me being one of them) Towards the (spir al) end These works have also been interpreted – on another occasion – at the conference meer teilen: share more,17 organized by curator Harm Lux in Zagreb and Kartause Ittingen in 2016 – as examples of the buen vivir concept. According to the three definitions of the buen vivir concept (Gudynas 2011: 446), these contemporary art praxes/practices are similar (albeit not the same) to the definition of the buen vivir concept, such as “living in harmony and equilibrium, in harmony with the cycles of Mother Earth, of the Cosmos, of life and of history, and in equilibrium with all forms of existence” (cf. Huanacuni Mamani, 2010). Specifically, as Eduardo Gudynas, a leading scholar on buen vivir, states – the concept of buen vivir (living well), in a broader sense, implies the criticism of the conventional ideas of development and gives alternatives to such ideas. Thus, one can conclude that the buen vivir concept is used in its broad meaning when criticising different forms of the conventional (economic) development of corporatism, for example when naming the companies that pollute Nature. Furthermore, in a specific usage, buen vivir demands a more comprehensive criticism of contemporary capitalism with the aim of creating different, post-capitalist development modes. Most of this criticism is rooted in Socialist (and, supposedly, Anarchist) traditions. 16 More about this project cf. Gagić, Zanki 2009; Zanki 2014; Mirila 2012; Trošelj 2013; Marjanić 2014a. 17 More about this project by Harm Lux, who found inspiration in the ancient Andean culture Sumak Kawsay (buen vivir) at Meer teilen : share more [s.a.]. T he S a cr a l i s at ion of L a nd s c a p e in C on t e mp or a r y A r t P r a c t i ce s : Cro at i a n S ce ne C a s e S t ud y 441 Finally, the third meaning of this concept – which Eduardo Gudynas names as its main usage since it is rooted in the knowledge of the native population – is the original meaning of the concept of buen vivir, meaning radical criticism of all development modes and the defence of alternatives that are post-Capitalist as well as post-Socialist (Gudynas 2011: 446). Here we can conclude that the concept of Tajči Čekada, who broadens the topic towards nature and animal rights, Damir Stojnić, whose art has a direct reference towards land art/Earthworks, and the case of Josip Zanki, contemporary artist, professor and researcher who has succeeded in intertwining art and science with the powerful idea of anthroposophy as well as consecration towards nature, are close to the third definition of buen vivir concept. The concept of family Brajnović and their unique centre of art – the Centre of Painting of All the Universe and Golo Brdo Studio – with which they fight againts the cynicism of curatorial programmes – is close to the first and second definition of buen vivir. In short, the first and second definition of buen vivir can be named as socially oriented definitions of the buen vivir concept, and the third one is the nature-oriented definition. For instance, the ecological matrix of the performance in question speaks of the Mirila custom dying out completely with the arrival of roads, the development of tourism and change in the way of life, and of the archetypal Velebit landscape being modified into national parks that have become polygons for companies and political team-building, and even places of meditation for individual, sometime self-styled gurus (Zanki, cf. Marjanić 2014: 1759–1766). However, since 2007, the mirila has had the status of intangible cultural heritage, although its protection is not practised as shown by the explosion on the gas pipeline route through Bukovica area towards Zadar, whereby certain localities were destroyed. That is precisely the critical matrix that should be subject to all land art practices, since it is always worth mentioning what was said by Ulrich Beck – that one of the characteristics of globalisation is also the global destruction of the environment (cf. Lay 2007: 7). Here it is necessary to point out that every minute we destroy six football fields worth of the Amazonian forest, our ‘green cathedral’ (“Amazon deforestation increased by one-third in past year” 2013). Using the spiral18 conclusion as a symbol of returning to the beginning, in this case – as we turn to the beginning of this text – we can conclude that these four examples of the sacralisation of landscapes in Croatian contemporary art practise could be a good reason for the writing of the history of land art in Croatia, which has remained relatively invisible in the history of contemporary art written by prominent foreign theoreticians.19 Translated by Adriana Lukić Suzana Marjanić Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research Šubićeva 42 HR-10000 Zagreb suzana@ief.hr 18 This article is somewhat of a spiral sequel to my articles from 2014 (cf. Marjanić 2014a, 2014b), as I have stressed in the introduction of this article. 19 Here, one can draw a parallel between the artists selected in this article with the artists included, for instance, in the monograph Land and Environmental Art (1998) by Jeffrey Kastner and Brian Wallis, who documented these practices from 1960s onwards. In October 1968 in New York Dwan Gallery, Robert Smithson organized the exhibition Earthworks; the exhibition is named after the dystopian novel by Brian W. Aldiss, about a future in which even the soil has become a precious commodity; the exhibition has also proven itself to be a pessimistic comment on the current state of the US "environment". But, on this occasion, the potential parallel between Croatian artists and the contemporary scene in other countries was omitted. For instance, Stojnić's Ignisograms can be interpreted in the ritual context of the land art practice of Ana Mendieta and her Silueta Series from the 1970s. As I have already mentioned, these four artists have been selected because of their specific treatment of the sacralisation of landscapes, as a form of land art/ Earthworks, and combined in this interpretation with the interviews conducted with all of these artists, with other theoreticians’ interpretation of the Croatian contemporary art practise. Also, materials from some of my previous articles have been used (listed in the Bibliography section), which are related to the art practice of these artists. 442 S u z a n a M a r j a ni ć BIBLIOGRAPHY “About me” [s.a.], Zanki Josip, http://www.zankijosip. com/about-me/ (29 July 2014). “About Project Golo Brdo” [s.a.], Tomislav Brajnovic Studio Golo Brdo, http://golo-brdo.brajnovic.com/ about-studio-golo-brdo/ (1 August 2016) “Amazon deforestation increased by one-third in past year” 2013, The Guardian, 15 November 2013, https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2013/ nov/15/amazon-deforestation-increased-one-third (29 July 2014). Belaj, V., Belaj, J. 2014, Sveti trokuti. Topografija hrvatske mitologije, Ibis grafika, Institut za arheologiju, MH, Zagreb. Borkovsky, E. 2015, SIGNUM – kolektivni, selektirani, tematski, likovni projekt, http://www.akademija-art. hr/art/izlobe/34553-signum-kolektivni-selektiranitematski-likovni-projekt (1 August 2016). Brajnović, P. 2015, Prorok na medijskom smetlištu, (Interviewed by S. Marjanić), Zarez, http://www.zarez.hr/ clanci/prorok-na-medijskom-smetlistu, 7 July 2015. Brajnović, M. 2015, Performansi između neba i zemlje, (Interviewed by S. Marjanić), Zarez, http://www. zarez.hr/clanci/performansi-izmedju-neba-i-zemlje, 14 July 2015. Crljenko, B. 1985, Slavensko i poslavljeno u toponimiji Istre, Čakavska rič 13/1, 99–114. Dolazak u baštinu: Jacopo Tintoretto, Back to Heritage: Jacopo Tintoretto. 2010, Zanki J., Vukojević, B., art directors. Sveučilište u Zadru, Odjel za izobrazbu učitelja i odgojitelja, Zadar. Engels, Ch. 2010, 1000 Sacred Places. The World’s Most Extraordinary Spiritual Sites, H. F. Ullmann, Potsdam. Gagić, B., Zanki, J. 2009, Mirila: dokumentacija performansa 2001. –2008., Fraktura, Zagreb. Gudynas, E. 2011, Buen Vivir: Today’s Tomorrow, Development 54 (4), 441–447. 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Zbornik Instituta za arheologiju / Serta Instituti Archaeologici, Vol. 10. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places. Proceedings of the 3rd International Scientific Conference of Mediaeval Archaeology of the Institute of Archaeology, Zagreb, 2018.

Zbornik Instituta za arheologiju / Serta Instituti Archaeologici, Vol. 10. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places. Proceedings of the 3rd International Scientific Conference of Mediaeval Archaeology of the Institute of Archaeology, Zagreb, 2018.

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