&#39;Middle East Security: The politics of violence after the 2003 Iraq War&#39; in L. Fawcett (ed.), &#39;International Relations of the Middle East&#39; (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2019): 226-245.

Marina Calculli

This chapter offers a critical perspective on contemporary security in the Middle East, by exploring the ways in which state and non-state armed groups have sought to reorder the regional balance of power, especially after the 2003 American-led in- vasion of Iraq. It reveals the strategic processes of politicization and depoliticization of violence that key regional and foreign actors employ in order to delegitimize or legitimize the use of violence in pursuit of rival political agendas. These dynamics are central in understanding the conflict and the scramble for control over resources and political developments in key countries across the Middle East.

International Relations of the Middle East FIFTH EDITION Edited by Louise Fawcett 1 00-Fawcett-FM.indd 3 11/02/19 3:43 PM 3 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Oxford University Press 2019 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First edition 2005 Second edition 2009 Third edition 2013 Fourth edition 2016 Impression: 1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. 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Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials contained in any third party website referenced in this work. 00-Fawcett-FM.indd 4 11/02/19 3:43 PM 10 Middle East Security: The Politics of Violence after the 2003 Iraq War MARINA CALCULLI Introduction 226 Security as politics 227 The contentious politics of security in the Middle East 229 Depoliticizing violence: the ‘war on terror’ in the Middle East 230 The ‘new Iraq’: (in)security and rival visions of the state 231 From the ‘axis of evil’ to the ‘Shi’a crescent’: myths and realities of the Iranian threat 234 The politics of the ‘war on terror’ in the aftermath of the 2011 Arab uprisings 240 Conclusion 242 Further reading 243 Questions 244 Notes 244 Overview This chapter offers a critical perspective on contemporary security in the Middle East, by exploring the ways in which state and non-state armed groups have sought to reorder the regional balance of power, especially after the 2003 American-led invasion of Iraq. It reveals the strategic processes of politicization and depoliticization of violence that key regional and foreign actors employ in order to delegitimize or legitimize the use of violence in pursuit of rival political agendas. These dynamics are central in understanding the conflict and the scramble for control over resources and political developments in key countries across the Middle East. Introduction This chapter explores contemporary security in the Middle East by highlighting the nexus between the uses and justification of violence. Focusing on the post 9/11 reordering of the Middle East, the chapter shows how state and non-state actors use the rhetoric of the ‘war on terror’ to depoliticize military interventions against political rivals. More specifically, it argues that such actors mobilize the politics of shame to contain and undermine their rivals. Such efforts are met with attempts to counter-shame and re-politicize the use of violence, 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 226 08/02/19 4:22 PM CHAP TER 10 MIDDLE EAST SECURITY: THE POLITICS OF VIOLENCE AFTER THE 2003 IRAQ WAR 227 producing a cycle of action and counter-action that seeks to legitimize and delegitimize competing visions of security and order in the Middle East. In this context, security and insecurity are two sides of the same coin that fluctuate according to the prevailing balance of power. My approach differs from dominant realist approaches to Middle East security, which assumes the region as the epitome of a Hobbesian ‘war of all against all’, in which diffuse anarchy and violence are functions of the constant struggle for power and domination (Walt 1987; Lynch 2016). Constructivist and critical scholars instead highlight how rival visions of what the Middle East should be, fuel and perpetuate conflict and insecurity (Mufti 1996; Barnett 1998; Bilgin 2004). Drawing from the latter scholarship, this chapter sheds light on the instrumental use of normative visions of the region to preserve old hierarchical relations and build new ones. It argues that diffuse insecurity in the Middle East after 9/11 is not transitory but a more permanent condition. It begets a stable disorder in which powerful actors use prevailing normative justifications to strengthen their relative position, through repeated attempts to legitimize their power and delegitimize that of their adversaries. This is why policies enacted in the name of security have degraded core states by transforming them into theatres of spectacular violence and insecurity, especially for the civilian population. Just as salient are all kinds of twisted moral justifications that different actors have deployed as weapons to pursue contradictory goals and heinous crimes. They are involved in a deadly conflict and often seek the annihilation of one another, yet they converge in their discourse of security and justice. This unholy rhetorical convergence is the product of attempts by different actors to appeal to universal principles in order to justify particularistic goals (Macaj 2017). In dissecting the politics of security and insecurity in the region, the chapter pays close attention not only to the devastating consequences of violence, but also to its ramifications for the reordering of the regional geopolitical landscape. It seeks to capture the renegotiation of sovereignties, territories, and the balance of power in the region through the lens of the politics of politicization and depoliticization of violence by the actors involved, with an empirical focus on three cases: i) the post-2003 conflict between the remnants of the Ba’athist state and the ‘new Iraq’ under American influence; ii) the US, Israeli, and Saudi attempts to destabilize Iranian influence in the Arab Levant; iii) the uses of the ‘war on terror’ by Saudi Arabia and Turkey to ostracize the Muslim Brothers and the Syrian Kurdish Democratic Union Party–People’s Protection Units (PYD–YPG). Security as politics Security is by definition a ‘contested concept’ (Buzan 1983: 6). Whilst there is widespread agreement on its philosophical underpinning, situated in the human desire to survive (Art 1993: 821; Mitzen 2006: 342), IR scholars have conceptualized ‘security’ in rather different ways. Realists see it as being dependent on ‘the threat, use and control of military force’ (Walt 1991: 212). Social constructivists, critical, and post-structuralist theorists instead conceptualize security as an inter-subjective device, an object that is constantly negotiated and codified ‘within a political community’ (Buzan and Wæver 2003: 491). Yet, ‘security’ is essentially a political instrument, as elites frame it in different ways to produce and justify specific political consequences. Indeed, labelling something as a ‘threat’ is ultimately a political act, not one reflecting objective assessments of the level of insecurity 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 227 07/02/19 12:14 PM 228 PART 2 THEMES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY (Browning and McDonald 2011). Its political essence lies in its being a ‘thick signifier’, which assumes diverse meanings in accordance with the different content that social actors attribute to it. For instance, a flow of refugees can be a ‘security issue’ for one person and a ‘human rights issue’ for another (Huysmans 1998). This is because security is constitutive of social and political orders (Cox 1981: 127–8; Giddens 1984). Political communities reflect different articulations of security, representing a binary relation between friend and enemy, the citizen and the foreigner, following Carl Schmitt’s theorization of this question (2007 [1932]). This binary can cut across the political community if the enemy/foreigner is sought from within (and not without) its boundaries (Agamben 1998, 122). This is partially because people have different ideological, normative, and moral visions of the political order. But this is also because perennial insecurity and risk serve to strengthen the inner bonds and survival of communities (Beck 1992). Therefore, when one enemy fades, another one must be designated (Dillon and LoboGuerrero 2008), even through deceptive representations, artefacts, metaphors, stereotypes, and possibly plain lies (Balzacq 2011: 2; Balzacq et al. 2016). Indeed, elites often deliberately insinuate or exaggerate perceptions of threats, in order to morally and ethically endorse ‘exceptional’ counteractive measures (Agamben 2005). The infamous speech that Colin Powell gave at the UN Security Council in 2003, which made the case for the invasion of Iraq by providing erroneous evidence of Saddam Hussein’s possession of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD), is a vivid illustration of this dynamic. It also proves that powerful states sometimes prefer conflict to diplomatic engagement as a way to manage uncertainty and (re-)assert their position, especially when they feel their power is not recognized. So when analysing the military presence and intervention of the United States in the Middle East, we need to consider whether the United States is dealing with ontological threats, or manufacturing threats as a way to overturn regimes that do not acknowledge their primacy in the region. Relatedly, we also need to see whether the moral considerations that permeate the discourse of state and non-state actors are reasons for action or simply devices to mask visions and actions that contradict with the principles they publicly espouse. This is especially relevant given that all actors, including terrorist groups, deploy ostensibly noble principles to justify their brutal actions and resist external attempts to shame them for violating basic norms of appropriate behaviour. This is what we would expect from those agents of (in)security that more or less explicitly refer to liberal paradigms, exalting ‘human security’, protection of civilians, R2P, and the urge to preserve liberal values, rights, and norms (Booth 2007: 165). Yet, even the ‘Islamic State’, which rejects cosmopolitan moral standards, justifies spectacular violence as a necessary means to liberate Muslims from oppression and establish a ‘just order’ under shari’ah law (Gerges 2016: 39–40). In short, all actors want to appear moral and just, even when they use violence. They try to make offensive action appear as defensive; they create ad hoc ‘states of exception’ and fears of imminent threats; or they identify the threat not in the actions, but rather in the identity of the challenger. These mechanisms are interrelated and are used by states and irregular armed groups to attack rivals but also groups of populations, which become at times collective ‘insecurity-in-being’ (Croft 2012; Browning and Joenniemi 2017). Finally, contrary to conventional wisdom, this is not just a characteristic of patently illiberal actors—such as autocrats, jihadi, or sectarian violent groups—but is embedded in a long tradition of ‘liberal intolerance’ (Brown 2006). 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 228 07/02/19 12:14 PM CHAP TER 10 MIDDLE EAST SECURITY: THE POLITICS OF VIOLENCE AFTER THE 2003 IRAQ WAR 229 The contentious politics of security in the Middle East Exploring the nexus between security and politics in the Middle East highlights all these points. Classical (realist) characterizations of the region have pointed to the high level of ‘threat’ to which all actors are constantly exposed and which explains the exceptional level of inter-state suspicion and mistrust in the region (Walt 1987; Lynch 2016). The revisionist realist tradition of the so-called ‘Montreal school’ has also shed light on how the very ‘weakness’ of Middle Eastern states is per se the major source of ‘threat’ to the states of the region (Korany 2011b, Salloukh 2017). In this vein, the permeability of state borders is a function of the unconventional nature and multi-directionality of threats, forcing states to engage in omnibalancing in their attempts to counteract threats stemming from within and without the state (David 1991; Salloukh and Brynen 2004; Ryan 2009). Yet, this image of the Middle East as plunged into a constant state of insecurity needs to be problematized, as we also see pockets of security and insecurity in the region pointing to a ‘hierarchical security interdependence’ amongst different sub-regions, where the security of some areas seems to depend on the insecurity of others (Calculli 2015). This is also because the Middle East ‘security complex’ lies on manifold hierarchies, dependent on rival normative visions of the political space. Different security players—both states and non-state armed groups—have long competed to reshape the region according to rival geopolitical imaginations, often linking their action to ideological or eschatological understandings of their role. As John Agnew points out, the ‘geopolitical imagination’, as a system of thought and practice, is ‘a constructed view of the world, not a mere spontaneous vision that arises from simply looking out at the world with “common sense”’ (Agnew 2003: 6). In this vein Pinar Bilgin has shown how security and insecurity in the Middle East depend on a multiplicity of competing visions of the region (Bilgin 2005). The concept of the ‘Middle East’ is actually a function of Western interests, at times rivalling other ideological and normative visions of the territorial-political order: the ‘Arab World’, the ‘Muslim World’, the ‘Mediterranean’, and ‘the neo-Ottoman space’ (Bilgin 2005; 2015). Indeed, external interests and ideologies, from European colonialism to the ‘war on terror’, have continually shaped regional (in)security (L. C. Brown 1984; Korany 1999b: 35–59; Salloukh and Brynen 2004; Halliday 2005: 75–130). As a response, Middle Eastern leaders have, over time, brought forth alternative conceptions of the regional order, such as the ‘Arab Nation’ or the ‘Muslim umma’, even though the association between identity and space has not always produced ‘security communities’ but (more) often catalyzed fragmentations and rivalries (Mufti 1996; Barnett 1998; Noble 2008). A clear example is the rise and fall of the United Arab Republic (UAR), the administrative and political unity between Egypt and Syria, which dissolved three years after its creation as Egyptian dominance became visible in the implementation of the idea of ‘unity’, to the detriment of the Syrian counterpart. Yet, whereas endogenous ideological rivalries have been absorbed by international hierarchies over time, the rise of ‘people’s power’ (Amar and Prashad 2013; Volpi and Stein 2015; Chalcraft 2016), especially after the 2011 uprisings (see Chapter 15), points to an unprecedented struggle between rival visions of the (geo)political order in the region. What we notice is a tension between elitist and non-elitist understandings of security, which transcends inter-state rivalries and has produced massive violent popular mobilization at trans-national or sub-national levels. Though exceptional in its magnitude, this struggle is not 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 229 07/02/19 12:14 PM 230 PART 2 THEMES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY new. The exclusion of formerly powerful actors and ‘imagined communities’ from the interstate system that took shape and crystalized between the First and Second World Wars has systematically encouraged the proliferation of counter-hegemonic organizations, operating underground through violent and non-violent means, and putting forward alternative visions of the political-territorial order. These range from various nationalist armed organizations, such as the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK), Hezbollah, or Hamas, to counter-national organizations that emerged over the twentieth and twenty-first century, such as al-Qaeda and the ‘Islamic State’. From this perspective, the 2011 Arab uprisings allowed an unprecedented politicization of latent societal cleavages, producing novel articulations of sovereignty, as evidenced by the post-2011 rearticulating of civil–military relations (Calculli 2013). However, this critical juncture produced contrasting outcomes: it put in jeopardy some traditional sovereign orders, whilst strengthening others (Fawcett 2017b). In fact, whereas the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the Arab uprisings in 2011 opened up unprecedented possibilities for new actors to emerge and politicize communities around alternative visions of political order—such as the so-called ‘Islamic State’ or the Kurdish Rojava—it mainly strengthened regional and international power hierarchies. Relatively stable autocracies such as Syria and Egypt managed to withstand the popular revolt and continue to benefit from foreign provision of ‘regime security’ (Ayoob 1995), to the detriment of the security of their states and people. Foreign powers, especially the United States and Russia, have further expanded their presence in the Middle East after 9/11, in spite of their repeated claims of ‘retrenchment’ and ‘disengagement’. Depoliticizing violence: the ‘war on terror’ in the Middle East These contradictory outcomes—this chapter argues—are side effects of the ‘war on terror’ as a new practice of security governance. Whereas long-standing and new political rivalries continue to inform conflict and uses of violence, all conflicts in the Middle East since 9/11 have been waged and justified in terms of the ‘war on terror’, in a disfigured form of just war theory. From this perspective, the ‘war on terror’ is an open-ended ‘state of exception’, making it easier for powerful actors to cause and justify atrocious forms of violence in the name of security (Agamben 2005; Ralph 2013). In the Middle East, the post-9/11 ‘war on terror’ provided a novel framing to the long-lasting divide between friends and foes of the United States, manufacturing it as a divide between ‘champions of the war on terror’ and ‘sponsors of terrorism’. Framed as such, the two axes are no longer political alliances, but are morally sanctioned by the United States and its allies as ‘good versus evil’. It is no longer a war in pursuit of the national interest, but rather a total war against the perennial threat of evil forces in order to safeguard global security. This is amplified by the inability of the international community to define terrorism—as different states pursue opposite agendas with their ‘wars on terror’. Armed groups such as Hezbollah, Hamas, the PK, the Syrian Kurdish militia YPG, are considered ‘terrorist organizations’ by some states and ‘freedom fighters’ by other states. Some armed groups are listed or delisted as ‘terrorists’ in accordance to the shifting circumstances in which they operate. For instance, the Iranian exiled anti-regime group Mujahiddeen el-Khalq (MEK) formerly armed by Saddam Hussein as part of his anti-Iran policy, was listed 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 230 07/02/19 12:14 PM CHAP TER 10 MIDDLE EAST SECURITY: THE POLITICS OF VIOLENCE AFTER THE 2003 IRAQ WAR 231 as a terrorist organization by the US State Department, but delisted in 2012, when prominent US officials, like John Bolton, sought to use this group as a means to undermine the Iranian regime. These examples magnify the tension between the ‘war on terror’ as a merely apolitical ethical enterprise, and its actual political uses. The arbitrary character of naming a force as ‘terrorist’, and thereby mobilizing the ‘politics of shame’, offers unprecedented possibilities for some countries to stigmatize and ostracize other countries and organizations, by seeking to place them beyond the realm of international community, and paint them as outcasts. This is a process of dehumanization of certain actors and the depoliticization of war against them; war becomes a necessity, not a choice. The next sections provide illustrations of this logic. The ‘new Iraq’: (in)security and rival visions of the state The US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 has produced long-lasting fragmentation of the region. Despite the widespread exposure of the erroneous allegations put forward by the United States and United Kingdom about Saddam Hussein’s possession of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) and violation of the UNSC Resolution 14411 to legitimate regime change in Iraq, Western troops and private contractors continued to occupy the country, under the framework of the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA), funded by the US Department of Defense. Yet, as WMDs could no longer serve as a ground to legitimize US presence in Iraq, Washington shifted its focus from the need to impose compliance with international norms and treaties to the desire to implement a democratic transition in Iraq. As Paul Bremer recalled after the end of his mandate as chief executive of CPA: I was deeply concerned about terrorism and homeland security and felt that it was important that we had defeated Saddam Hussein. I felt that the idea of bringing decent government to the Iraqi people was a good thing . . . I came at it with a combination of basically a realistic view of the importance to American security . . . and a more general view that bringing democracy to countries in the Middle East, particularly an important country like Iraq, was in America’s interest.’2 Beyond the controversial and widely debated issue of US-imposed democratization (Dodge 2003; Tripp 2004; Feldman 2006; Allawi 2007), it is important to acknowledge how the doctrinal and ideological background which informed the management of the political transition in Iraq had the ambition to ‘reinvent the Iraqi State’ (Dodge 2003), through stigmatizing and erasing from the public sphere all references to and symbols of Saddam’s state. By interrupting continuity with the past, the United States aimed at concealing the political controversy over the false US claims that had brought forth the ‘new Iraq’, an expression reproduced by Washington circles and policy makers. Herein lies the tension between CPA’s ethical responsibility toward the Iraqi people and the desire to build a ‘new Iraq’ as a novel pillar of the US security strategy, in ‘the new Middle East’, an expression coined by Israeli president Shimon Perez in 1993 and revived amidst the ‘global war on terror’ by US officials.3 Such tension is traceable along two major paradigms of post-conflict reconstruction in Iraq after 2003: i) the ‘de-Ba’athification’ policy that governed the restructuring of state institutions, along with the related disbandment of the Iraqi army; and ii) the formalization of federalism and sectarian parliamentary quotas. These policies reflected US (geo)political 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 231 07/02/19 12:14 PM 232 PART 2 THEMES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY strategy of building a democratic Iraq under US influence, eliminating all structures of the previous state. Yet, this ‘politics of amnesia’, through the celebration of an entirely ‘new’ state, was a way to obfuscate the inevitable conflict stemming from the decimation of the Ba’athist state. They sought to depoliticize an ineluctably political process that created new ‘losers’ and ‘winners’. Quite predictably, they exacerbated rather than eliminated the political conflict in the country. This strategy triggered the emergence of radically alternative visions of the political order, and the consequent violent contestation of Iraqi sovereignty, borders, and territory. It is from this perspective that we can understand the militarization of Iraqi society along sectarian lines, the contestation of US presence, and Baghdad as the site of a widely delegitimized Iraqi sovereignty. De-Ba’athification and insecurity in the Iraqi state Whilst Ba’athism had not prevented the United States from collaborating with Iraq, especially during the Iraq–Iran war (1980–1988), its discrediting and dismantling became a key objective in the discourse of the United States about the rebuilding of Iraq. This process of de-Ba’athification affected the powerful political, military, and intelligence cadres of Saddam’s state, as much as it affected simple functionaries of public bureaucracy, lowranking officers, and normal citizens (Dodge 2015). Its consequences, along with the overt stigmatization of the Iraqi army for having resisted US troops during the 2003 invasion, alienated a significant part of Iraqi society from the construction of the new state. Paradoxically, this occurred when the Ba’ath party was no longer an ideological framework of popular mobilization against US imperialism (Marr and al-Marashi 2017: 202). Rather, it was a tool for the regime to control the society, and many Iraqis had no choice other than becoming members to survive and cope with dictatorship. Therefore, in the process of erasing the Ba’athist state, the supposedly benign CPA authority in Baghdad revealed its intolerant face by de facto denying part of the citizenry of the old state the possibility of becoming full members of the new state. De-Ba’athification served as grounds to implement an exclusively American model of the new state, thus ostracizing part of the population. Not surprisingly, this strategic policy of estrangement produced bottom-up resistance, which translated in the emergence of counter-hegemonic radical projects, such as al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) and later the ‘Islamic State’ (IS), as well as Shi’a militias in the South, like the ‘Badr Brigades’ and the ‘Jaysh al-Mahdi’, led by the cleric Moqtada al-Sadr. Former Iraqi generals who were radicalized in American detention camps, such as Camp Bucca, became key components of jihadi groups. Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the founding leader of the jihadi organization of the so-called ‘Islamic State’ (or IS), recruited his core followers in the same camp. Hence, the newly disenfranchised Iraqis who had to make way for the construction of new Iraq joined, in large numbers, a parallel state, the ‘Islamic State’ (Dodge 2018). Federalism, institutionalization of sectarianism, and the violent re-politicization of the Iraqi society Throughout its transition from Ottoman rule to the British Mandate to the Ba’athist Republic, Iraqi society has been consistently organized around competing ‘myth-symbol complexes’ (Haddad 2011) based on confessional (Sunni, Shi’a) or ethnic (Kurdish) identities providing 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 232 07/02/19 12:14 PM CHAP TER 10 MIDDLE EAST SECURITY: THE POLITICS OF VIOLENCE AFTER THE 2003 IRAQ WAR 233 ontological security to their adherents. Yet, sectarian identities amalgamated with modern modes of creating political subjects, especially during the heydays of Arab nationalism and the centralized Iraqi Republic. Saddam’s state, although authoritarian, had had the capacity to suppress alternative forms of ethnic and confessional identification, which—perhaps unsurprisingly—re-emerged at moments of state feebleness, such as in the aftermath of the first Gulf War (1990–91), when Kurds and Shi’a rebelled against the regime. However, amidst the post-2003 reinvention of the Iraqi state, sectarianism eroded Iraqi national identities. That was not simply because of the dismantling of the former state, but also the consequence of the institutionalization of sectarianism through two main moves: i) the introduction of sectarian parliamentary quotas; and ii) federalism, which produced a transfer of power from Baghdad to governorates (muhafazāt) in a country in which sectarian groups outside of the capital are geographically concentrated. On the one hand, thanks to the unprecedented institutionalization of sectarian quotas, a coalition of Shi’a parties took advantage of their numerical majority and came to dominate the political system. On the other hand, federalism strengthened some sub-units, whilst disempowering others. This arrangement allowed Kurdistan to function as a de facto independent state, with capacity to control its territory and borders through the Peshmerga armed force, sell oil independently from Baghdad, and develop its own para-diplomatic relations (Abbas Zadeh and Kirmanj 2017). By contrast, the peripheral western muhafaza of Anbar, at the border with Syria, had no representation in the new parliament and soon after 2003 showed open disregard towards the authority of the state, as evidenced by the fact that only 2% of the population voted in the 2005 elections (Rey 2016: 48). The Sunni population of Anbar, a minority amongst the Iraqi population, became severely marginalized within the new sectarian-federal state apparatus. This came on top of the stigmatization of the Sunnis for their alleged complicity with Saddam’s regime. Such categorization however, did not take into account the fact that many Sunni peripheral enclaves of Iraq, such as Anbar, had suffered since the 1990s from the shrinking of welfare programs in the economically besieged Iraq under international embargo. Not surprisingly, it was in Anbar that AQI and the ‘Islamic State’ established their control, providing alternative institutions and services to a delegitimized Iraqi state. Finally, in the southern Shi’a governorates, even some Shi’a militias contested first CPA authority and later the government of Nuri al-Maliki, sparking intra-Shi’a competition over state resources (al-Ali 2014). At the same time, clashes erupted between Sunni and Shi’a militias in what descended into a protracted civil war, which reached its peak between 2006 and 2007 and was particularly acute in Baghdad, one of the few places which had been home to a mixture of both Shi’a and Sunni communities (Haddad 2011: 179–204). Sectarian violence was temporarily suppressed by the US surge in 2007, only to revive after 2010, when the ‘Islamic State in Iraq’ emerged under the leadership of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. Finally, after 2011, AQI and the so-called ‘Islamic State’ expanded their role into Syria, coinciding with the militarization of the popular revolt against the Asad regime. This development merged the insecurity of Iraq and Syria, whilst depoliticizing violence in both countries. Beyond Iraqi sovereignty As the US plans for a ‘democratic’ Iraq did not come to fruition, the new CPA-imposed institutions triggered the rise of a number of alternative visions of the state, which coalesced 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 233 07/02/19 12:14 PM 234 PART 2 THEMES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY into a regime of competing sovereignties, a congregation of novel armed organizations, running parallel to the state, acting like the state, and often rivalling one another. Shi’a militias justified their creation and operation in opposition to the state, but on many occasions acted in concert with the US-backed Iraqi army. In fact, the establishment of consociational political systems which guarantee representation or parliamentary ‘qoutas’ to confessional communities, such as Lebanon or post-2003 Iraq, encourages militias to form political parties in order to use their institutional stronghold to control key security institutions and their relations with external actors. They enter the state in order to secure and strengthen their position outside of it: in this way militias are able to transform security institutions—the army, the police, and the intelligence service—from rivals into accomplices (Calculli 2018a). It is through this political-institutional strategy that Shi’a militiamen-politicians have been able to use their role within the Iraqi government to appoint key officers and poiticize specific corps of the post-2003 Iraqi army. These ‘hybrid’ sovereignties’ (Fregonese 2012) were revealed, for instance, in the fight against the ‘Islamic State’. The Shi’a armed group ‘Hash al-Sha‘bi’ (an organization that has absorbed many former Iraqi Shi’a militias), sponsored by Iran, became a key player in the 2017 liberation of Mosul from so-called Caliphate. Yet, during the fight over Mosul, the Iraqi army, almost a shadow institution, acted together with ‘Hash al-Sha‘bi’, to the point that they became undistinguishable from each other. The semi-autonomous Kurdistan soon turned into a political-administrative entity, economically, judicially, and militarily independent from Baghdad. Whilst the Peshmerga forces did contribute to the liberation of Mosul, their aim was primarily to seal the border between Kurdistan and the rest of Iraq, and delineate Erbil’s independence from Baghdad. The successful referendum held in September 2017, calling for a negotiation of Kurdistan’s independence from Baghdad, was perhaps naively unaware of the reaction of Baghdad, Ankara, Tehran, or even Washington. Although international actors dismissed the referendum and threatened Erbil, the momentum unmistakably pointed to a ‘kurdistanization’ of the northern governorate, where formerly Iraqi citizens no longer feel ‘Iraqi’ (MacQueen 2015; Rafaat 2018). The north-western provinces of Niniveh and Anbar fell under the ‘Islamic State’. When Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi proclaimed a Caliphate (al-khilafa) in Mosul in 2014, and later dismantled the Iraqi–Syrian border, it temporarily transfigured the social and political space under the shari’ah state. From the ‘axis of evil’ to the ‘Shi’a crescent’: myths and realities of the Iranian threat After Iraq, Iran was the second major target of the United States ‘global war on terror’. Iran notoriously sponsors the Lebanese armed group Hezbollah, which the US considers a ‘terrorist organization’, and has pursued an expansionist foreign policy in the Levant since the 1980s, but Tehran did not play any role in the attacks of 9/11 to warrant hostility from the United States. Yet, the ‘war on terror’ opened an opportunity for the United States and its allies to revive latent geopolitical rivalries, and fight foes, by selectively and strategically using the normative and ethical canvass of the ‘war on terror’. Soon after 9/11, the Bush administration included Iran, together with Iraq and North Korea, into its ‘axis of evil’, a grouping of countries it accused of sponsoring terrorism and pursuing WMDs, later expanded by the then Under Secretary of State John Bolton to include also Syria and Libya.4 Iran was accused of secretly developing a programme to 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 234 07/02/19 12:14 PM CHAP TER 10 MIDDLE EAST SECURITY: THE POLITICS OF VIOLENCE AFTER THE 2003 IRAQ WAR 235 enrich uranium for military purposes, and measures were also taken against Damascus: on 12 December 2003, the US Congress approved the Syrian Accountability and Lebanese Restoration Act (SALSRA), urging Syria to stop sponsoring terrorism in Lebanon; the SALSRA paved the way for the UNSC Resolution 1559 (2004), calling for a total dismantlement of ‘illegitimate weapons’ in Lebanon. The implicit target of these normative measures was the Iran-sponsored Lebanese political party and armed group Hezbollah. Also, in 2003, when the United States issued a list of terrorist organizations, classified in two categories, A and B—respectively more and less threatening for US national security—Hezbollah was put in the A-group, whereas al-Qaeda—the architect and executor of the 9/11 attack, which provoked more than 3,200 victims in New York—was surprisingly listed in the B-group. Amidst the occupation of Iraq in 2003, the United States hinted that, once they had removed the regime of Saddam Hussein in Baghdad, US Marines could have marched towards Tehran and Damascus. Beyond the misleading ‘axis-of-evil’ narrative, as evidenced by the absence of WMDs in Iraq, the post-9/11 US intervention in the Middle East relied on a selective use of stigma. In fact, some evidence of state sponsorship of 9/11 terrorism points to Saudi Arabia, the state which had been home to the majority of the hijackers (rather than any of the ‘axis’ members). The alleged connection between the Saudi establishment and the World Trade Centre attack became an issue of public debate when, in September 2016, President Obama vetoed the ‘Justice Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act’ (JASTA), a US bill to let families of 9/11 victims sue a foreign country for the New York attack. Obama’s controversial move was widely perceived as a way to avoid a sharp setback for the long-standing US–Saudi alliance, but Congress overrode the veto and passed the law.5 In late 2017, Saudi Arabia even attempted to persuade Donald J. Trump to rescind the law,6 even though it was by then clear that JASTA was not going to damage the Washington–Riyadh special relationship. Beyond its symbolic value, JASTA exposed the US political uses of the ‘war on terror’. In fact, the novel geopolitical imagination of the ‘new Middle East’, as an exclusive sphere of US influence, free of Washington foes, lay behind the normative language and the strategic shaming used against Middle Eastern regimes not aligned with the United States. The last years of Obama’s presidency marked a diversion from such overarching US vision of the Middle East, shifting towards the idea of a shared sphere of influence, entailing the inclusion of Iran. Notable was the successful conclusion of the Iran nuclear deal—or the ‘Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action’ (JCPOA)—in 2015, meant to institutionalize a regular international monitoring of Iranian nuclear sites. However, President Trump’s decision to unilaterally withdraw from JCPOA in 2018 (see Chapter 16), despite Iran’s compliance with the terms of the agreement, points to the continuation of an aggressive neo-conservative approach towards Tehran. Such a tough line is certainly engraved in the time-honoured US–Iran mistrust, going back to the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the symbolic embracing of anti-Americanism and anti-Zionism by the conservative wing of the Iranian establishment. Yet, the flexible discourse of the ‘war on terror’ has served as a tempting tool not just to pursue the obstinate isolation of Iran, but also to call for a potential regime change in Tehran, to reshape the country and incorporate it into a US-dominated Middle East. Quarantining Iran: a strategic failure As an Iranian diplomat put it, ‘[h]ad the United States not removed the Taliban regime in 2001 and Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003, Iran would now concentrate all its military 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 235 07/02/19 12:14 PM 236 PART 2 THEMES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY and strategic efforts in policing and controlling the borders it shares with Afghanistan and with Iraq’.7 The ‘global war on terror’ in the Middle East eliminated from the regional security equation two major challengers to Tehran, paving the way for an expansion of Iranian power projection, especially over Iraq and the Arab Levant. Ironically, the strategies put in place to contain the ‘axis of evil’ strengthened instead the ‘axis of the resistance’ (mihwar al-muqāwama)—the alliance between Iran, Syria, and Hezbollah—a wholly unintended consequence of the Iraq War. The post-2003 expansion of Iran’s influence over the region has sparked antagonistic reactions in both Saudi Arabia and Israel. These tensions reached their zenith under the presidency of Ahmadinejad, who championed the nuclear program as an ‘Iranian right’ (Warnaar 2013: 137). From the strategic perspective of Tel Aviv, Iranian desire to acquire nuclear weapons was compromising the hegemonic military role that Israel exerts in the Middle East as the only regional nuclear power. Yet, after the election of Rouhani, Iran adopted a rather cooperative attitude, which eventually led to the 2015 JCPOA. This was also due to the punitive sanctions imposed on Tehran and the systematic assassination of Iranian nuclear scientists (Samore 2015). Iran’s involvement in Iraq and in Syria in the twenty-first century nurtured the narrative of the ‘Shi’a crescent’, a term that the Jordanian King Abdullah coined in 2005 to characterize the ‘axis of the resistance’ with a religious tone. However essentialist, the concepts of ‘Shi’a politics’ as opposed to ‘Sunni politics’, widely used by practitioners and analysts, signal the power of securitizing confessional identities to produce violent mobilization (Gause 2014; Salloukh 2017). Beyond the pious narratives, there are two ‘profane’ contentious imaginations of regional order at stake here: on the one hand, Iran and its allies claim the ‘legitimacy’ of intervening in Iraq, Syria as ‘invited’ by the allied authorities of the country, contrary to other regional states, such as Saudi Arabia and the United States (Corm 2012). On the other hand, Saudi Arabia claims that Iran must be stopped, because of its imperial ambitions, and has lobbied the United States and Israel to intervene and reverse Iran’s strategic gains. Yet, the failure of the attempt to isolate Iran and prevent its expansion in the Levant has only exacerbated the use of sectarianism as a tool to militarize Levantine societies, especially after the outbreak of the Syrian conflict in 2011, to justify foreign intervention of both states and non-state armed groups, and to attract foreign fighters from the Middle East and the world. Iran–Saudi rivalry in Syria: conflict and the triumph of sectarianism The sectarianization of the Middle East has gained centrality since the outbreak of the Syrian conflict, serving as a convenient tool for belligerent parties. In particular, the Syrian conflict elucidates how sectarianism can serve as an instrument of depoliticization, by re-locating conflict on a religious dimension, appealing to rival popularized images of the ‘political order’, which spark radical emotions, revive or reinvent spiritual communities, and produce violent mobilization. The rapid sectarianization of the Syrian conflict also shows how a domestic revolt has been easily and swiftly incorporated into the Iran–Saudi regional rivalry. The sectarian rift was not central at the beginning of the Syrian thāwra (‘revolution’) which erupted in March 2011, nor in the initial phase of the militarization of the civil 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 236 07/02/19 12:14 PM CHAP TER 10 MIDDLE EAST SECURITY: THE POLITICS OF VIOLENCE AFTER THE 2003 IRAQ WAR 237 strife between July and August 2011. The early wave of protests was indeed ‘peaceful’ and grounded in a political anti-regime platform, demanding economic and political reforms, and the end of the mukhabarāt regime. Also, the first militarization of the political conflict was non-sectarian: the jaish al-suri al-hurr (the ‘Free Syrian Army’) emerged over the summer of 2011 in response to the persistent repression of the protests by the Asad regime. Yet, the Syrian uprising represented a window of opportunity for regional powers to step into the Levant and push for a regime change in Damascus and undermine Iranian influence. Iran intervened to protect the Damascus regime and preserve its influence in the Levant. In May 2013, Hezbollah also entered the Syrian conflict as a key military player of the pro-regime and pro-Iran bloc. Turkey sought to use Syria as an entry point to reshape the Middle East as a new sphere of Turkish influence; Saudi Arabia instead promoted the formation of new branches of the opposition, in an attempt to strip Syria away from Iranian influence and impose a new pro-Riyadh leadership in Damascus. Backed by Western powers, especially the United States, the UK, and France, in November 2011, the Saudis engineered the suspension of Syria from the Arab League. In an attempt at accelerating the collapse of the Syrian regime, Turkey and the Gulf States—especially Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar—informally engaged in sponsoring defections from the Syrian army and the political establishment. It is important to note that, as in post-2003 Iraq, other actors also took advantage of the breakdown of the political order, to pursue their own strategic visions and reshape parts of the Syrian territory. Israel, for instance, intervened in the south-western part of Syria, strengthening its position over the Israeli-occupied Syrian Golan to prepare for its potential annexation. The Golan has served as a hotspot to provide aid to selected anti-Asad rebels and launch airstrikes against Hezbollah, Syrian, and Iranian positions in the country. Also, Syrian Kurdish militias have emerged in the north-eastern part of Syria, playing a peculiar role in the post-2011 war, with the aim of carving out the three Kurdish cantons of Afrin, Kobane, and Jazeera—the so-called Rojava—thus taking this territory away from the Syrian state and reinventing it as a new sovereign entity. These conflicting visions of the Levant (Shām) have been complicated by the international competition between the United States and Russia, as Syria has also become a battleground for both Washington and Moscow to redefine their spheres of influence in the Middle East and test their respective limits. The Saudi–Iranian rivalry, in particular, has reshaped the social-political conflict in sectarian terms, thus hijacking the initial popular rift and favouring the rise of radical armed groups and the spreading of insecurity. These developments are the by-product of competing strategies to overcome the enemy in the name of regional and international security. On the one hand, Saudi Arabia sponsored the expansion of Salafi-jihadi cells, while the Turkish and Lebanese borders also became the transit path for world jihadists to penetrate the Syrian battleground, from 2011 to 2013 (Cafarella 2014). A branch of al-Qaeda in Iraq moved to Syria in 2012, forming a powerful and cohesive militia, Jabhat al-Nusra (later rebranded ‘Hayat Tahrir al-Sham’, after the divorce from al-Qaeda in 2016). As mentioned in the previous section, the organization of the ‘Islamic State’ (initially ‘Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant’), also took advantage of the retreat of the Syrian state from the eastern governorates of the country, mainly inhabited by Sunnis, to occupy and merge them with the western provinces of Iraq (Anbar and Niniveh), to 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 237 07/02/19 12:14 PM 238 PART 2 THEMES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY form a reordered space under a ‘new sovereign’. Other Salafi-jihadi militias emerged in the Damascus provinces, such as the Saudi-sponsored Jaysh al-Islam, in the attempt to weaken the Syrian capital, where the support for Bashar al-Asad has remained consistently strong during the conflict. The radicalization of the Syrian war generated narratives of the Shām—the ‘Levant’— charged with religious eschatological meanings, to justify the violent expulsion of the Shi’a. Sunni clerics in the region claimed that a jihad in Syria against the Shi’a and the Alawites (the Shi’a sub-group to which the Asad family belongs) was a ‘religious duty’ to restore justice and order in the Shām. Relying on three fatwas by the Syrian scholar Taqi al-Din bin Taimiyya, a group of clerics, Yusuf al-Qaradawi among them, singled out the Alawites as ‘apostates’ (murtadd) of the Islamic religion, guilty of disbelief (kufr) and ‘more unbelieving (akfar) than Christians and Jews’. These discourses have largely eclipsed the original claims of the Syrian revolution, and encouraged the creation of a non-Syrian jihadi opposition against Asad. On the other side, the Iranian Revolutionary Guards supported the Asad army. In 2013, the Lebanese Shi’a party and armed group Hezbollah became a prominent actor in the Syrian war, backing the Syrian army in key military operations. Shi’a fighters from Iran and Afghanistan have also formally and informally joined the ranks of the pro-Syria front against Islamist militias. Iran has also coordinated its intervention in Syria with Russia, which has provided air power to the Asad regime, although Iran and Russia have maintained independent strategic perspectives. The Syrian regime, Hezbollah, and Iran have also capitalized on the sectarianization of the conflict, for the anti-Shi’a acrimony of the opposition has served to elaborate a discourse of strategic victimhood, which has diverted the attention from (and at times even provided a justification for) regime repression, coercive control of the population, and brutalization of the Syrian population. Most crucially, however, the Syrian regime tried to fight back against its enemies, by embracing universal moral principles, and particularly appealing to Western public opinion. By calling for the protection of ‘religious pluralism’ against the claims of radical opposition groups threatening to annihilate and cleanse the Levant from Christian, Shi’a, and other alleged ‘apostates’, the Syrian regime has reinvented itself as the security provider of minority groups. This outwardly attractive rhetoric has by and large served the purpose of justifying brutal military operations against civilians, collectively stigmatized as terrorist supporters. These competing narratives have not only fostered the militarization of Levantine societies, but also attracted spur-of-the-moment fighters. The so-called Islamic State and other jihadi groups have, for instance, attracted foreign fighters moved by feeling of anti-Shi’a revenge and various imaginations of shari’ah-based orders in the Levant to replace what they see as an ‘apostate order’. Yet, it is exactly the radicalization of the opposition and the violence that the ‘Islamic State’ has carried out and promoted in Western cities that enabled the Asad regime, Russia, and Iran to portray the civil war as a ‘regional aggression against a legitimate state authority’—a view shared also by several right-wing parties in European countries, such as the ‘Front National’ in France or the ‘Northern League’ in Italy. Indeed, the expansion of jihadi groups in the Syrian conflict has also discouraged military intervention against Asad. For instance, in 2013, Obama’s decision to intervene against Asad for using chemical weapons in the Ghouta, did not come to pass. This decision was mainly 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 238 07/02/19 12:14 PM CHAP TER 10 MIDDLE EAST SECURITY: THE POLITICS OF VIOLENCE AFTER THE 2003 IRAQ WAR 239 driven by the ‘fear of chaos and jihadi takeover’, which the Asad regime, Iran, and Russia have ostensibly used to reverse the possibility of forced regime change. Trump has so far continued Obama’s line (Calculli 2018b). The decision by the Trump administration to retaliate against Asad’s use of chemical weapons in Khan Shaykhun in 2017, and Douma in 2018, was intended as a symbolic gesture and not a move to weaken or remove the Asad regime. A return to the regime change doctrine? The election of Donald Trump has nevertheless brought about changes that, contrary to his rhetoric, reveal a striking continuity with US policies, especially of the neo-conservatives (see Chapter 16). In a renewed attempt to undermine the strategic gains of Damascus and Tehran, Israel and Saudi Arabia have once again appealed to the old ‘regime change doctrine’ against Iran. This is mainly because the use of sectarianism has not played into the hands of Saudi Arabia, especially as anti-Shi’a narratives have been embraced by alQaeda and the ‘Islamic State’—both derivatives from the Wahhabi Doctrine, promoted by the Saudi regime. As these groups have sponsored attacks in Western cities, international media have stigmatized Sunni Islamist ideologies, from which the credibility and image of Iran, the Syrian regime, and Hezbollah have largely benefited. Also, the Saudi invasion of Yemen to oust the Houthi militia, supported by Iran, has damaged rather than enhanced the standing of Saudi Arabia. Reports in international media about Saudi infantry fighting jointly with al-Qaeda in Yemen, and the colossal humanitarian crisis caused by the invasion, reinforce this view. The Saudi crown prince Mohammed bin Salman has responded by launching a ‘charm offensive’ towards primarily Western audiences, to restore its image whilst stigmatizing Iran. Saudi Arabia has reinforced its relationship with the US administration of Donald J. Trump, and embraced the doctrine of the ‘war on terror’. Trump’s first official visit to Saudi Arabia in 2017 was marked by a speech referring to the binary between ‘good and evil’ in the world and the need to eradicate ‘terrorism’.8 He accused Iran of being the major sponsor of ‘global terrorism’, conveniently omitting the direct involvement of Saudi Arabia and other Gulf regimes in funding and supporting jihadi groups in the Middle East and elsewhere. This selective shaming served to rehabilitate the standing of the Saudis and undermine that of the Iranians. The formalization of relations with Israel has also served this goal. In an unprecedented move, Mohammed bin Salman has defended the ‘right of Israel to the land’,9 in spite of intensification of settlements expansion in Occupied Palestinian Territories, between 2017 and 2018. Overall, these developments constituted the start of a new coordinated offensive against Iran, which eventually led to US unilateral withdrawal from JCPOA, a move welcomed by both Israel and Saudi Arabia. An open call for regime change in Iran is permeating the triangular relation between the United States, Israel, and Saudi Arabia. The close liaison between the neoconservative American vision and the aspirations of Riyadh and Tel Aviv to remain the dominant forces in a region in which Iran is capable and willing to play a strategic role, has informed a new politics of shaming, combining sectarianism with other forms of demonization and deception, such as the alleged liaison between Iran and al-Qaeda or the ‘Islamic State’.10 All this at a time when Iran has actually fought these groups for strategic reasons and has informally coordinated its action with the United States in the fight against the Caliphate in both Iraq and Syria (al-Tamimi 2017). This rhetorical hostility is certainly engraved in the 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 239 07/02/19 12:14 PM 240 PART 2 THEMES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY historical tensions with the Islamic Republic, but also suggests a strategic refusal to acknowledge Iran’s attempt to overcome isolation (Adler-Nissen 2014: 184–96). The politics of the ‘war on terror’ in the aftermath of the 2011 Arab uprisings As already noted, the ‘war on terror’ has become the overarching framework to define the doctrinal and ethical/moral standards of security in the twenty-first century in the Middle East, but also a political tool to depoliticize rivalries. Since the 2011 Arab uprisings, various international and regional actors have appropriated the ‘war on terror’ to undermine key rivals and prevent them from taking part in the political transition and reordering of the Middle East. Two cases exemplify this strategy: the Saudi–Egyptian violent ostracism of the Muslim Brotherhood and their main sponsor, Qatar; and the Turkish offensive against the Syrian Kurdish militia YPG. The rise and fall of the Muslim Brotherhood (and Qatar) An old and well-structured organization, although operating clandestinely throughout the Middle East, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) scored a spectacular victory following the 2011 Arab uprisings, despite not being a catalyst for this unexpected change. In Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Syria, the Brotherhood took part in elections or formed armed militias to join violent strikes. Yet, the rapid rise of the MB sparked a rift between Saudi Arabia and Qatar (together with Turkey, to a lesser extent). In early 2011, Qatar and Turkey converged towards similar strategies without obvious coordination. On the one hand, they officially supported the popular revolts in several countries, thus seeking to project and bolster their respective brands regionally and globally at a point at which general enthusiasm for the Arab uprisings ran high (Kamrava 2013); on the other hand, they sought to help the MB to seize power in key Arab countries, especially Egypt and Tunisia. In offering financial support and electoral training to the newly formed ‘Freedom and Justice Party’ in Egypt, al-Nahda in Tunisia or the ‘Justice and Construction Party’ in Libya, Qatar and Turkey sought to shape the political transition in these countries in accordance with their respective designs. Qatar, a member of the Saudi-dominated Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), succeeded in carving out a role as ‘the patron’ of the MB in the Middle East, including the MB-linked Palestinian movement Hamas, which moved its political headquarter from Damascus to Doha after the outbreak of the Syrian revolution (Kamrava 2013). Also, Qatar and Turkey played an important role in sponsoring Muslim Brothers-affiliated groups in Libya and Syria, although at times they also sponsored jihadi militias. This development triggered a tough intra-GCC competition (Lacroix 2012). Qatar’s ambition to climb up the regional hierarchy after 2011 was, in fact, a challenge to Saudi hegemony over the GCC and Saudi bids to regional leadership. In order to counteract the rise of Qatar, the Saudis implemented a counter-strategy in two steps: first, they sponsored the military coup against the MB in Egypt in 2013; second, they engaged in an international campaign of delegitimizing the Muslim Brotherhood, which involved lobbying and persuading 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 240 07/02/19 12:14 PM CHAP TER 10 MIDDLE EAST SECURITY: THE POLITICS OF VIOLENCE AFTER THE 2003 IRAQ WAR 241 Western governments to expel exiled members of the Brotherhood and declare it a terrorist organization. Egypt moved swiftly to ostracize the Brotherhood. To situate this process, it is noteworthy that, in the first post-2011 Egyptian elections, the Muslim Brotherhood gained 47% of the seats in the majlis (parliament) and Mohammed Mursi became the first democratically elected president of the Muslim Brotherhood in June 2012. Under Mursi, Qatar became the most influential foreign actor in Egypt, and the main investor and provider of financial aid for the new government. However, when in June 2013 the Tamarrud movement demanded the resignation of the president and early presidential elections, Saudi Arabia explicitly sponsored Mursi’s forced removal from power, the establishment of a military-led interim government, and eventually the election of General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi as the new president of Egypt in May 2014. The coordinated political support by Saudi Arabia and UAE for the Egyptian army was followed by a package of $20 billion that eased the military-led transition and replaced the existing financial support by Qatar and Turkey, which had been key between 2011 and 2012 (Amin 2014: 403–4). In the process of transition, the first and most important measure taken by the interim government was the blacklisting of the Muslim Brothers as a ‘terrorist group’, in tandem with the de facto impunity of the security forces, responsible for the extra-judicial killing of 638 supporters of the deposed President Mursi in al-Raba’ al-Adawiyya Square on 14 August 2013. Despite being the main political party in the country, the Muslim Brothers were relegated to the position of a terrorist organization in a matter of days, following a wholesale campaign of demonization, incarceration, forced disappearances, and torture by the army. In February 2015, an Egyptian court branded also the Palestinian Hamas as a ‘terrorist organization’. These measures spread regionally as well, with Saudi Arabia and the UAE labelling the Brotherhood a ‘terrorist group’. In a similar vein, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the UAE jointly withdrew their ambassadors from Doha, claiming that Qatar had violated the pact of non-interference in other GCC members’ internal affairs. Under Saudi pressure, also the UK issued a report in which they declared the Brotherhood as a ‘terrorist group’, although the UK had historically been a major hosting country for exiled members of the Brotherhood. By charging Qatar over liaisons with terrorist organizations, Saudi Arabia succeeded in undercutting Qatar’s ambition of strengthening its regional role by distancing itself from Saudi Arabia. Kurdish fighters in Syria: ‘terrorists’ or ‘freedom fighters’? The case of the Kurdish militia of the YPG (Yekîneyên Parastina Gel), the armed wing of the ‘Democratic Union Party’, also known as PYD (Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat), is another illustrative case of how the label of ‘terrorist organization’ is an arbitrary referent object in the competition between great powers. Created in 2004, the YPG is known for its affiliation with the PKK, an armed group operating in Turkey, that both Ankara and Washington consider a ‘terrorist organization’. The YPG became a relevant actor in the Syrian conflict in 2015, when the militia engaged in a struggle with the ‘Islamic State’ in the strategically important Kurdish city of Kobane and managed to ‘liberate’ it from the jihadi group. Immediately afterwards, the YPG came to be seen as the core pillar of the ‘Syrian Democratic Force’ (SDF). In fact, the SDF was rather a rebranding of the YPG, although it included other 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 241 07/02/19 12:14 PM 242 PART 2 THEMES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY non-Kurdish fighters. The rebranding came after the US decision to sponsor and train YPG fighters and use them as proxies in the fight against the ‘Islamic State’, strategically denying the connection between the YPG and the PKK. This way the United States sought to play a more prominent role in a conflict dominated by Russia, Iran, and other regional powers. They also sought to overshadow the prominence of Iran and Hezbollah in their fight against the ‘Islamic State’ and other jihadi groups, and take the credit for their demise. An indication of this attempt is the collaboration of the United States and the SDF/YPG in the ‘liberation of Raqqa’ in 2017, the Syrian capital of al-Baghdadi’s Caliphate, which was widely acknowledged as a US operation. This change in US policy created friction with Turkey, which denounced the United States for sponsoring a ‘terrorist group’ in Syria, because Turkey considers the PKK a topsecurity concern due to its aim to secede from Turkey. It also goes against Turkey’s key strategic aim in the Syrian conflict in preventing the Kurds from consolidating their territorial control over the Rojava, even though the area has been under Kurdish control since 2012, after the withdrawal Syrian troops from Kobane and Afrin. In Ankara’s perspective, an autonomous—if not independent—Kurdish Syrian Rojava is a top-security threat, as it could potentially galvanize irredentist claims amongst the Kurdish areas of Turkey. In fact, the destabilization of the Turkish–Syrian borders after 2011 ignited once again the long-standing conflict between Ankara and the PKK on Turkish soil. Yet the United States took a radically different view of Rojava, seeing it as a potential and stable hub for expanding their power in Syria. They have installed military air bases in the Kobane area, and reinforced their role as patron of the Kurds and a lever of influence in facing off Russia and Iran in Syria. Further, after the takeover of Raqqa from IS, the United States announced that they would train an additional 30,000 Kurdish fighters. The American strategic understanding of the areas defined as ‘Rojava’ is not aligned with that of Kurds, who see it as a potential sovereign territory to put in practice the PYD-YPG’s doctrine of a democratic-socialist state. Such utopian aspiration for Rojava drove YPG/SDF military engagement to carve out a stable territorial enclave in war-torn Syria. Turkey intervened militarily to disperse the Kurds and undermine their gains and prospect for a stable territory in Syria, though the Turks conducted this military operation in the name of the ‘war on terror’. Afrin became the epicentre of the destruction of the Turkish military operation, codenamed ‘Olive Branch’, that started in January 2018. According to the United Nations, this intervention resulted in the killing of almost 300 civilians and the displacement of a further 5,000 in the first week of the operation alone. Conclusion This chapter sought to illustrate the contemporary pursuit of security in the Middle East in the context of the ‘global war on terror’, concentrating on the ways in which state and non-state actors justify or resist the use of violence. Champions of the ‘war on terror’ tend to embrace its doctrinal precepts and use them as a tool to justify their violence and depoliticize conflicts with rivals and potential challengers. Those at the receiving end of the ‘war on terror’ react by seeking to re-politicize the use of violence and subvert the justifications underpinning it. 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 242 07/02/19 12:14 PM CHAP TER 10 MIDDLE EAST SECURITY: THE POLITICS OF VIOLENCE AFTER THE 2003 IRAQ WAR 243 The result of this conflict is a dialectic of stigmatization and counter-stigmatization, which governs (in)security in the Middle East, following the politicization and depoliticization of violence. The analysis of the 2003 US invasion of Iraq illustrates how Washington’s attempt to depoliticize the conflict that emerged during the political transition was rebuffed by a radical politicization of the societal margins of the stillborn ‘new Iraq’. The post-9/11 securitization of Iran shows how US, Israeli, and Saudi politics of selective shaming has pushed Iran to engage in the politics of counter-stigmatization and expansion of its regional influence. Finally, the ostracizing of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Kurdish militia YPG illuminates the arbitrary attribution of the label of ‘terrorist organization’ as well as its ad hoc political uses. Beyond traditional and critical accounts of Middle East security as either a ‘laboratory of anarchical competition’ or a ‘clash of imaginaries’, this chapter has shed light on the strategic uses of rhetoric and morality to pursue contingent interests. It has highlighted how strategies of legitimation are a core component of the security strategies of state and non-state actors, and more broadly how effective use of violence depends on moral justification. The oscillation between politicization and de-politicization of violence under the framework of the ‘war on terror’ entails a rotation between periods of stabilization and periods of destabilization. What appears as a watershed change is the change that is required to keep things as they are, as Tomaso di Lampedusa put it. What appears new might in fact be necessary change to preserve the old order; therefore, when discussing security changes in the Middle East, we need to do so in conjunction with the purpose it serves. For every ‘change’ we need to ask the timeless question: cui bono? Further reading Buzan, B. (1991) People, States, and Fear: An Agenda for International Security Studies in the PostCold War Era (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner) A classic redefinition of security studies in the wake of the Cold War. Required background reading for any student of strategy and international security. Huysmans, J., Dobson, A., Prokhovnik R. (eds) (2006), The Politics of Protection: Sites of Insecurity and Political Agency (New York: Routledge) A critical perspective on power and political agency as regards the production of security and insecurity. Kamrava, M. (ed.) (2012) The Nuclear Question in the Middle East (London: Curzon) An essential collection tackling the energy, as well as the security, aspects of nuclear programmes in the Middle East. Korany, B., Noble, P., and Brynen, R. (eds) (1993) The Many Faces of National Security in the Arab World (London: Macmillan) A holistic overview of security challenges in the Arab world, highlighting the socio-economic imbalances that generate much of the insecurity for Middle East states. Legrenzi, M. (2011) The GCC and the International Relations of the Gulf: Diplomacy, Security and Economic Coordination in a Changing Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris) A comprehensive look at the Gulf Cooperation Council, and the role of the Gulf in the security and international relations of the Middle East, including the confrontation with Iran. 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 243 07/02/19 12:14 PM 244 PART 2 THEMES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY Lynch, M. (2016), The New Arab Wars: Uprisings and Anarchy in the Middle East (New York: Public Affairs) A short work on the post-2011 Middle Eastern conflicts. Monier, E. (ed.) (2015) Regional Insecurity after the Uprisings: Narratives of Security and Threat (London: Palgrave Macmillan) A collection of essays on security developments in the Middle East after the 2011 uprisings, through the lens of ‘threat perception’. Ralph, J. (2013) America’s War on Terror: The State of the 9/11 Exception from Bush to Obama (Oxford: Oxford University Press) An interpretation of the post-9/11 ‘War on Terror’ as a manufactured ‘state of exception’. Walt, S. (1987) The Origins of Alliances (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press) Classic treatise on alliance theory, with the Middle East as a case study. While realist and parsimonious, it emphasizes perception of threat as opposed to balance of power as a key variable, thus paving the way for constructivist accounts of Middle East security. Questions 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. How has the ‘war on terror’ affected security in Middle East? Why do all sides in conflict use moral arguments to justify their action? Why has US involvement in the Middle East produced insecurity? What explains the resilience of the Asad regime? What limits the political space of the Muslim Brotherhood and Kurdish militias? Notes 1. UNSC Resolution 1441, approved on 8 November 2002, urged Iraq to disclose its holding of WMDs and to allow a UN inspection. Although the inspection took place and found no evidence of Iraqi possession of WMDs, the US decided to unilaterally invade Iraq on 20 March 2003. 2. Frontline, Interview with Paul Bremer, online at https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/yeariniraq/ interviews/bremer.html (retrieved December 2018. 3. See, for instance, the discourse of Condoleezza Rice in Tel Aviv on 20 July 2006, online at https://www. cbsnews.com/news/rice-time-for-a-new-middle-east/ (retrieved December 2018). 4. It refers to the speech entitled ‘Beyond the Axis of Evil’ that John Bolton, one of the more enthusiastic advocates of the ‘global war on terror’, gave at the Heritage Foundation. Full speech available online at https:// www.heritage.org/defense/report/beyond-the-axis-evil-additional-threats-weapons-mass-destruction-0 (retrieved December 2018). 5. NBC News, Obama Vetoes Bill to Let 9/11 Families Sue Saudi Arabia (24 September 2016), available online at https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/obama-vetoes-bill-let-9–11-families-sue-saudi-arabia-n652911 (retrieved December 2018). 6. Independent, ‘Saudi Arabia “expects Donald Trump to scrap 9/11 victims law” as first cases brought against kingdom’ (21 March 2017), available online at https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/saudiarabia-donald-trump-9–11-victims-lawsuit-cases-kingdom-september-11-world-trade-center-a7641491.html (December 2018). 7. Author’s interview with an Iranian diplomat (Beirut, 23 January 2015). 11-Fawcett-Chap10.indd 244 07/02/19 12:14 PM CHAP TER 10 MIDDLE EAST SECURITY: THE POLITICS OF VIOLENCE AFTER THE 2003 IRAQ WAR 245 8. Vox News,’ Trump’s big Islam speech in Saudi Arabia was uncharacteristically inoffensive’ (21 May 2017), available online at https://www.vox.com/2017/5/21/15671592/trump-saudi-islam-speech-muslim-baninoffensive-good-versus-evil (retrieved December 2018) 9. Middle East Monitor, “Bin Salman’s declaration about Israel’s “right” to the land is no surprise’ (10 April 2018), available online at https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20180410-bin-salmans-declaration-about-israelsright-to-the-land-is-no-surprise/ (retrieved December 2018) 10. See, for instance, the allegations by US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, available online at https://twitter.com/ SecPompeo/status/998550106843631617 (retrieved December 2018) 11. 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