Laroche, C., Rosati, G., “Two Egyptian Heart-Scarabs from Sicily and a Parallel from Berlin”, Rivista del Museo Egizio 5 (2021). DOI: 10.29353/rime.2021.3630 Article Two Egyptian Heart-Scarabs from Sicily and a Parallel from Berlin Claude Laroche, Gloria Rosati Two Egyptian heart-scarabs, both connected to the city of Cefalù, are presented here: the first one, at Palermo, Museo Archeologico Regionale, was published in 1942 by E. Bacchi, as one of the few heart-scarabs found outside Egypt, on the rock of Cefalù. Its text has been checked and some new readings are proposed. Inscribed for a Chantress of Bastet, it shows a peculiar decoration on the first register, looking like a lunette, then the traditional beginning of Chapter 30B of the Book of the Dead, typical for heart-scarabs, combined with a rare variant. It had remained a unicum until July 2020, when a parallel in the Berlin Museum came to our knowledge, and this is published here as well: the same decoration in the first register and the same text, although shorter. Mainly on the base of prosopographical data, a date to the Twenty-second Dynasty seems appropriate for the Berlin scarab, and consequently for the one in Palermo, which could even belong to a member of the same family. The owner of the scarab in Berlin shows a set of priestly titles that are typical of Per-Sopdu/Saft el-Henna, which therefore may be an indication of its origin. The second “Sicilian” scarab, held at Cefalù itself in the collection of Enrico Pirajno Baron of Mandralisca, after whom the Museum is named, is unpublished. Its owner was another Chantress, serving Amun-Re, and nearly contemporary: it is to be dated to the early Third Intermediate Period, Twenty-first – Twenty-second Dynasty. In the Appendix at the end, notes and remarks on the provenance of the two scarabs in Sicily, documenting mainly the discovery of the Palermo scarab. :‫ملخص البحث‬ ‫ معروضة في المتحف األث ري‬،‫ القطعة األولى‬:‫تش فالو‬ ِ ‫ ترتبط كالهما بمدينة‬،‫تظهر هنا قطعت ان تم ائم جع ران القلب المص رية‬ ‫ باكي كاحدى جعران القلب الفرعونية الن ادرة ال تي ُوج دت خ ارج‬.‫ من قبل إ‬1942 ‫ نُ ِشر عنها في عام‬،‫اإلقليمي في مدينة باليرمو‬ ‫ كانت‬.‫ تحققوا مرة أخرى من النص واقترحوا بعض القراءات الجديدة‬،‫ تَح ّدث المؤلفون عن ظروف اكتشافها‬.‫األراضي المصرية‬ ‫ إنها على غ رار جع ران القلب‬.‫ وهو لقب لم يتم تناوله ضمن المنش ورات الحالية لمجموعة جع ران القلب‬،‫تملكها مطربة باستيت‬ ً ‫ تع ود غالب ا‬،‫ من المدهش أنها تنتمي على األرجح إلى ش خص من نفس أف راد تلك العائل ة‬،‫التي لم ينشر عنها ومحفوظة في برلين‬ -‫ وهو لقب خاص لبير‬،‫ون‬-‫ كانت تنتمي جعران برلين إلى والد اإلله أنوبيس وإلى الكاهن بتاح‬.‫إلى تاريخ األسرة الثانية والعشرين‬ ‫ في متحف‬،‫تش فالو‬ ِ ‫ محفوظة في نفس موقع‬،‫ تميمة جع ران القلب الثانية الموج ودة في جزي رة ص قلية‬.‫الحن ا‬-‫ س فت‬/ ‫س وبدو‬ ‫ تع ود‬.‫ لكنها ك انت تخ دم آم ون رع‬،‫ م رة أخ رى ش اءت الظ روف أن تك ون مالكتها مغني ة‬:‫ لم يُنشر عنها أي مقال‬،‫ماندراليسكا‬ .‫القطعة أيضا ً إلى أوائل فترة اإلنتقال الثالثة‬ To the memory of Prof. Rosario Ilardo, who would have certainly liked to read these pages. Two of the heart-scarabs presented here are both con- but its text has been checked and a revised version is nected to the city of Cefalù: one is from Cefalù itself, presented here. The second one is unpublished. having been discovered there, and is therefore one of When this paper was nearly ready for submission, the few specimens found outside of Egypt or Nubia; the authors chanced on a parallel for the first scar- the other is held in Cefalù. The first one is published, ab in a still unpublished heart-scarab in the Berlin 39 Museum. The article has therefore been expanded Provenance: found at the end of 1939 or beginning to include this third specimen, which allowed us to of 1940 on the rock of Cefalù. Reported as a fortui- convincingly revise the date we had originally set- tous find not far away from, but at a lower level than, tled on for the scarab discovered in Cefalù. the so-called Tempio di Diana.3 This article was written by both authors in close cooperation. Gloria Rosati coordinated the work, This well-preserved heart-scarab was published, 1 personally examined the two scarabs in Sicily and soon after its discovery, by a young collaborator and researched their provenance. In the present study, pupil of Giulio Farina’s, Ernesta Bacchi, as an addi- she was mainly concerned with the translation and tion at the end of her article concerning a heart-scar- commentary of the texts. Claude Laroche found the ab bearing the name of Thutmosis IV in the Turin Berlin Museum parallel, wrote the descriptions of Museum and reported to come from Sardinia.4 the scarabs and was mainly concerned with dating Its profile is a subrectangular oval. Its schematic, issues, particularly as regards the Berlin scarab. parallelepiped-shaped legs are separated by grooves of medium depth and decorated with parallel lines. The clypeus, which would have had several inden- 1. Museo Archeologico Regionale “Antonino Salinas”, Palermo, inv. no. 18405 (Fig. 1) tations, is damaged and now shows only one. The cheeks are decorated with striations and the elytra with two notches in the shape of a shield. It seems that the prothorax is decorated by a half circle that we call a “circular crown”, which however is barely visible. The suture between the prothorax and the elytra is represented by a double line engraved in a shape between U and V, and the one separating the elytra by three parallel lines extended at the rear end of the scarab by small concentric triangles. On the base – a small part of whose edge is chipped – a text is engraved in seven lines and a lunette at the top, which contains the image of Anubis as a recumbent jackal. Because of the representation of this god and the content of the text, which combines the beginning of Chapter 30B of the Book of the Dead and an uncommon variant, this scarab appeared as a unicum in a corpus of the 1600 heart amulets inventoried in 128 museums and private collections by one of the authors of the present article,5 until an unpublished parallel was discovered in July 2020, as explained below. In spite of its near uniqueness and peculiar circumstances of discovery, there seems to be no reason to doubt the authenticity of the object. It is a scarab of Fig. 1: Scarab, Museo Archeologico Antonino Salinas, Palermo, inv. no. 18405. Photos courtesy of Archivio Fotografico, Museo Salinas. beautiful workmanship, and well-preserved, notwithstanding the chipping of the clypeus and the edge of the base, and the wear of the text. It has a parallel in the above-mentioned heart-scarab bear- 1.1 Description ing the name of Thutmosis IV, in Turin,6 which, odd- Dimensions: 71 x 51 x 28 mm; weight: 168.09 g. ly enough, was also reported to come from outside 2 Material: dark green stone (peridotite ?), with a thin Egypt, having been found at Tharros in Sardinia.7 black vein. Bacchi indicated as a parallel another Turin scarab, 40 C. 5993,8 dating from the Amarna period: this one, is interesting to mention that one of the two heart however, has three incised lines between the protho- scarabs belonging to Osorkon II from the Twen- rax and the elytra instead of two, and different legs; ty-second Dynasty, kept at the Brooklyn Museum,10 it can thus hardly be regarded as a close parallel. The is, besides this one (and its Berlin parallel, dis- use of green stone, two or three suture lines, and cussed below), the only heart scarab in the corpus slightly hatched schematic legs are all features found so far collected11 to be decorated in the first register on many scarabs and are not chronologically distinc- (the goddess Maat, a phoenix and a fan). One could tive. More interesting is the hatching of the cheeks, also mention, for comparison’s sake, the “layout” of which has parallels mostly – although not exclusively the text inscribed in an oval inserted in a pectoral, above a winged scarab,12 but this text is not a reg- 9 – in the New Kingdom. ular heart-chapter text. There in the lunette on top, 1.2 The inscription two winged snakes flank the akhet-sign, then six Ernesta Bacchi was probably able to read the in- inscribed lines follow, with the owner’s name, the scription on the scarab’s base working from photo- beginning of a hetep-di-nesu-formula on his behalf, graphs only, or casts. Indeed, photos of it were taken and at the end some words probably recalling the soon after its discovery, and molds made, both with beginning of Chapter BD 30B. sealing-wax and plaster. For some reason, perhaps Anubis as a recumbent jackal is in the middle of the technical ones, her transcription, however, is here lunette, looking right, with a band tied around his and there more of a mere transcription than a true neck; in front of the god, the figure of a heart; above copy of the inscription; in particular, the position of and behind the god, the hieroglyphic caption: a few signs is different than on the original. The hieroglyphic inscription is very lightly incised, as well as worn and chipped along the edge. Neverinp[w] im(y)-wt theless, it is illegible only in a few places. The text (Fig. 2) consists of seven lines and a sort of “Anubis, who is in the embalming-placea”. small lunette on top, an unusual feature indeed. It a In the Wörterbuch, the determinative of wt, fore- arm with stick (Gardiner D40), is indicated as being mainly a New Kingdom feature: Wb I 378,9 (verb), 380,10 (name), 380,3 (in imy-wt). The heart is a little larger than the other hieroglyphic signs and is not a part of the caption: it is certainly the image of the owner’s heart in front of Anubis, the god in charge of the weighing.13 Bacchi did not copy the sign, although it is quite clear; in a cast, however, it could have looked like a chipped place. Fig. 2: Scarab, Museo Archeologico Antonino Salinas, Palermo, inv. no. 18405 – base. Photo courtesy of Archivio Fotografico, Museo Salinas. Processed by Alessio Corsi. 41 ter and remained unique among heart-scarabs until recently. Bacchi, having no parallel, understood: pr <r> b(n)r17 and translated as a participle to be referred to the heart: “come out (scil. from the mother’s womb)”. M. Malaise,18 based on her transcription, translated in a more appropriate way: “puisses-tu 1 Dd.s ib.i ib<.i?> n mwt.i HAty<.i> sortir vers l’extérieur (c’est-à-dire quitter la tombe 2 n xprw<.i> pr r b(w)<nfr> sip.tw.s m mxAt [g]m pour atteindre le lieu du jugement)”. The sequence 3 .tw.s (m) mAa(t) m{t} tA wsxt mAaty dd n. of signs in b(n)r + det. of house + stroke is sufficient- 4 s rA.s Hna irty.sy HAty.s mn(.w) Hr st.f ly correct and does not suggest oversights or mis- 5 im sw mi wa n Hsyw imy[w] takes, apart from the lack of the initial preposition r. 6 …w…n… nb(t)-pr Smayt n bAstt txt On the contrary, on the base of the parallel in Berlin 7 […] mAat-bAstt (see below), we have to admit another missing term here and consequently a different reading: not <r> a b b(n)r, but r (misplaced) b(w) (stroke written under “She says : “My ib-heart, (my? ) ib-heart of my mothc instead of above the pr-sign) <nfr>, that is “come er , (my) haty-heart | of (my) transformations, come 2 d e out to the <Beautiful> Place”, where the judgement to the <Beautiful> Place !” She shall be examined on f g h the scales and she shall be found | right in the will take place. As the figure of the heart at the top Hall of the Double Justice. Her | mouth shall be giv- may suggest, the heart is described in some texts as en back to her together with her eyes, her heart (haty) “another self”;19 the very fact that it could act against being firm in its place. |5 Take him (sic) asi one of the its owner is proof of its independence, and many vi- 3 4 j gnettes show its owner adoring it as an independent praised ones who are | [following you (?), (namely)] 6 k l entity. The owner, on the other hand, is sometimes | [whom] Maat-Bastet [has made] (or [daughter of shown proceeding to the final judgement with his the Lady of the House, Chantress of Bastet , Tekhet m 7 m heart on his hand, in his “possession”. (?)] Maat-Bastet )”. e a The following signs, after an initial s, are puzzling, The text begins directly with the speech of the because they are definitely an i-reed (Gardiner M17) owner, whose name is written only at the end of the with another sign behind it, looking like the a-fore- 14 text. arm (Gardiner D36). Bacchi – and Malaise, following b There seems to be not enough room for two signs, her – found the solution to consider the reed a mis- as in Bacchi’s copy: only an oblique vertical stroke take for the mast (Gardiner P6), often found inter- survives, and it looks more like a Red Crown sign sected by the a-forearm. They thus both read: saHa. for n (cf. beginning of next line, Gardiner S3) than tw.s m Hwt, and translate: “May she be raised from a sitting woman. The use of this sign is an impor- the grave” (Bacchi20); “afin qu’elle soit élevée (?) tant dating clue, because it is not witnessed on dans le temple (?)” (Malaise). The problem now is 15 heart-scarabs before the reign of Tutankhamon that the Hwt–sign cannot be maintained (see below, and, although it is known in the Late Period, too, note f), and when referring to a judgement the verb it is more frequent from the late Eighteenth to the saHa means “to accuse” (Wb IV 54,4), exactly what Twenty-second Dynasties. At the end of the line, the heart is implored not to do. Instead of saHa, the too, room does not seem enough for another sitting only alternative is the verb usually found for “to ex- woman sign, and the incision resembling a t-sign is amine”, sip (Wb IV 35,11), and now the Berlin par- more probably a deep scratch. allel text discussed below confirms our suggested c Ch. BD 30B usually begins with these words, to be reading: the signs s and i are certain; the reed sign repeated twice (sp 2); the absence of sp 2 and the is not crossed by the forearm, which is very lightly repetition of ib.i is to be noted. A “traditional” trans- engraved, and the hand cannot be seen and seems 16 lation is of course kept here. indeed not to have been carved. On the contrary, the d arm and elbow part is more deeply engraved and This wording differs from the usual text of the chap- 42 has a rather marked rectangular shape. In fact, this inscription it is the only one, the agreements be- part is notably larger than, e.g., in the sign on the ing correct elsewhere. As for mi, it is barely visible next line. It is not impossible that in this place the but sure, and there seems to be enough room after engraver tried to correct, or write better, something it even for a i-sign, which however would then be that might actually be a p-sign (Gardiner Q3). The completely lost. proposed transliteration is, therefore, sip.tw.s, with j an inversion of the last two signs. k f This sign was not correctly recognized by E. Bacchi, feminine title Smayt or Chantress, which occurs from who transcribed it as Hwt (Gardiner O6). On the con- the Middle Kingdom onward and is associated with trary, the sign (whose normalized JSesh transcrip- the state religious hierarchy. Onstine includes in her tion above only roughly reproduces) does not have database 861 women holding this title. 589 are clas- a closed form and is certainly a balance with its post sified as New Kingdom and 252 as Third Intermedi- and a single scale-pan, a sign which is seldom found ate Period. Among the latter, 206 could be attributed instead of the regular ideogram for mxAt (Gardiner to the Twenty-first Dynasty, of which 34 are dated 21 U38). Eighteen examples are nevertheless known in the corpus of heart-scarabs, 22 The first i is “reduced” to a vertical segment. S.L. Onstine26 has devoted a monograph to the to the late Twenty-first – early Twenty-second Dy- showing single nasty span of time; only 28 references are given for scale-pan balance signs of various types, which are the subsequent time span, which is all in the Twen- recorded in the French National Library catalogue of ty-second Dynasty.27 As for the New Kingdom, the hieroglyphs.23 It is worth noting that it is probably peak of occurrences is from the Nineteenth Dynasty found on two of the oldest heart-scarabs – with hu- (Eighteenth Dynasty: 103; Nineteenth Dynasty: 274; 24 Twentieth Dynasty: 85; Nineteenth or Twentieth Moreover, it is confirmed by the parallel text on the Dynasty: 61; New Kingdom: 2328). When we look for Berlin scarab. Chantresses of the goddess Bastet in the book, how- g ever, we find very few (in Onstine’s Appendix E29): man heads – dating from the Thirteenth Dynasty. At the end of the line only a few traces survive: be- low, probably a part of an m, Gardiner Aa13. Above · nos. 38–39 and 41–43 (the same family), Nine- it, outside the chipped part, an oblique and slightly teenth Dynasty, Merenptah; curved segment: it is very similar to the beak of the · no. 412, New Kingdom; gm-bird, Gardiner G28. · no. 492, Eighteenth Dynasty, Amenhotep III, from h At the beginning of line 3, after tw.s, is a very low Bubastis; sign, possibly closed by the stroke on the left, hence · no. 515, Eighteenth Dynasty; read here as Gardiner Aa11, mAa , confirmed by the · no. 651, New Kingdom, from Bubastis; Berlin parallel. Then two small signs between two · no. 652, Eighteenth Dynasty, Amenhotep III, from birds (both m-owls in Bacchi’s copy), above certain- Bubastis; ly t, below likely a second t, partly chipped and thus · nos. 721–722, Nineteenth Dynasty, Merenptah, similar to a q. Is this the sign read as sDm (Gardin- from Thebes; er F21) by Bacchi? If so, her reading is very unlike- · no. 877, Nineteenth Dynasty, Ramesses II, from ly. On the basis of the parallel text, we suggest that Thebes; the second bird, which shows a slightly different tail · no. 929, Nineteenth Dynasty, Ramesses II, from from the first one – which is certainly an owl -, a 25 Saqqara. might be instead the Another one, to be added to the above list, is a šmayt A-vulture, so that we would have here, too, tA wsxt, n(t) bAstt nfr or nfr(t) from Saqqara, attributed to the “the Hall”. One of the preceding small signs, the first Nineteenth Dynasty.30 t, seems unnecessary, unless it is to be connected as l a female ending to mAa, and misplaced. 29–31; I 383, 2–3, with references mainly from the i After the sw-sign, probably a tiny trace of the com- Middle Kingdom and New Kingdom; and cf. Wb V plementing w. The masculine pronoun, instead of 324, “die Trunkenheit”; or probably txyt, “Belonging the feminine, is a frequently found swap. In this to the month Tekhy”? (Wb V 325, 18). At the begin- straighter back but no beak, 43 If indeed the name is complete: cf. Ranke, PN I 382, ning of the next line there is room enough for about “Voici N dans cette salle de la double Vérité, two squares before the two visible horizontal signs: et, à estimer son cœur ainsi qu’à le peser there at least the presence of an expression of filia- [à]34 la balance devant les grands jurés du tion is expected. maître de l’Hadès, il a été trouvé vrai, on m Not recorded in Ranke, PN; cf. Ranke, PN I 144, n’a trouvé aucune impureté terrestre en son 26 (mAat-ptH, m.); I 145, 1 (mAat-m-DHwty, f.); I 145, 5 cœur ; maintenant qu’il sort35 juste de voix (mAat-ra, m.); I 145, 3 (mAat-n[?]-DHwty, m. and 1 f.). The (triomphant) du Prétoire de l’Hadès, son cœur signs are very worn and unclear at the beginning of lui est rendu avec son œil, son cœur matériel est the line; then the nb-sign in Bacchi’s transcription à la place [ou il était] de son temps [terrestre], (reading nbt-pr) is unlikely, and almost certainly a son âme va au ciel, son corps à l’Hadès, mAa, Gardiner Aa11; the long and thin sign under- comme pour les suivants d’Horus. Donne neath matches the a-forearm (D36; whereas an oar [donc] son corps aux bras d’Anubis, le maître xrw (P8) is unlikely, if one were to think of a reading du tombeau36, donne-lui des offrandes au mAa-xrw); then the mAat-feather H6, and a t plus the cimetière en présence d’Ounnofri, donne qu’il egg (H8). soit comme un de ces loués qui sont derrière toi ; donne que son âme s’établisse en tout lieu The text inscribed on the Palermo scarab shows the qu’il lui plaira à l’Occident de Thèbes”. traditional beginning of BD Ch. 30B. Then it introduces a variant, the sentences uttered by the gods Based on stylistic criteria, on paleographic details, who witness the weighing of the heart at the end of and on the frequency of the owner’s title, we would this chapter. 31 consider for the dating of this scarab a period of time A selection of those sentences is gathered by See32 ber. from the Nineteenth to the Twenty-second Dynasty; Bacchi found a very similar wording on a cof- however, while at first the New Kingdom seemed a fin in Marseille (Table 1), dating however from the suitable and convincing proposal, the discovery of a Twenty-first Dynasty 33 and with a considerably parallel has come to suggest otherwise. In July 2020, longer and more structured text (translation by G. Claude Laroche received from the Berlin Museum a Maspero): number of photographs of unpublished heart-scar- Table 1 44 abs to be included in the corpus he is preparing for is engraved a pattern of three equilateral triangles publication. Among them, one surprisingly turned nested within each other, which we have called a out to be a parallel for both the decoration and the “triangular crown”. The sides of the scarab are cut text of the Palermo scarab. by shallow grooves into three triangles decorated with hatching, representing the so-called type 2 legs (in Laroche’s terminology), while the hatched legs 2. Berlin Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, inv. no. ÄM 34343 of the Palermo scarab, separated by deep grooves, (Fig. 3) the Palermo scarab, with a text arranged in a lunette belong to type 1.38 The base is inscribed similarly to and six lines. Here, too, the lunette shows Anubis as a recumbent jackal. Then come the first two canonical lines of Chapter 30B, followed by the same peculiar variant, although a little shorter, as seen above. The text is concluded by the titles and name of the owner, Shedsubastet, as well as, probably, the name of one of his parents, Maat-Bastet. 2.2 The text The lunette only shows Anubis, and not the heart in front of the god as on the Palermo scarab. The figure’s caption fills the space in front of and above it. Fig. 3: Heart scarab Berlin, inv. no. ÄM 34343. ©Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, photos by Frank Marohn. 2.1 Description Dimensions: 56 x 38 x 20 mm; weight 78 g. Material: dark green greywacke. Provenance: not recorded; former inpw imy-wt Georges Michaelides collection, acquired by the Berlin Museum in 1973.37 “Anubis, who is in the embalming-placea” This dark green scarab is of medium size, much a smaller than the scarab at Palermo, and almost per- is rather suitable for a post-New Kingdom date (Wb fectly oval. The prothorax is separated from the elytra I 378–80). The writing of imy-wt, with two strokes at the end, by a double U-shaped suture line, while the elytra themselves, which have no notches, are separated Only three-and-a-half lines contain the beginning by a triple line. The clypeus with five indentations of BD Ch. 30B and the first phrases of the “variant”, is framed by two large ovoid eyes, between which then the titles and name of the owner. The text be- 45 Table 2 gins exactly as on the Palermo specimen, directly Period so far. This is the case of the still rather rare with the speech of the owner (Table 2). ptH-wn, “creator of light” as proposed by Yoyotte,41 and listed as the Priest of Per-Sopdu (20th Lower “He says: – My ib-heart, (my) ib-heart of (my) moth- Egyptian province) in the Great Geographical List at er – two times –, my haty-heart of (my) transforma- Edfu;42 indeed, the title is completed with the men- tionsa! Come out to the Beautiful Placeb! – <He> shall tion of Hut-nebes (“Mansion of the Jujube”), a very be examined on the scales and he shall be found holy place there, a name for the sanctuary and for right <in> the Hall of the Double Justice , (namely) the town.43 Its presence is an important chrono- the God’s Father, Master of Secrets, ptH-wn–Priest in logical clue, as it is known so far certainly since the c the Mansion of the Jujube , Second Prophet Shed- Twenty-second Dynasty.44 As for “Master of Secrets”, subastete, justified (?), son of (?) Maat-Bastetf”. in the cryptic writing known since the Middle King- d dom,45 it is attested together with ptH-wn in the sea quence of titles on an anonymous block-statue.46 The presence or absence of suffix pronouns is nearly analogous in the two versions, but the “rep- e etition” (sp 2) is not omitted here. The n-sign is not, 391) as Late Period, but the name-form is earlier: cf. this time, the chronologically relevant Red Crown the examples with Amon, Mut, Khonsu (PN I 331, 5, (Gardiner S3, see above). 7, 11) from the New Kingdom. b f Here the presence of nfr is clear; the reading is The signs in the last line are not at all clear, but the first one is very probably a mAa (cf. l. 5), so that a therefore beyond doubt bw-nfr, which is the place of 39 Shedsubastet is listed in Ranke, PN (I 331, 6; II, The r-sign is misplaced after b(w), in mAa-xrw could be very likely, although the horizontal what is otherwise a well-known writing of the term sign beneath is not convincing either as an a-sign or (Wb I 450). In the Palermo scarab, a pr–sign is added as a xrw (Gardiner P8), and the latter does not even as a determinative. match the following vertical sign(s?). As to these, c The plural is clear in the Berlin version, an unu- what we would expect here is an expression for “son sual writing instead of mAaty, perhaps influenced by of”, because after that we have mAat- bAstt, which is writings of mAat (Wb II 18-19); or probably by ex- certainly a personal name and the exact same one pressions such as, e.g., tA n mAatyw, Wb II 21, 10. For that was previously only known from Tekhet’s scar- a parallel, cf. the writing mAaty+plural on a dummy ab.47 For the moment, noting that a reading ir.n canopic jar in Munich.40 seems unlikely as well, based on many occurrences d The owner of this scarab shows a set of interest- (first and foremost in the corpus of heart-scarabs), ing priestly titles, known to us mainly for the Late we can only suggest that the following vertical sign judgement. 46 could actually be 2 signs:48 a Hr (D2) written by mistake instead of sA, the egg (H8), and, below it, the stroke (Z1).49 2.3 Dating the Berlin scarab The dating of heart scarabs, as Laroche argues,50 depends on about twenty plastic and epigraphic criteria, half of which relating to the text of Chapter 30B. None of these criteria are in themselves failproof evidence for a particular period, but they indicate a prevalence of a feature which also occurs over a wider span of time. Only the cooccurrence of several elements prevailing during the same period allow us to propose a date. As for the Berlin scarab, its shape is comparable to that of a scarab coming from a rather well-dated archaeological context. The excavations of the Spanish mission in the Third Intermediate Period necropolis at Herakleopolis Magna, which at that time was governed by Libyans,51 brought to light five heart-scarabs inscribed with a few lines from the beginning of Chapter 30 B. In Fig. 4, the Berlin scarab of Shedsubastet is compared with one of these scarabs, i.e., that of an individual named Kehshasha,52 presently held Fig. 4: Left: heart scarab Real Academia de Cordoba, inv. no. 1981/1/102. Photos © Real Academia de Cordoba; from: E. Pons Mellado (ed.), La colección egipcia de la Real Academia de Córdoba, Córdoba 1998, p. 69 (photo of the side reversed). Right: Berlin, inv. no. ÄM 34343. ©Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, photos by Frank Marohn. in the museum of Cordoba. There is an evident plastic and graphic similarity between these two scarabs with hatched legs, designated “type 2” by Laroche. In addition, it is interesting to remark that the scarab of Kehshasha, too, is inscribed with the beginning of Chapter 30B followed by a different variant, exactly like some others of the five Herakleopolitan scarabs. date further back in time (such as the number of suMoreover, we have already pointed out above that ture lines 2/3, which is rather characteristic of the one of the two heart scarabs of Osorkon II of the Ramesside period, but does occur even subsequent- Twenty-second Dynasty, held in the Brooklyn Muse- ly, according to Laroche’s research), the other argu- 53 um, ments seem much stronger and an attribution to the shows a peculiar decoration in the first regis- Twenty-second Dynasty more likely. ter. It consists of large motifs occupying almost half the surface of the scarab, representing the goddess two scarabs in Palermo and Berlin show a large rep- 2.4 Using the Berlin scarab for dating the Palermo one resentation of Anubis in the first register. So far, we The Berlin heart-scarab of Shedsubastet, therefore, is have found no other parallel for this feature. to be dated very probably to the Twenty-second Dy- In addition to these stylistic features, the owner’s nasty. It shares a number of features with the Paler- titles are important dating clues: as we have seen, mo scarab, whose plastic characteristics would seem neither the title ptH-wn nor the toponym Hwt-nbs are a priori to be rather from the New Kingdom. They are attested so far before the Twenty-second Dynasty. the only heart-scarabs known so far with the same So, although some features would tend to push the figuration in the first register or lunette (with the sin- Maat, a phoenix and a fan. Like this royal one, our 47 gle difference that in the smaller Berlin scarab there is no heart in front of Anubis), and the same text – albeit longer in the Palermo scarab’s version – including the traditional beginning of BD Ch. 30B, the exhortation to the heart to come out to the judgment hall, and phrases from the gods’ speeches completing the same chapter, known from papyri and other funerary equipment. Both also share the hieroglyphic sign of the half-scales, less common than its full equivalent. It cannot be ruled out that a particular pattern may be revived centuries later; however, the contemporaneity of these scarabs is further borne out by prosopographic evidence. The Chantress Tekhet (provided the name is complete) has a parent whose name is Maat-Bastet: Bacchi read “Lady of the House” before it, but Rosati’s check on the original makes it unlikely Fig. 5: Mandralisca Museum, Cefalù, inv. no. 520. Photos by Gloria Rosati, published by permission of Fondazione Mandralisca, Cefalù. (see above). Nonetheless, an expression of filiation is expected there (now abraded), be it to introduce the mother’s or the father’s name. We find the same situation in the last line of the Berlin scarab, where MaatBaste(t) is very clear and could only be introduced by the prothorax and the elytra, not decorated with an expression of filiation, which we are unable to notches, is rendered by a horizontal line and the read with certainty. suture between the elytra by a vertical line, which It seems very probable that they belonged at least to the sculptor has obviously made several attempts to the same family, as they were, moreover, both con- draw. The lines form a very small triangle at their nected to the cults of Bubastis (although Bastet is meeting point. worshiped throughout Egypt) and Per-Sopdu, less Inscribed on the base are the name and titles of the than 8 km away. owner followed by the beginning of the first sen- Therefore, we suggest for the Palermo scarab, too, a tence of Chapter 30B of the Book of the Dead. The text date to the Libyan Period (ca. 910-720 BC). is contained in four registers divided by hesitant, awkwardly drawn lines. The hieroglyphs were formerly colored with a red pigment which has weath- 3. Mandralisca Museum, Cefalù, inv. no. 520 (Fig. 5) ered into brown but for a dot.55 3.2 Text on the base 3.1 Description On four lines, a hieroglyphic inscription that gives Dimensions: 47 x 28 x 16 mm; weight: 44 g. only the owner’s name and titles and a very short Material: yellow-brown steatite, with traces of red beginning of BD Ch. 30B: pigment. Provenance: not recorded; collection of Enrico Pirajno Baron of Mandralisca (Cefalù, 1809-1864).54 The oval-shaped scarab has schematic rectangular parallelepiped-shaped legs, decorated with a few roughly parallel lines separated by grooves of medium depth. The clypeus has four triangular indentations, one of which is chipped. The suture between 48 wsir nbt-pr are characteristic for the Third Intermediate Peri- Smayt imn-ra nswt nTrw od, Twenty-first – Twenty-second Dynasty, also tA-dit-xnsw mAat-xrw Dd.s with that small triangle where they meet;60 many ib<.i n>mwt<.i>HAty<.i n> mwt… examples, a high number of which belong to temple personnel such as Chantresses or wab-Priests, a share many features with this scarab, both stylistic “The Osiris Lady of the House , | Chantress of b 2 features and peculiarities in the layout and selected c Amun-Re King of the Gods , | Tadikhonsu , justid 3 parts of the incised text: usually, a very limited num- fied , who says: | – (My) ib-heart of (my) mother, 4 ber of lines of Chapter 30B, the preamble with wsir e (my) haty-heart of (my) mother …” and the absence of the sign of the seated figure after a the name of the owner.61 The incipit with wsir is frequently found on Twen- ty-first–Twenty-second Dynasty scarabs.56 A small All these features suggest as very likely a date to hollow under the nb-sign, retaining traces of pig- the early Third Intermediate Period, Twenty-first ment, is certainly a t-sign, completing nbt. It appears – Twenty-second Dynasty; on the base of the only to be much shifted to the right, a feature perhaps not comparison found for that very peculiar “shifting” of due to inaccuracy, for which at least one parallel ex- the t-sign in nbt-pr, a date to the latter dynasty seems ists, namely, on a heart-scarab in the Como Museum more likely, so ca. 950-800 B.C. The provenance is belonging to an Asetweret, sistrum-player of Amun- most likely Thebes. 57 Re, dating from the Twenty-second Dynasty. The pr–sign below is the expected sign, although only 4. Appendix the horizontal and left vertical part of the sign can be made out. b 4.1 The discovery of the Palermo scarab The deceased was a Chantress, like the owner of the first scarab, but of Amun-Re, undoubtedly the The scarab was reported to have been discovered most frequently occurring in the corpus collected by on the rock after which the city of Cefalù was prob- 58 S. Onstine. ably named, no more than a few months before The epithet of the god hints at a very probable Theban origin. March 1940, by Andrea Calderazzo, then a young c Ranke, PN I 374, 11; II 397: examples from the high school student. This information and any other Twenty-first and Twenty-second Dynasties, and the news and records are due to the late Prof. Rosario Late Period. The inverse order of signs (with the sw- Ilardo, with whom Rosati got in touch at the end of sign in the first place) is also found among the exam- 2018; he had succeeded in finding Calderazzo, then ples listed by Ranke. The corresponding male name living in Piombino (Livorno), in 2004. Unfortunate- is attested earlier on: Ranke, PN I 110,13, Nineteenth ly, Calderazzo was not able then to recover his own Dynasty. The female form also occurs during the records and could rely only on his memory. Howev- New Kingdom, es. tA-dy(t)-mwt, Ranke, PN I 373,14. er, the letter he wrote to Rosario Ilardo on May 5th, d The sign, similar to Gardiner M16, a lotus flower 2004, is quite informative, despite the fact that he flanked by two buds, is used for writing the epithet could not remember exactly when he had found the “justified, true of voice” (Wb II 17, 16-18) for men scarab, although he was certain it was in 1939 or during the Eighteenth Dynasty and especially wom- 1940.62 Since direct news of such findings are rare, en afterwards.59 it is worth dwell briefly on the matter. e The reading of the last sign is not easy. In any case, In that letter, Andrea Calderazzo wrote that in his we recognize here a very shortened beginning of BD teenage years he used to explore the Cefalù rock Ch. 30B, with no suffix pronouns and without the together with some schoolmates in search of small repetition of ib.i n mwt.i; cf. above. ancient objects: 3.3 Date In una di queste occasioni, dopo alcuni giorni This scarab shows the single-line sutures which di pioggia, (…) percorrendo ciascuno [scil. dei 49 compagni] uno dei rivoli che scorrevano a valle popular name for the rock itself) is properly on top dalla parte delle mura, al di sotto del Tempio of the rock, dates from the 12th-13th century and has di Diana, la mia attenzione fu attratta da un nothing to do with Diana, whose name is on the dischetto, grande come una moneta, di colore contrary associated with a so-called Temple of Di- verde scuro. 63 ana (see below). Another reported provenance is “a cave of the It took some days to remove the incrustations from rock”:67 the finder admits in his letter that the nu- the object, but at the end the surprise was great. The merous caves there were also sometime chosen for news spread rapidly through the school. Giuseppe their explorations, but that was not the case when Li Vecchi, a teacher of history and philosophy and the scarab was found. The fact that this provenance honorary inspector of the Italian antiquities service is indicated by Bovio Marconi, so often in touch with (Soprintendenza archeologica), examined the object the finder’s family, has however to be remarked.68 and wrote an article on its discovery for the Giornale The only archaeological context mentioned by the 64 d’Italia. finder, though to specify only that the scarab was The scarab was left with the young boy’s father for “below” it (meaning of course that it was at a lower safekeeping, who was subsequently asked to turn it level on the slope of the rock, but on the same side, over to the National Museum at Palermo. After a few the western one), was the so-called Temple of Di- months, the Minister of National Education Giuseppe ana (Tempio di Diana), a popular and odd name for Bottai granted him a reward of 10 liras, but he reject- a megalithic building probably from the 5th-4th cent. ed it as incommensurate to the historical and artistic BC, restored in the 2nd (?) cent. BC, which perhaps re- value of the object. A similar low estimate was made tained a function as a place of worship over the cen- by Giulio Farina, the Director of the Egyptian Muse- turies (a cult of water? It is only a few meters away um in Turin. Among the records collected by Rosario from a more ancient cistern), as well as a defensive Ilardo is a copy of a confidential letter to Giuseppe Li function.69 The temple and the cistern are the only Vecchi, signed by Jole Bovio Marconi, archaeological properly archaeological remains on the rock prior to Superintendent for Western Sicily. She writes: the Byzantine age. It cannot be excluded that the scarab was original- “Lo scarabeo è autentico egizio, ma pare ly there, but neither can it be proved. Nowadays the valga poco! L’egittologo prof. Farina dice che area in front of the Temple of Diana is quite flat or simili scarabei valgono da cinque a dieci lire; only gently sloping, then it descends a little more però, non sa di che materia precisamente sia steeply towards the medieval walls and is covered by lavorato.” 65 grass and pine trees: on the contrary, until at least the Sixties of the last century the ground was completely Certainly, Farina could not examine the scarab in treeless, as evidenced by old photos, and reforest- person, and there were perhaps misunderstand- ation was actually decided in 1965. Rather close to ings during the exchange of information. That letter the Temple, a settlement was built in the Byzantine bears the date of March 13 , 1940, and it is clear that period (whose warehouses and ovens are extant), the scarab was not yet in Palermo, but the Superin- and a church dedicated to St. Anne; the Temple itself tendent was expecting it. became a church for St. Venera: therefore, the area The object was discovered, as its finder wrote in the has been frequented and occupied for a long period letter, in an open area, on the ground surface, where and is not absolutely undisturbed. it had probably been washed down. Thus, any dif- So, we can indicate as the provenance of the scarab ferent or indefinite or generic provenances that have only the Cefalù rock, not far away but at a lower level been stated and repeated elsewhere should not be than the so-called Temple of Diana. retained. Bacchi (n. 2) wrote “Castello Diana pres- An investigation into why the scarab arrived there, th 66 so Cefalù”, as if it were in the outskirts of Cefalù, brought by whom and when, is beyond the scope of but the “castle” (Castello, which is also a general and this article. Since the discovery was not from a reg- 50 ular excavation and apparently fortuitous, the only end of the tell, it is possible that this place served as possible hypothesis is perhaps that of commercial a dump for the pottery fragments of various peri- relations with the Punic world, whose presence in ods”.75 Here were found scarabs of different periods, Cefalù has been confirmed at least since the Hellen- faience amulets, a Babylonian cylinder seal, bronze istic age by excavations in the Graeco-Roman ne- objects, and “Philistine” and Cypriote pottery. As 70 cropolis. This opinion has already been expressed by Bacchi and Bovio Marconi, 71 such, this context is not very indicative. It should while Sfameni also be noted that the place lies in an area where Gasparro refers more generally to a context of cul- Egyptian strongholds have been identified and the tural and commercial exchanges during various eras presence of Egyptians was likely.76 and through different agents.72 rarely been found in archaeological sites outside of 4.2 Provenance of the Mandralisca scarab Egypt or Nubia, only five specimens to date, accord- The second “Sicilian” heart-scarab certainly be- ing to data gathered by Cl. Laroche: in addition to longed to the Baron of Mandralisca, as we have seen the two in Italy (one of which, Turin Suppl. 17133, above, but nothing is recorded about its provenance: entered the museum in 1853, coming from Tharros, the Baron could have bought it,77 or received it as as said above), a third one was excavated at Tell Jer- a gift. It is less likely that it could come from exca- It is worth mentioning that heart-scarabs have very 73 isheh/Gerisa in Palestine in 1934, and two come vations, even at Cefalù itself, like many of the ar- from Cyprus, now at the British Museum as a gift by chaeological finds in the Mandralisca collection;78 Robert Hamilton Lang in 1913. The latter two, howev- or Lipari, where the Baron carried out excavations er, EA 51856 and 51857, were more likely purchased at Contrada Diana.79 Although his notebooks are no in Cyprus, not excavated by Hamilton Lang himself, longer available and in contemporary archaeological 74 because no precise provenance is indicated. reports there is no mention of other finds of Egyp- Therefore, one specimen only comes from a “real” tian objects there, such as shabtis, the important archaeological context, at Gerisa, a short distance finds from Lipari, presently in the Mandralisca Mu- north of Jaffa on the Yarkon river: its context is de- seum and in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, have scribed as a level that was completely destroyed by been studied by several scholars80 and dated to a a violent conflagration, “sealed”, as it were, without phase very close to the Cnidian foundation of Lipari. architectural remains and datable to the Late Bronze None of these scholars, however, have regarded the Age; however, “as the excavation was made at the Tadikhonsu scarab as coming from this context. Bacchi, RSO 20 (1942), pp. 226–27, no photo of the second scarab. Its text translated in Malaise, Scarabées de cœur, 1978, p. 53. 5 Laroche, EAO 85 (2017), p. 31 (figure updated 2020). 6 Suppl. 17133, studied by Bacchi, RSO 20 (1942), pp. 211–25; she did not remark their similarity. 7 Curto, Storia del Museo Egizio, 19903, pp. 96 and 113; purchased in 1853 from Nicolò Musso along with other objects with the same provenance. 8 Chappaz, Tiradritti, and Vandenbeusch (eds.), Akhénaton et Néfertiti, 2008, p. 269 no. 211: the text here is an offering formula, not the usual Ch. BD 30B. Cf. Milan E.1984.04.01, recently in Ceruti, Provenzali (eds.), Sotto il cielo, 2020, pp. 208-09 (late Eighteenth Dynasty); Israel Museum 76.018.0271, anonymous, attributed however to 7th–5th century B.C. in the Museum website (imj.org.il), to the Late Period by Ben-Tor, Lo scarabeo, 2005, p. 108. 9 Bruxelles E 8064, Malaise, Scarabées de cœur, 1978, 4 Notes 1 For their kind assistance and for authorization to use photographs, both authors wish to thank Francesca Spatafora, formerly Director of the Palermo Archaeological Museum, Caterina Greco, her successor, and their colleague Elena Pezzini; Augusto Purpura, President of the Fondazione Mandralisca, Vincenzo Cirincione, Secretary, and Maestro Sandro Varzi, at Cefalù; Olivia Zorn, Assistant Director, and Jana Helmbold-Doyé, Keeper of the Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin; and M. Carmen Pérez Die, Chief Keeper of the Egyptian and Near Orient Antiquity Department of the Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid. 2 De Putter and Karlshausen, Les pierres, 1992, pp. 116–18. 3 See the Appendix at the end for the surviving documentation on the discovery and the archaeological context. 51 p. 86 and pl. 8; Sennefer’s scarab, ibid., pl. 1. Acc. Nr. 86.226.22, vd. brooklynmuseum.org/ opencollection/objects/4246. 11 Laroche, EAO 85 (2017). 12 Feucht, Pektorale nichtköniglicher Personen, 1971, no. 91B, p. 86, Pl. XIII (Hermitage Museum; New Kingdom?). There is another heart-scarab, a bit smaller, that shows at the top of the base a sun disk flanked by cobras (?): MET 20.3.191, vd. https://www. metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/558319. 13 In rare instances, the traditional Ch. 30B inscribed on scarabs bears the title: rA n ib n wsir N, “Spell of the heart of the Osiris N”, e.g., BM EA24767: britishmuseum.org/collection/object/Y_EA24767, in this case written at the end of the text. 14 Malaise, Scarabées de cœur, 1978, p. 50 with n. 6, with references dating from the New Kingdom and the Twenty-second Dynasty. 15 On three out of the five King’s scarabs, Carter’s nos. 256a, 256q, 261m: Beinlich and Saleh, Corpus, 1989, resp. pp. 82–3, 88–9, 94–5. 16 A very different interpretation of this initial part has been proposed, suggesting that mwt may be instead the balance weight (Wb II 55, 3): Gee, JSSEA 36 (2009). This hypothesis, however, remains moot: one may cite similar expressions where mwt is unequivocally “mother”, e.g., CT Spell 20 (CT I 56, es. B1P, B6C): “I gave you your ib-heart of your mother, your HAty-heart of your body”. 17 Bacchi, RSO 20 (1942), p. 227: prj <jr> br, “uscito fuori (sottinteso: dal ventre di lei)”. Cf. Wb I 461, 5, also written brw; Wb I 519, 16. 18 Malaise, Scarabées de cœur, 1978, p. 53. 19 Spiegelberg, ZÄS 66 (1931); Žabkar, JNES 24 (1965), pp. 84–85; Buzov, in Amenta et al. (eds.), L’acqua nell’antico Egitto, 2005. Cf. also the variants of the Psychostasy scene where the deceased is weighed against his/her own heart: remarked already by Seeber, Totengericht, 1976, pp. 74–75; Hornung, Totenbuch, 1979, pp. 434–35; now fully examined by Gaber, in Goyon and Cardin (eds.), Proceedings Ninth ICE, 2007; Gaber, RdE 60 (2009). On the “personification” of the heart, as borne out by human headed heart-scarabs: Quirke, JEOL 37 (2001-2002); Lorand, CdE 83 (2008). Cf. also heart amulets with human heads: Sousa, Heart of Wisdom, 2011, pp. 21–27; Dolinska, in Debowska-Ludwin et al. (eds.), Aegyptus est imago caeli, 2014, pp. 217–20. 20 RSO 20 (1942), p. 227: “Sia fatta elevare dalla tomba”. 21 Examples of New Kingdom date in Faulkner, CD, p. 115. 22 Laroche, “Scarabées inscrits”, 2014, vol. I, pp. 568, 573. 23 Catalogue des signes hiéroglyphiques, 18732, no. 2914 to 2921. 24 BM EA 64378 (Taylor, in Taylor [ed.] Journey Through the Afterlife, 2010, p. 226, no. 113; Quirke, JEOL 37 [2001-2002], p. 31) and Coll. Sofer, London (Lorand, CdE 83 [2008], p. 29), both characterized by the “mutilation” of bird-signs, cf. Miniaci, RdE 61 (2010). 25 Unless it is atop a rather triangular head, now in part abraded. 26 Onstine, Role of the Chantress, 2005 (the original PhD dissertation, submitted in 2001 at the University of Toronto, is available online at: https://tspace.library. utoronto.ca/bitstream/1807/15398/1/NQ58632.pdf). 27 Onstine, Role of the Chantress, pp. 27–31. Ten entries only are dated to periods after the Twenty-second Dynasty. 28 Onstine, Role of the Chantress, p. 27. 29 Onstine, Role of the Chantress, pp. 99–140, chart 7: Reference List. 30 Fragmentary stela from the sacred animal necropolis at North Saqqara: Martin, Hetepka, 1979, p. 42 no. 130 and pl. 38. 31 E.g., Taylor, in Taylor (ed.), Journey Through the Afterlife, 2010, p. 212; Faulkner, Book of the Dead, 1985, pp. 27–28. In the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties, in papyri and tombs, the Psychostasy scene is indeed the vignette for BD Ch. 30B, before it becomes characteristic for BD 125: Seeber, Totengericht, 1976, p. 76; Gaber, RdE 60 (2009); Quirke, Going Out in Daylight, 2013, pp. 99–100. 32 Seeber, Totengericht, 1976, pp. 95–96. 33 Coffin box of Khonsumes, Inv. 253/1; no. 53 in Maspero, RecTrav 36 (1914), pp. 134–35, text on the exterior of the box, “panneau de droite, vers les pieds”. Part of the scene in [Meeks, Piérini], La collection égyptienne, 1995, p. 36. 34 Missing in Maspero’s text. 35 Maspero is reading perhaps: …n tA <m> ib.f pr m… etc.; a possibly preferable alternative is: ib.f pr(.w) m… 36 “The imy-xnt-priest in the embalming-house”, cf. LGG VIII, p. 103, S.2, U.1. 37 Kaplony had planned to study it, cf. Kaplony, Siegel und Skarabäen, 2016; the cast of this heart-scarab is shown on pl. 106, no. 2002. 38 Laroche, “Scarabées inscrits”, 2014, ch. VII. 39 Malaise, Les scarabées de cœur, 1978, p. 25. 40 Sethe, Geschichte der Einbalsamierung, 1934, p. 11*, K. 41 Yoyotte, BIFAO 54 (1954), pp. 103–04; Davoli, Saft el-Henna, 2001, pp. 99–100; Al-Abedine, CCE (S) 21 (2016). 42 Edfou I/3, p. 335. 43 Montet, Géographie I, pp. 210–11; Davoli, Saft el-Henna, 2001, pp. 69–70; Virenque, CRIPEL 27 (2008), pp. 144–47. 44 Same wording on a statue dated to the Twentysecond Dynasty, reported to have been bought at Tell Basta: Daressy, Statues de divinités, I, pp. 302–3, CG 39217; Jansen-Winkeln, Ägyptische Biographien, 1985, I, p. 303. Same date for the inscriptions of Cairo JE 46600, a New Kingdom statue group from Saft el-Henna, usurped and dedicated to Senwaset and his wife by their son: Daressy, ASAE 20 (1920); Davoli, Saft el-Henna, 2001, pp. 35–36; Virenque, CRIPEL 27 (2008), p. 144 n. 21 (original group dated to the time of Amenhotep III: Eaton-Krauss, BES 19 [2015]). 45 Wb IV 299. Under the jackal, a sign looking like an n is in place of the small shrine or other support for the God’s image, sometimes a tA-sign (Gardiner N16-17). 46 Formerly CG 535, now in Jerusalem, Israel Museum No. 67.30.426: Giveon, JARCE 12 (1975). 47 Names formed like this are mainly for men, cf. the examples quoted above from Ranke, PN. 10 52 he had gathered in his L’eccelsa rupe. Studi, ricerche e nuove prospettive storiche sulla rocca di Cefalù, Palermo 2013, p. 227. Calderazzo passed away in 2008. It is preferable to keep here the official version of a fortuitous find; however, it seems, from the statements of the finder himself, that “explorations” of the rock were at least repeated, by several people and with a specific purpose, not only to take a walk. 63 “On one of these occasions, after it had been raining for a few days, (…) each one [scil. of the schoolmates] walking along one of the rivulets that ran downhill from the walls, below the Temple of Diana, my attention was drawn to a disk, as large as a coin, dark green in color”. 64 We were unable to determine in which issue of this popular daily newspaper the article appeared. 65 “The scarab is an authentic Egyptian object, but apparently it is worth little! The Egyptologist Prof. Farina says that such scarabs may be worth five– ten liras. However, he does not know exactly what material it is made of”. Although the words are clear, what is meant is perhaps not the market value but the reward up to a maximum of a quarter of the value granted under the provisions of Law 1089/1939 (concerning the protection of artistic and historical assets). 10 liras of the time were worth less than 9 euros, a very small sum. 66 Retained in Sfameni Gasparro, I culti orientali in Sicilia, 1973, pp. 83–84, 231. 67 Bovio Marconi, in Atti del VII Congresso nazionale di storia dell’architettura, 1955, p. 215. 68 It cannot be excluded that the circumstances were less “peaceful” than what appears from the finder’s memories: the Superintendent is certainly very annoyed in the letter, where she comments that the boy’s father is ungrateful, because she could have seized the scarab for failure to report its finding. She may have been aware of other, different circumstances that can no longer be documented. 69 Tullio, Kokalos 20 (1974), pp. 146–50; Van Essen, Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome 69 (1957); Purpura, Sicilia Archeologica 37 (1978), pp. 62–63; Tullio, in Enciclopedia dell’Arte Antica Classica e Orientale, Secondo Supplemento, 1995, p. 91. 70 Tullio, in Spanò Giammellaro (ed.), Atti del V Congresso, 2005, pp. 837–39. For aegyptiaca in Western Sicily, in addition to Sfameni Gasparro, I culti orientali in Sicilia, 1973: Poma, in Famà (ed.), Museo Regionale di Trapani, 2009, and previously Verga, Sicilia Archeologica 40 (1979); Spanò Giammellaro, in Gandolfo (ed.), Pulcherrima Res, 2008; Famà, Inferrera and Militello (eds.), Magia d’Egitto, 2015; De Angelis, Archaeological Reports 53 (2006-2007) and 58 (2012); Giglio Cerniglia (ed.), Il culto di Iside, 2017; Niemeyer, in Amadasi Guzzo et al. (eds.), Da Pyrgi a Mozia, 2002; Schön and Töpfer (eds.), Karthago Dialoge, 2016. On the colony of Motya, cf. Nigro and Spagnoli, Landing on Motya, 2017. Cf. also: arcait.it/bibliografia/sicelioti (by L. Cappelletti). 71 Above, nn. 4 and 67. 72 Sfameni Gasparro, I culti orientali in Sicilia, 1973, pp. 83–84, 231–32. Should it be one sign only, it is similar, although not identical, to a Hm-sign, U36 (cf. in the line above), or to a sA, V17. 49 Cf., tentatively, the appearance of ib, heart, + stroke as a single sign in the third line of the inscription of the scarab Lot 106 in the Bonhams auction on 25.04.2012, attributed to the late New Kingdom/Third Intermediate Period: bonhams.com/auctions/19961/ lot/106/. There is something similar on Kehshasha’s scarab, see below, Fig. 4. 50 Laroche, “Scarabées inscrits", 2014, ch. VII; Laroche, EAO 85 (2017), figs. 3, 5, 6. 51 Colin, Les Libyens, 1996, I, pp. 96ff.; Jansen-Winkeln, Orientalia 75 (2006); Pérez Die, in Broekman et al. (eds.), The Libyan Period, 2009. 52 Pérez Die and Vernus, Excavaciones en Ehnasya el Medina, 1992, p. 69 doc. 46 fig. 26: the owner’s name, clearly not an Egyptian one, is said to be of possibly Libyan origin; Pons Mellado, Collección egipcia, 1998, inv. no. 1981/1/102, p. 69. 53 Acc. Nr. 86.226.22, brooklynmuseum.org/ opencollection/objects/4246. 54 It is featured in the inventory of the Mandralisca collections drawn up by Antonino Salinas in 1888 (information courtesy of Sandro Varzi, Cefalù), and hence certainly belonged to the Baron. See the Appendix at the end for a few notes about its provenance. 55 Cf. Malaise, Scarabées de cœur, 1978, p. 50 and p. 82 no. 4. 56 E.g. Malaise, Scarabées de cœur, 1978, p. 83 and pl. 9 (Bruxelles E.4232); also Petrie, Scarabs, 1917, pl. XLVII, 3, belonging to another šmayt, to be added to Onstine’s corpus (above, nn. 26–27); Glasgow Museum 189665(2), belonging to Nespaherentahat (Weightman and Thomson, GM 249 [2016]); Florence Egyptian Museum inv. 1179 , belonging to Ankhefenkhonsu (Guidotti [ed.], La vita oltre la morte, 2013, p. 18 no. 12); Louvre N 2853 and E 3082, resp. for Djediset and Djeddjehutyiuesankh (Gombert-Meurice, Payraudeau [eds.], Servir les dieux, 2018, p. 95, Cat. 40b, 40c: both with the title šmayt n imn). 57 Inv. no. ED 893: Guidotti and Leospo, Collezione egizia, 1994, p. 70, L1, pl. 12, 29 (the owner was an iHyt n imnra). Cf. also Ballerini, Bessarione 7 (1910), p. 219: the scarab was found in situ on the chest of the mummy, under her cartonnage case (inv. ED 1). 58 Onstine, Role of the Chantress, pp. 29–31; during the Third Intermediate Period, only five women in her corpus of 252 did not serve Amun. 59 Geßler-Löhr, GM 116 (1990). 60 Laroche, EAO 85 (2017), p. 30; for both these characteristics, cf. Turin Museum C. 5999; Durham Oriental Museum EG1833; Leiden CI 209. Cf. also, for the single-line sutura, Darmstadt HLMD-A-2006-148 (Ägyptische Mumien, 2007, p. 146 no. 136); Hildesheim 1246 (Germer et al., Mummies, 1997, pp. 24–25). 61 Laroche, “Scarabées inscrits”, 2014, ch. VII ; Laroche, EAO 85 (2017), p. 30; in a few instances, also a somewhat rough workmanship. For parallels, see notes 56, 57, 60. 62 Ilardo touched briefly upon some of the information 48 53 Bernabò Brea, Luigi, “Apporti egizi alla fondazione della Lipàra cnidia e sviluppo delle sue necropoli”, in: Umberto Spigo and M. Clara Martinelli (eds.), Dieci anni al Museo Eoliano (1987- 1996). Ricerche e studi (Quaderni del Museo Archeologico Regionale Eoliano 1), Messina 1996, pp. 95–101. Boardman, John, The Greeks Overseas: Their Early Colonies and Trade, London 1964. Bovio Marconi, Jole, “I monumenti megalitici di Cefalù e l’architettura preistorica mediterranea”, in: Atti del VII Congresso nazionale di storia dell’architettura, Palermo, 24-30 settembre 1950, Palermo 1955, pp. 213–21. Buzov, Emil, “The Role of the Heart in the Purification”, in: Alessia Amenta, M. Michela Luiselli and Marta Novella Sordi (eds.), L’acqua nell’antico Egitto: vita, rigenerazione, incantesimo, medicamento. Proceedings of the First International Conference for Young Egyptologists (Italy, Chianciano Terme, October 15-18, 2003), Roma 2005, pp. 273–81. Catalogue des signes hiéroglyphiques de l’Imprimerie Nationale. Deuxième édition, Paris 1873. Ceruti, Sabrina and Anna Provenzali (eds.), Sotto il cielo di Nut. Egitto divino, Milano 2020. Chappaz, Jean-Luc, Francesco Tiradritti and Marie Vandenbeusch (eds.), Akhénaton et Néfertiti. Soleil et ombres des pharaons (Catalogue de l’exposition, Musée d’art et d’histoire, 17 octobre 2008- 1er février 2009), Genève 2008. Colin, Frédéric, Les Libyens en Égypte (XVe siècle a.C-IIe siècle p.C.). Onomastique et histoire. Diss. Université Libre de Bruxelles 1996 (tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel00120038). Crisà, Antonino, “Lettera di Enrico Pirajno di Mandralisca a Karl von Estorff con notizie di scavi e ricerche numismatiche a Lipari ed acquisti antiquari a Tindari”, Lanx 4 (2009), pp. 146–55. Cultraro, Massimo, “Documenti di culti funerari di origine egizia a Lipari in età arcaica. Una nota preliminare”, in: Anna Di Natale and Corrado Basile (eds.), Atti del XVIII Convegno di Egittologia e Papirologia – Siracusa, 20-23 settembre 2018 (Quaderni del Museo del Papiro XVII), Siracusa 2020, pp. 153–74. Curto, Silvio, Storia del Museo Egizio di Torino, Torino 19903. Daressy, Georges, Statues de divinitès : Nos 38001-39384 (CGC), I, Le Caire 1906. Daressy, Georges, “Un groupe de Saft el Henneh”, ASAE 20 (1920), pp. 123–28. Davoli, Paola, Saft el-Henna, archeologia e storia di una città del Delta orientale (Archeologia e storia della civiltà egiziana e del Vicino Oriente antico – Materiali e studi 6), Imola 2001. De Angelis, Francesco, “Archaeology in Sicily”, Archaeological Reports 53 (2006–07), pp. 123–90; 58 (2012), pp. 123–95. De Putter, Thierry and Christina Karlshausen, Les pierres utilisées dans la sculpture et l’architecture de l’Égypte pharaonique. Guide pratique illustré (Connaissance de l’Égypte ancienne 4), Brussels 1992. Dolinska, Monika, “Small Head, Little Mystery”, in: Johanna Debowska-Ludwin, Mariusz A. Jucha and Piotr Kolodziejczyk (eds.), Aegyptus est imago caeli: Rockefeller Archaeological Museum, Jerusalem, no. 343114. The news of the first artifact of that type ever found in Palestine appeared in the Jewish Telegraph Agency of June 26, 1934. It is described in Rowe, Catalogue, 1936, pp. 152-53 no. 641, without a photo; text on twelve lines, the first two, with the name of the owner, perhaps intentionally abraded; text of BD Ch. 30B, dated to the New Kingdom, probably Nineteenth Dynasty. Rowe quotes from the excavator’s report that it was “associated with ‘Philistine’ pottery under fallen burnt-brick wall in Level III”. 74 Hamilton Lang acquired many antiquities there and led excavations mainly at Dhali/Idalion and Pyla. BM EA51856, unpublished: britishmuseum.org/ collection/object/Y_EA51856. Prob. Late Period; the text is not a regular BD “heart-chapter”. BM EA51857, unpublished: britishmuseum.org/collection/object/Y_ EA51857: made of red jasper, dated to the New Kingdom, with the opening phrases of Ch. BD 30B for an individual named “May”. 75 Sukenik, QDAP 4 (1935), p. 209. 76 E.g., Nigro, in CMAO VI, 1996, p. 10; Gadot, Tel Aviv 37 (2010), with references: the destruction of the Egyptian centers there can be dated approximately to the late thirteenth – early twelfth century BC. A more general overview: Ben-Tor (ed.), Pharaoh in Canaan, 2016. 77 He had many interests and a rich network of correspondents: e.g., Crisà, Lanx 4 (2009). 78 Tullio, La collezione archeologica, 1979, pp. 14–15. 79 Ingoglia, Sicilia Antiqua 4 (2007), p. 49, with references. After the Baron’s death, excavations were carried out in 1878-79 by Giuseppe Scolarici in a neighboring property. 80 On the important Egyptian finds there, including a small aryballos with the cartouche of Apries, see Bernabò Brea, in Spigo and Martinelli (eds.), Dieci anni al Museo Eoliano, 1996; Cultraro, in Di Natale and Basile (eds.), Atti XVIII Convegno, 2020; previously, Boardman, Greeks Overseas, 1964, p. 144. 73 Bibliography Ägyptische Mumien – Unsterblichkeit im Land der Pharaonen, Stuttgart 2007. Al-Abedine, Adel Zine, “Le titre du grand prêtre du dieu Sopdou Wn PtH”, CCE (S) 21 (2016), pp. 183–90. Bacchi, Ernesta, “Lo scarabeo del cuore di Thutmòse IV”, RSO 20 (1942), pp. 211–27. Ballerini, Francesco, “Antichità egiziane nel Museo Civico di Como”, Bessarione 7 (1910), pp. 210–37. Beinlich, Horst and Mohammed Saleh, Corpus der hieroglyphischen Inschriften aus dem Grab des Tutanchamun: mit Konkordanz der Nummernsysteme des ‘Journal d’Entrée’ des Ägyptischen Museums Kairo, der Handlist to Howard Carter’s catalogue of objects in Tut’ankhamun’s tomb und der Ausstellungs-Nummer des Ägyptischen Museums Kairo, Oxford 1989. Ben-Tor, Daphna, Lo scarabeo. Il segreto della vita e il confine tra i mondi, Roma 2005 (Italian edition of The Scarab. A Reflection of Ancient Egypt, Jerusalem 1993). Ben-Tor, Daphna (ed.), Pharaoh in Canaan. The Untold Story (Catalogue of the Exhibition, The Israel Museum, Winter–Fall 2016), Jerusalem 2016. 54 Studies Presented to Krzysztof M. Cialowicz on his 60th Birthday, Kracow 2014, pp. 217–20. Eaton-Krauss, Marianne, “The Original Owner of Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 46600”, BES 19 (2015), pp. 225–36. Edfou I/3 = Marquis de Rochemonteix and Émile Chassinat, Le temple d’Edfou, 19872. Famà, M. Luisa, Ivana Inferrera and Pietro Militello (eds.), Magia d’Egitto. Mostre archeologiche e congressi in Sicilia, Trapani 2015. Feucht, Erika, Pektorale nichtköniglicher Personen (ÄA 22), Wiesbaden 1971. Gaber, Hanane, “Les scarabées de cœur à tête humaine à la lumière d’une variante de la pesée du cœur”, in: Jean-Claude Goyon and Christine Cardin (eds.), Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists, Grenoble, 6-12 Septembre 2004 (OLA 150), Leuven-Paris-Dudley, MA 2007, pp. 743–48. Gaber, Hanane, “Deux variantes de la scène de la psychostasie (chapitres 30 et 125 du Livre des Morts)”, RdE 60 (2009), pp. 1–16. Gadot, Yuval, “The Late Bronze Egyptian Estate at Aphek”, Tel Aviv 37 (2010), pp. 48–66. Gee, John, “Of Heart Scarabs and Balance Weights: A New Interpretation of Book of the Dead 30B”, JSSEA 36 (2009), pp. 1–15. Germer, Renate, Mummies: Life After Death in Ancient Egypt, Munich-New York 1997. Geßler-Löhr, Beatrix, “Zur Schreibung von mAa-xrw mit der Blume”, GM 116 (1990), pp. 25–43. Giglio Cerniglia, Rossella (ed.), Il culto di Iside nel Mediterraneo tra Lilibeo e Alessandria d’Egitto. Atti del Convegno, Marsala, 13-14 maggio 2011, Pisa 2017. Giveon, Raphael, “A Late Egyptian Statue from the Eastern Delta”, JARCE 12 (1975), pp. 19–21. Gombert-Meurice, Florence and Frédéric Payraudeau (eds.), Servir les dieux d’Égypte. Divines adoratrices, chanteuses et prêtres d’Amon à Thèbes (Catalogue de l’exposition, Musée de Grenoble, 25 octobre 2018 – 27 janvier 2019), Paris-Grenoble 2018. Guidotti, M. Cristina (ed.), La vita oltre la morte. Il corredo funerario nell’antico Egitto, Ospedaletto (Pisa) 2013. Guidotti, M. Cristina and Enrichetta Leospo, La collezione egizia del Civico Museo Archeologico di Como, Como 1994. Hornung, Erik, Das Totenbuch der Ägypter, Zürich 1979. Ingoglia, Caterina, “La necropoli greco-romana di Lipari: storia degli scavi e prospettive di ricerca”, Sicilia Antiqua 4 (2007), pp. 49–64. Jansen-Winkeln, Karl, Ägyptische Biographien der 22. und 23. Dynastie, Teil I: Übersetzung und Kommentar (ÄAT 8/1), Wiesbaden 1985. Jansen-Winkeln, Karl, “Die Libyer in Herakleopolis Magna”, Orientalia 75 (2006), pp. 297–316. Kaplony, Peter A., Siegel und Skarabäen in der Sammlung Georges Michaelides. Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin. Tafeln und Manuskript (Michael E. Habicht, Renate Siegmann eds.), Berlin 2016. Laroche, Claude, “Les scarabées inscrits et autres amulettes de cœur de l’Égypte ancienne (présentation, corpus, critères de datation, caractéristiques, collections)”, PhD dissertation, Paris IV – Sorbonne, 06.12.2014 (theses.fr/2014PA040240), publication forthcoming. Laroche, Claude, “Les scarabées inscrits et autres amulettes de cœur de l’Égypte ancienne”, EAO 85 (2017), pp. 21–34. LGG = Leitz, Christian (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen, 8 vols. (OLA 110-116, 129), Leuven-Paris-Dudley, MA, 2002-2003. Lorand, David, “Quatre scarabées de cœur inscrits à tête humaine”, CdE 83 (2008), pp. 20–40. Malaise, Michel, Les scarabées de cœur dans l’Égypte ancienne: avec un appendice sur les scarabées de cœur des Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire de Bruxelles (MRE 4), Bruxelles 1978. Martin, Geoffrey Thorndike, The Tomb of Hetepka and Other Reliefs and Inscriptions from the Sacred Animal Necropolis, North Saqqâra 1964–1973, London 1979. Maspero, Gaston, “Les monuments égyptiens du Musée de Marseille”, RecTrav 36 (1914), pp. 128– 45. [Meeks, Christine and Dimitri, and Gisèle Piérini], La collection égyptienne: guide du visiteur (Cahier du Musée d’archéologie méditerranéenne), Marseille 19952. Miniaci, Gianluca, “The Incomplete Hieroglyphs System at the End of the Middle Kingdom”, RdE 61 (2010), pp. 113–34. Niemeyer, Hans Georg, “Aegyptiaca im Mittelmeerraum: Handelsgut der Phönizier? Zur Beschreibung eines Problems in der archäologischen Forschung”, in: M. Giulia Amadasi Guzzo, Mario Liverani and Paolo Matthiae (eds.), Da Pyrgi a Mozia. Studi sull’archeologia del Mediterraneo in memoria di Antonia Ciasca, Roma 2002, pp. 367–72. Nigro, Lorenzo, “Le residenze palestinesi del Bronzo Tardo – I modelli planimetrici e strutturali”, in: Contributi e Materiali di Archeologia Orientale VI, Roma 1996, pp. 1–69. Nigro, Lorenzo and Francesca Spagnoli, Landing on Motya. The Earliest Phoenician Settlement of the 8th Century BC and the Creation of a West-Phoenician Cultural Identity in the Excavations of the Sapienza University of Rome – 2012-2016, Roma 2017. Onstine, Suzanne Lynn, The Role of the Chantress (5mayt) in Ancient Egypt (BAR Int. Series 1401), Oxford 2005. Pérez Die, Maria del Carmen, “The Third Intermediate Period Necropolis at Herakleopolis Magna”, in: Gerard P.F. Broekman, Robert J. Demarée and Olaf E. Kaper (eds.), The Libyan Period in Egypt. Historical and Cultural Studies into the 21st-24th Dynasties: Proceedings of a Conference at Leiden University, 25-27 October 2007, Leiden 2009, pp. 303–26. Pérez Die, Maria del Carmen and Pascal Vernus, Excavaciones en Ehnasya el Medina (Heracleópolis Magna): introducción general, inscripciones (Informes arqueológicos, Egipto 1), Madrid 1992. Petrie, William Matthew Flinders, Scarabs and Cylinders with Names (BSAE, London 1917), reprint London 1974. Poma, Luana, “Amuleti, scarabei e statuette ushabti”, in: M. Luisa Famà (ed.), Il Museo Regionale “A. Pepoli” di Trapani. Le collezioni archeologiche, Bari 2009, pp. 285–96. 55 Pons Mellado, Esther (ed.), La colección egipcia de la Real Academia de Córdoba, Córdoba 1998. Purpura, Gianfranco, “Le cave di pietra della rocca di Cefalù”, Sicilia Archeologica 37 (1978), pp. 59–67. Quirke, Stephen, “Two Thirteenth Dynasty HeartScarabs”, JEOL 37 (2001-2002), pp. 31–40. Quirke, Stephen, Going Out in Daylight – prt m hrw: The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead. Translation, Sources, Meanings (GHP Egyptology 20), London 2013. Rowe, Alan, A Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs, Scaraboids, Seals and Amulets in the Palestine Archaeological Museum, Le Caire 1936. Sagrillo, Troy L., “The Heart Scarab of King Shoshenq III (Brooklyn Museum 61.10)”, JEA 97 (2011), pp. 240–46. Schön, Frerich and Hanni Töpfer (eds.), Karthago Dialoge. Karthago und der punische Mittelmeerraum – Kulturkontakte und Kulturtransfers im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr., Tübingen 2016. Schumacher, Inke W., Der Gott Sopdu, der Herr der Fremdländer (OBO 79), Freiburg–Göttingen 1988. Seeber, Christine, Untersuchungen zur Darstellung des Totengerichts im Alten Ägypten (MÄS 35), Berlin 1976. Sethe, Kurt, “Zur Geschichte der Einbalsamierung bei den Ägyptern und einiger damit verbundener Bräuche”, SPAW 1934, pp. 211–39. Sfameni Gasparro, Giulia, I culti orientali in Sicilia (EPRO 31), Leiden 1973. Sousa, Rogério, The Heart of Wisdom: Studies on the Heart Amulet in Ancient Egypt (BAR Int. Series 2211), Oxford 2011. Spanò Giammellaro, Antonella, “I manufatti egiziani ed egittizzanti”, in: Lucina Gandolfo (ed.), Pulcherrima Res: Preziosi ornamenti dal passato, Palermo 2008, pp. 63–85. Spiegelberg, Wilhelm, “Das Herz als zweites Wesen des Menschen”, ZÄS 66 (1931), pp. 35–37. Sukenik, Eleazar Lipa, “Excavations in Palestine 1933-34 – Tell el Jeri-she”, Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine 4 (1935), pp. 208–09. Taylor, John H., “Judgement”, in: John H. Taylor (ed.), Journey Through the Afterlife. Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London 2010, pp. 204–37. Tullio, Amedeo, “Saggio sulla topografia e sulle antichità di Cefalù”, Kokalos 20 (1974), pp. 119– 51. Tullio, Amedeo, La collezione archeologica del Museo Mandralisca, Cefalù 1979. Tullio, Amedeo, “Cefalù”, in: Enciclopedia dell’Arte Antica Classica e Orientale, Secondo Supplemento 1971-1994, II, Roma 1995, pp. 90–93. Tullio, Amedeo, “Presenze puniche nella necropoli ellenistico-romana di Cefalù”, in: Antonella Spanò Giammellaro (ed.), Atti del V Congresso Internazionale di Studi Fenici e Punici- Marsala- Palermo, 2-8 ottobre 2000, II, Palermo 2005, pp. 837–48. Van Essen, Charles-Claude, “La date du sanctuaire mégalithique de Cefalù”, Mélanges de l’École française de Rome 69 (1957), pp. 45–48. Verga, Silvana, “Scarabei e scaraboidi nel Museo Nazionale Pepoli di Trapani”, Sicilia Archeologica 40 (1979), pp. 27–36. Virenque, Hélène, “Saft el-Henneh aux époques tardives: remarques sur la métropole et les sanctuaires de la XXe province de Basse Égypte”, CRIPEL 27 (2008), pp. 141–50. Weightman, Brian and James K. Thompson, “The Heart Scarab of Nespaherentahat”, GM 249 (2016), pp. 165–69. Yoyotte, Jean, “Prêtres et sanctuaires du nome héliopolite à la Basse Époque”, BIFAO 54 (1954), pp. 83–115. Žabkar, Louis V., “Some Observations on T.G. Allen’s Edition of the Book of the Dead”, JNES 24 (1965), pp. 75–87. 56