Summary Tomasz Bochnak (Pologne) - Les «Herodiens» et les «Zelotes», Deux attitudes face à l’armement des tombes de la culture de Przeworsk au début de la période préromaine tardive. Remarques à la marge d’un essai de A. J. Toynbee, Islam, the West, and the Future ....... ....7 Vlad Cărăbiși (Romania) - Early Iron Age graves with fibulae in Basarabi and postBasarabi type cemeteries ...................................................................................................... 23 Alexandra Comșa (Romania) - Cremation and some of its aspects in the Romanian Bronze Age .......................................................................................................................................... 39 Katarina Dmitrović (Serbia), Barry Molloy (Ireland) - Contribution to of the Early Bronze Age chronology in the region of West Morava River, Serbia ............................................... 49 Olena Dzneladze, Denis Sikoza (Ukraine) - Cenotaph from Chervony Mayak necropolis.65 Marija Ljuština (Serbia) - Bronze Age funerary practices on the Pešter Plateau and neighbouring regions of Western Serbia ............................................................................... 71 Dragoș Măndescu (Romania) - A small deposit of iron tools from Furești (Dobrești Commune, Argeș County) ...................................................................................................... 87 Roxana Munteanu (Romania) - Weapons of choice. A review of the Early/Middle Bronze Age shaft-hole axes from Eastern Romania ........................................................................... 97 Octavian Munteanu, Mihai Băț, Vasile Iarmulschi, Aurel Zanoci (Rep. of Moldova) Late La Tène Burials with weapons in the Eastern Carpathian Forest-Steppe: cultural connections with Central Europe ....................................................................................... 111 Liana Oța, Valeriu Sîrbu (Romania) - Sarmatian graves from North-Eastern Wallachia – a case study .......................................................................................................................... 135 Aurel Rustoiu, Iosif Vasile Ferencz (Romania) - Graves with La Tène weapons and fluid cultural identities. New discoveries from South-Western Transylvania .............................. 153 Cristian Schuster, Valeriu Sîrbu (Romania) - The tumulus from Baldovineşti (Brăila County): a reassessment....................................................................................................... 169 5 Cristian Schuster, Done Șerbănescu (Romania) - Burials, necropolises and human bones in non-funerary context from the Getic Times on the Lower Argeş Basin (Giurgiu and Călăraşi Countries, Romania) ............................................................................................. 197 Valeriu Sîrbu, Sebastian Matei (Romania) - Dead inside Settlements versus Dead in Tumuli Necropolises in the Dacian World. Three Cases from East of the Carpathians: Brad, Răcătău, and Poiana ............................................................................................................ 219 Sergey Skory, Vitalii Okatenko (Ukraine) - Bronze staff-mace from the first Karavan Barrow of the Early Scythian Period (Ukrainian Left-Bank Forest-Steppe)........................253 6 LATE LA TÈNE BURIALS WITH WEAPONS IN THE EASTERN CARPATHIAN FOREST-STEPPE: CULTURAL CONNECTIONS WITH CENTRAL EUROPE1 Octavian MUNTEANU, Mihail BĂȚ, Vasile IARMULSCHI, Aurel ZANOCI (Chișinău – Rep. of Moldova) Key-words: Late Iron Age, Poienești-Lucașeuca culture, warriors, burials with weapons, bronze situla, Kostrzewski K type fibula, cultural connections. Abstract: The article presents five burials with weapons discovered in the Eastern Carpathian region, three from cemeteries (Borosești, Poienești and Dolineni) and two isolated finds (Răcatău and Mana). In terms of geographical distribution, it should be mentioned that these features are associated with the PoieneștiLucașeuca culture area (Fig. 2), originated in the traditions of North-Central Europe. Even the phenomenon of burials containing weaponry is sporadic in this area and relatively late, based on the grave goods and according to the analysis of the long-distance contacts and human mobility, the authors assign these features to the Poienești-Lucașeuca communities. Respectively, the custom of deposition of ritual destruction and deformation of weaponry is considered as evidence of the Przeworsk culture influence. The correlation of the graves goods (bronze situla, celtic sword, spearheads, shield umbo, spurs, typical vessels for the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture, etc.) allow to attribute these burials with weapons to the LT D1 period, or in absolute dating the time-span between the second half of the 2nd century BC (Borosești) and the first quarter of the 1st century BC (Mana, Răcătău, Dolineni). In the authors' opinion, the appearance of graves with weapons could reflect the existence of groups of warriors in the Poienești-Lucașeuca milieu. Introduction The subject of the research is determined by a set of funerary discoveries from the EastCarpathian forest-steppe in the Late La Tène period and characterized by presence of weapons. Before proceeding directly to the topic, it should be noted that the warrior graves found in the eastern Carpathian forest-steppe correspond to a chronological segment and space which is defined by complicated and complex cultural, economic and, certainly, ethnic transformations. These transformations, which began at the end of the 3rd century BC in the Eastern Carpathian forest-steppe, have determined the expression of a new cultural phenomenon, known in literature as the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture (Fig. 2). It is important to note that starting with the second half of the 3rd century BC, similar processes occured on a territory expanding from the South-Western coast of the North Sea to the middle course of the Dnieper river and the Carpathian-Dniester forest-steppe. These transformations led to the appearance of new archaeological cultures: Jastorf (Ripdorf and Seedorf phases), Oksywie, Przeworsk, Zarubintsy and Poienești-Lucașeuca (Fig. 1). These cultures are similar to each other in a number of elements of material culture, among which the most expressive are the fine pottery with faceted rim along with barbotine coarse pottery, Middle and Late La Tène brooches (Fig. 3), as well as in the manifestation of spiritual traditions: cremation practice and deposition of burned human remains in flat graves. According to M. Shchukin, all these cultures constitute the third world of barbarian tribes from Europe (Shchukin 1989b, p. 56-62; Shchukin 1994, p. 15). At the same time, east of the Carpathians, outside the forest-steppe region, the further evolution of Getic communities entered in a particular phase of development, similar to the communities from the southern regions of the Carpathians. The This research was conducted within the Project 20.80009.1606.14 “The archaeological heritage of the Iron Age in the Middle Dniester region and the Cogâlnic River basin: interdisciplinary research and scientific development”. 1 evolution of communities located inside the Carpathian arc is enfolded to the same phenomenon. All these regions will experience the tendency of cultural uniformity, which will continue in the following periods. As a distinct element of the the communities from the Carpathian-Danubian-Pontic region is to be reminded the drastic reduction of the number of graves (almost to extinction), a phenomenon that would have known, in this time, a quasigeneralization in large regions of Europe: from Black Sea region to Brittany. In the context of this lack of graves, there are underlined the “traditional” funerary sites of the PoieneștiLucașeuca culture, as well as a concentration of warrior graves in the Danube Gorges region, characterized by deposition of weaponry, which includes curved knives. With a core in the Balkans, this tradition will extend to the North of the Danube, first in Oltenia, then in Western Muntenia and later inside the Carpathian Basin (Łuczkiewicz and Schönfelder 2008, fig. 2; Borangic 2020, fig. 1) having reminescences in more distant regions. It is worth mentioning that the presence of curved daggers in the burial complexes from Malaja Kopanja (Коtigoroshko 2009b, p. 58-133; Коtigoroshko 2015, p. 27-29; Sîrbu and Borangic 2016, p. 79-80) and at Zemplin (Budinsky-Kricka and Lamiová-Schmiedlová 1990, pl. 1/3), as well as those from the opposite direction: curved daggers from Histria (Pippidi et alii 1959, p. 309, fig. 11; Rustoiu 2002, p. 41-46, fig. 27/2) and Poiana (Sîrbu and Borangic 2016, p. 84, no. 41, figs. 8/3 and 35/6); a Celtic sword with a scabbard at Callatis (Rustoiu 2000, p. 278). Obviously, they are followed by burials with weapons from the Eastern Carpathian foreststeppe. Our attention shall be focused on the latter, both in terms of constituent elements and, in particular, in terms of the processes underlying these cultural manifestations. Burials with weapons in the Eastern Carpathian forest-steppe So far, only five warrior graves with weapons belonging to this period are known in the Eastern Carpathian forest-steppe (Fig. 2): grave no. 29 from the Borosești cemetery (Babeş 1993, p. 185, Taf. 5); grave no. 43 from the Dolineni cemetery (Smirnova and Megei 2000, p. 163, fig. 6); grave no. 5922 from Poienești cemetery (Babeș 1993, p. 213, pl. 38/10); an isolated grave from Răcatău (Vulpe and Căpitanu 1971, p. 161); an isolated grave from Mana (Tentiuc et alii 2015, p. 221-248; Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 73-75). In order to analyze them later and interpret their meaning, we will review these five burials3, according to the number of artifacts related to weapons. Borosești, grave no. 29 (Fig. 4). Cremation burial in a cinerary urn with lid. A black pot with faceted rim was used as a funerary urn. It was covered with a bowl also made from fine clay. About 1/3 of the urn’s capacity was filled with burned bones and a small quantity of coals and ashes. The burned bones belonged to an adult male. In the urn were found: a shield umbo; a spearhead; a fragmentary brooch close to the Kostrzewski B variant, and an iron knife (type I.1 according to Babeș). A Celtic sword, ritually bent in its scabbard, was placed near the urn. Mana, isolated grave (Fig. 5). Cremation burial in a cinerary urn with lid. The urn was a bronze situla covered with a bowl with faceted rim made from fine clay. The funerary inventory contains an iron sword in a scabbard (the object was ritually bent), an iron spearhead; a shield umbo, two iron spurs, two iron parts of a belt, an iron spiral bracelet and 10 bear distal phalanges. According to the anthropological analysis perfomed by A. Based on the presence of weaponry in this children’s grave (infans I), we can admit that the status of the individual from grave no. 592 was established by his membership and relation to a group of warriors. 3 To these can be added two fortuitous discoveries of sicae, which would suggest the existence of other warriors’ graves: Poiana (Sîrbu and Borangic 2016, p. 84) and Potârca (Topal and Bubulich 2016, p. 253-260; Niculiță et alii 2019, p. 48-49). Due to the lack of certainty, we do not include these finds in our analysis. 2 112 Simalcsik, the burned remains found in this grave belonged to a male adolescent (14-16 years old) (Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 87). Răcătău, isolated grave (Fig. 6). The fortuitous discovery consisted of a bronze vessel that most likely served as a funeral urn, a fragment of another bronze cauldron, fragments of chain mail, a fragment of an iron sword, a fragment of a shield umbo, a fragment of a black vessel with faceted rim. Poienești, grave no. 592 (Fig. 7). Cremation burial in a cinerary urn with a lid. A pot made of fine clay served as an urn. It was covered with a bowl, also made of fine clay, besides a few calcined bones (infans I), a spearhead was found in the urn. Dolineni, grave no. 43 (Fig. 8). Cremation burial in a cinerary urn with a lid. The bottom of a handmade bowl served as an urn. A bowl, preserved fragmentarily, served as the lid. Grave inventory was composed of a fragment of a bronze ring, two glass beads, an iron tube and an iron spearhead. Analogies and chronology On the following pages, we will briefly discuss each of the types of the objects mentioned, tracing their analogies and delimiting their chronological framework. Double-edged swords. Such objects, as we have already mentioned, were found in three burials: grave no. 29 from Borosești (Fig. 4/9) and isolated graves from Mana (Fig. 5/12) and Răcătau (Fig. 6/9). According to the typology elaborated by P. Luczkiewicz, such swords belong to the I/1 type and are usually dated to the end of LT C2 and LT D1 (Łuczkiewicz 2006, p. 23-76) From a territorial point of view, the closest analogies for this type of sword were attested at the sites of Malaja Kopanja (Kotigoroshko 2008, p. 35-45; Kotigoroshko 2015, p. 26, fig. 27-28) and Callatis (Rustoiu 2000, p. 278). The next finds come from the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group (Zirra 1971, p. 235; Wozniak 1974, p. 87-94; Eskenasy 1977, p. 63; Tačeva 1978, p. 325-337; Domaradzki 1986, p. 228-229; Rustoiu et alii 20012002, p. 112-113 with bibliography; Rustoiu 2001, p. 181-182, 184-185, fig. 2) as well as from the warriors graves from the territory of Ukraine (Mikhaylovskiy 2010, p. 107-110; Terpilovskiy 2010, p. 146-153; Terpilovskiy and Bilinskaja 2010, p. 46, fig. 2/3; Terpilovskiy and Zharov 2013, p. 409-419; Łuczkiewicz and Terpilovskij 2013, p. 155-174). However, the most numerous finds come from Slovenia and Croatia (Knežević-Jovanović 2003, p. 292-296 with bibliography; Knez 1977, pls. 3/8, 7/1, 4; Guštin 1977: grave no. 1 Dobov - T. 4 and grave no. 2 - T.; Zabó-Petres 1992: kat. 115, pl. 109-112, kat. 140, pl. 126), as well as from sites in Southern Germany (Sievers 2010, Taf. 2/2-3; Curdy et alii 2012, p. 58). We also know such swords in the Przeworsk culture, where, as we have mentioned above, they are dated to end of A1 phase and A2 phase, which corresponds to the period between the end of LT C2 and LT D1 (Łuczkiewicz 2006, p. 25, 67; Łuczkiewicz 2021, p. 43-54 with bibliography). In the area of the Jastorf culture are found only a small number of such weapons (Hachmann 1960, 32, pl. XVIII/x; Eggers, Stary 2001, pl. 100/2; Mangeldorf and Schönfelder 2001, fig. 3/4b). Spearheads. Such weapons were found in four graves: Borosești (Fig. 4/4), Mana (Fig. 5/8), Poienești (Fig. 7) and Dolineni (Fig. 8/5). Although they belong to different types, we find numerous analogies for these objects in the Celtic environment from the Central Europe, in Przeworsk and Jastorf cultures (Domański 1975, p. 29-30, 31-32, 79; Łuczkiewicz and Schönfelder 2008, p. 171, 172; Maciałowicz 2016, p. 89-90; Spânu 2020, p. 109-110), as well as in the regions of South-Eastern Europe – in the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group and 113 Dacian culture (Nicolescu-Plopşor 1945-47, pls. I/4, 5, 7, III/2, V/1, 3-5; Teodosiev and Torbov 1995, figs. 22, 33; Sîrbu, Rustoiu 1999, p. 80, fig. 3; Sîrbu and Borangic 2015, p. 371372, figs. 1/2 and 2/1;). Usually, such items are dated to phase LT D1 (Łuckiewicz 2006, p. 105), or in absolute dating, the last quarter of the 2nd century and the first half of the 1st century BC. Shield umbos were found in three graves: Borosești (Fig. 4/5), Mana (Fig. 5/6-7) and Racătău (Fig. 6/10). Such artefacts have been analyzed by S. Sievers. According to the German researcher, umbos with rectangular wings and the central ovoid part were used by the Celts in southern Germany in the period LT C2, respectively, between 175 and 125 BC (Sievers 2010, p. 32, fig. 15). The analogies of the item from Mana and, most likely, of the one from Răcătău, exist in the Oksywie culture. It should be noted that according to Luczkiewicz’s typology such items belong to B3 type and date back to A2 phase and the beginning of A3 phase of the Oksywie culture, or in absolute dating, the second half of the 2nd century - the third quarter of the 1st century BC (Łuckiewicz 2006, p. 82-83). Such items are also known in the Celtic world, where they are usually dated to LT D1 (Sievers 1995, p. 136; Bockius and Łuckiewicz 2004, p. 82). In the Dacian milieu such objects are also dated between the second half of the 2nd century and the middle or the second half of the 1st century BC, i.e. burials from Popești, Dubova, Cugir, etc. (Borangic 2017, p. 166-167, with bibliography). Spurs were found only in the burial from Mana (Fig. 5/4). According to the typology of J. Ginalski, such items belong to A type (Ginalski 1991, p. 55), and the typology elaborated by C. Dima attribute them to II.b type (Dima 2005, p. 179-195). We know analogies to such itmes in the Przeworsk culture, where they date back to the A2 phase or in absolute dating, the end of the 2nd century - the first quarter of the 1st century BC (Godlowski 1977, p. 14). Such objects are also often found in the Dacian milieu, where they were widely distributed from the second half of the 2nd century BC to the 1st century AD (Dima 2005, p. 182-183). Fragments of a chain mail were found only in the grave from Răcătău (Fig. 6/6). The oldest find in the Barbaricum (Hjortspring, in Denmark) can be dated to the middle of the 4th century BC (Flemming 2003, p. 213-217), and the oldest analogy in the nearby regions comes from the Celtic burial at Ciumeşti, dated to the middle of the 3rd century BC (Rustoiu 2008, p. 166; Borangic 2017, p. 151), as well as from the burial at Horný Jatov (Benadik et alii 1957, p. 31-32). We also know analogies to chain mail in later periods, for example, among the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group (Borangic 2017, p. 151) and in the Dacian sites – Zemplin, Divici, Poiana, Sarmisegetuza Regia etc. (Borangic 2017, p. 152, with bibliography). The warrior aristocracy in the North of the Danube had been using this equipment from the 2nd century BC (Borangic and Paliga 2013, p. 8; Borangic 2017, p. 152153). Developing the subject of the chronology of the finds of weapons in the Eastern Carpathian area, our attention is focused on the grave no. 34 from the Dobrzankow cemetery, where a sword, a scabbard, a shield umbo, a round buckle (all items have very good analogies with finds from Mana), and a fibula of the Kostrzewski K type were discovered (Dabrowska 1988, tabl. 13). T. Dąbrowska dated this grave to the beginning of the A2 phase of the Przeworsk culture (Dabrowska 1988, tabl. 13), and according to the latest research in this area (Mistewicz et alii 2021, p. 100) the A2 phase of the Przeworsk culture corresponds to the final phase of LT C2 and LT D1, around 150/140-70/60 BC (according to Polenz 1982). Taking into consideraration the fact that grave no. 34 from Dobrzankow perfectly corresponds 114 to the finds from the Eastern Carpathian area and belongs to the initial phase of A2 stage (around 140-90/80 BC), we consider that the grave from Mana could be dated within the same chronological horizon. At the same time, for a better argumentation of the specified date, we consider to bring into discussion some items that are not included in the category of weapons, but being associated, can serve as good chronological indicators. Among the finds calling special attention, a bronze situlae can be observed. The item from Mana (Fig. 5/2) belongs to a group of vessels without traces of handle mounting system. Vessels of this category were equipped with a handle mounting system that did not involve welding or riveting. Nearly identical items have been found in the immediate vicinity, in Bădeni (Sanie 1973, p. 427, pl. 11/3; Sanie 1981, p. 60, fig. 56/3; Chirica and Tanasachi 1985, p. 365) and in the burial in Sipoteni (Sergeev 1956, p. 135-141, fig. 2-3; Fedorov 1960, p. 25-26), as well as in more distant regions, as in the case of the find from the grave no. 1094 in Poienesti, which connect with the same area of Poienești-Lucașeuca type finds (Babeş 1993, p. 32, 87, 88; Teodor 1997, p. 65 (cat. no. 116); Tentiuc et alii 2016, p. 41 (n. 6); Bochnac and Opielowska-Nowak 2017, p. 177 (no. 19); Spânu 2022, fig. 1, 5). Likewise, similar items come from the so-called “strange deposits” in Marjevka (Raev et alii, p. 483-488), Veselaja Dolina (Redina and Simonenko 2002, p. 78-96) and Bădragii Noi (Yarovoy and Chirkov 1989, p. 20-22, fig. 14/1), and the latter item definitely had an iron “necklace” consisting of two semicircular elements joined together around the neck of the vessel (Tentiuc et alii 2016, p. 42-47, fig. 27). This type of bronze vessels was widespread in the territories from Spain to the Middle Volga region, but is completely absent in the Balkans, South and East of the Danube (Bochnak 2020, fig. 5 and bibliography; Spânu 2022, fig. 6 and bibliography). Some researchers consider that these vessels originate from a Romanized Celtic milieu, imitating the Roman forms (Wielowiejski 1985, p. 157, fig. 2; Dąbrowska 1988, p. 177, 189-192; Bochnak and Opielowska-Nowak 2017, p. 176; Bochnak 2020, p. 139). They were probably made somewhere in Gallia Narbonensis or Hispania and correspond to the characteristics from the sites of Vieille-Toulouse and Villanueva de Córdoba (Bochnak and OpielowskaNowak 2017, p. 177; Bochnak 2020, p. 139-140; Treyster 2020, p. 59-60, 80; Glebov et alii 2020, p. 375-376). These bronze vessels dated from the second half of the 2nd century BC until the beginning of the 1st century BC (Bolla et alii 1991, p. 11-13, fig. 1, 5; Bochnak 2020, p. 139-140). M.B. Shchukin drew attention to the presence of artefacts originated from the Iberian Peninsula to the Northern part of the Black Sea region, in the context of the Mithridatic wars (Shchukin 1989, p. 239; Shchukin 1994, p. 143). T. Bochnak and Z. Opielowska-Nowak wondered whether the penetration of this type of situla, in the context of the Mithridatic wars, should be associated with the Roman auxiliary troops (whose property went to the allies of Mithridates, of wich the Bastarnae worth special attention) or with the possible campaings of the Scordisci who invaded Macedonia and Greece during the wars between Rome and Mithridates (Bochnak and Opielowska-Nowak 2017, p. 176). Other researchers consider them products of Italic origin, wich was spread in the aforementioned regions during the LT D1 period (Spânu 2022). The earliest finds of this type are discovered in the Apennine Peninsula, being dated to the end of the 3rd century - the beginning of the 2nd century BC (Bochnak 2020, p. 138 with bibliography). Items found outside of Italy are dated more recent, corresponding to the LT D1 period (Tentiuc et alii 2015, p. 230-231 and 234 with bibliography; Tentiuc et alii 2016, p. 48-52 with bibliography; Iarmuschi 2016, p. 481, n. 78-83, Bochnak 2020, p. 142). The discovery of iron hoops in the oppidum at Manching confirms this dating (Jacobi 1974, p. 135 and 297, fig. 31, pls. 38, 647, 648). In the context of establishing chronological markers, it is important to note that the Kostrzewski B type fibulae were found in burials with situla from Sipoteni and Poienești. They are attested in large numbers in the Central-Northern and 115 Eastern regions of Europe and were perceived as the “guiding fossil” of the LT C2 period (Hellström 2018, p. 33-34 with bibliography and fig. 12; Iarmulschi 2016, p. 483-486). At the same time, this type of fibulae is specific to the LT C2 and LT D1 periods of the PoieneștiLucașeuca culture (Spânu 2022). Silver finds from the grave inventory of burials from Poieneşti (no. 1189 and no. 1094) and Sipoteni4 suggest that the unusual use of silver in the Poienești-Lucașeuca milieu, the distribution of Kostrzewski B type fibulae and the import of Republican situlae in the Eastern Carpathian regions are relatively synchronous phenomena, this synchronism being possible only at the stage corresponding to the beginning of the LT D1 period (Spânu 2022). At the end of the discussion regarding the chronological position, we shall invoke another type of artifacts that should be taken into account, the Montefortino-type helmets, which appeared together with situlae at Veselaja Dolina (Redina and Simonenko 2002, p. 7896) and Marjevka (Raev et alii 1991, p. 483-488). The penetration of these items to the Northern Black Sea region is interpreted in different ways, but their chronological position is relatively uniform. Thus, in the early stages it was considered that these helmets could be the evidence of the Celtic mercenaries presence during their movement to East around the end of the 2nd century - the beginning of the 1st century BC (Treyster 1987, p. 5; Raev et alii 1990, p. 22; Treyster 1993, p. 791-798). Later, M. Shchukin hypothesized that the Montefortino helmets may have reached the Northern Black Sea region after the reorganization and rearmament of Mithridates' army before the second war with the Romans (Shchukin 1994, p. 143). Given that this responsibility was attributed to officers from Hispania, where Sertorius had started a rebellion against Pompey, it was admitted that some of the Hispanic helmets provided to Mithridates' soldiers had reached their allies (Shchukin 1994, p. 143). Later, A. Simonenko developed the same idea, and the penetration of these helmets to the Eastern Carpathian region and the Northern Black Sea regions was associated with the participation of the Sarmatians as allies of the Mithridates VI Eupator in the wars with Rome, as well as with the military reform of the Pontic king during the preparations for the second war in 83-81 BC (Bârcă and Symonenko 2009, p. 81, 82; Symonenko 2015, p. 282). Although similar opinions were expressed in other works (Kazakevich 2012, p.187, 188; Bârcă 2014, p. 355; Glebov et alii 2020; Bochnak and Opielowska-Nowak 2017, p. 175-177; Bochnak 2020, p. 133-159), not all researchers accepted these hypotheses. Thus, E. Eremenko dated the hoards of bronze objects to the LT C2 period (Eremenko 1997, p. 177), and, according to V. Mordvintseva and E. Redina, the Montefortino helmet from the Veselaia Dolina hoard is a Celtic import dating from the first half of the 2nd century BC (Mordvinceva and Redina 2013, p. 397-398). It should be mentioned that among the presumed Hispanic imports there may be objects dating from the 2nd or even the 3rd century BC (Shchukin 1989b, p. 239; Shchukin 1994, p. 143; Simonenko 2011b, p. 18, 19, 239), but their discussion is beyond the scope of our subject. Concluding the data regarding the burials with weapons, we point out that weapons were present not only in the graves belonging to adults (grave no. 29 from Borosești), but also in the graves of young men (Mana), and even in children’s graves (grave no. 592 from Poienești), which is quite rare in the contemporaneous cultures in Central-Northern Europe: Jastorf, Przeworsk and Oksywie. The correlation of the graves goods (bronze situla, celtic sword, spearheads, shield umbo, spurs, typical vessels for the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture, etc.) allow us to attribute these burials with weapons to the LT D1 period, or in absolute dating the time-span between the second half of the 2nd century BC (Borosești) and the first 4 The silver fibula from Sipoteni has a specific ornament, which indicates the A2 phase of the Przeworsk culture (Maciałowicz 2015, p. 282-283, fig. 7). 116 quarter of the 1st century BC (Mana, Răcătău, Dolineni). At the same time, it should be remembered that the new corrections proposed 85-80 BC for the end of LT D1 period (Rieckhoff 2018, p. 187-190, fig. 4-5; Stöckli 2018, p. 209-233). The synchronization of the Przeworsk culture with the La Tène chronology have also been revised, therefore the A2 phase of the Przeworsk culture corresponds to the later phase of LT C2 and LT D1 (150/140 70/60 BC by Polenz 1982, respectively, 150 - 85/80 by Kaenel 2014, Rieckhoff 2018 and Stöckli 2018). Based on the aforementioned observations, we find that many issues regarding the phenomenon of burials with weapons in the Eastern Carpathian region should be reconsidered. We will focus on two of them: chronological framework and their origin. Discussions According to an idea expressed in the archaeological literature, the appearance of burials with weapons in the Eastern Carpathian region is associated with the influences of the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group (Wozniak 1974, p. 81-82). The same conception, with certain particularities, was recently resumed by the authors who published the finds from Mana (Tentiuc et alii 2015, p. 234; Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 84), which led us to return to this topic. The authors argued that the analogies for some categories of grave goods from Mana are found in the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group, respectively, the burial should reflect contacts between these communities and Poienești-Lucașeuca milieu (Tentiuc et alii 2015, p. 234-235; Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 84). It is surprising that in the text, immediately after this statement, a quotation from Tacitus can be found, who, describing the life of the ancient Germans, mentioned that at the wedding a man should present a sword, a spear and a shield as a dowry, and at his death they had to accompany him (Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 85). In our opinion, this quotation from Tacitus would rather be an argument in support of a completely different statement, which the authors eventually had to propose it as a version. It is true that the assertion appeared in the conclusions section, a few pages from the Tacitus’ quote, and was put forward with great caution and without being debated: we cannot exclude the possibility that the influence of some Germanic groups that came from Northwestern Europe, probably following the Celtic groups / tribes, which infiltrated the Poienești-Lucașeuca milieu until the end of the 1st century BC (Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 96-97). As a result, the authors preferred the first assertion, concluding that the presence of weaponry and clothing suggest the influence of the Panagjurski-Kolonii group and can be explained by the consequences of the military campaigns of the Bastarnae against the Illyrian-Thracian tribes in the Balkans, as well as those against the Romans, at the beginning of the 1st century BC (Bubulici et alii 2016, 84, 96). Moreover, despite the fact that the majority of the identified chronological markers indicate at the LT D1 period, the burial from Mana was linked to the time of Burebista's campaign on the Black Sea and his conquests in Eastern Dacia (Tentiuc et alii 2015, p. 240; Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 97). Thus, beyond the exemplary meticulous research undertaken by our colleagues, at least two aspects of their interpretations remain subject of clarification and discussion: the chronology of the Mana burial and the issue of possible connections that contributed to the continuity of the tradition of the deposition of weaponry in burials in the Eastern Carpathian region. Before we focus on the latter, we should not forget that the dating of the graves with weapons, as we observed earlier, belongs to the LT D1 period, or absolute dating, the end of the 2nd century - the first quarter of the 1st century BC. However, such chronology would mean a discrepancy between the chronological markers of the Mana burial and Burebista's campaigns to the East. Starting from the established chronology and the phenomenological divergence, to which a series of observations correlated with discoveries after the publication of this burial are added, we shall ask ourselves: is there any connection between the 117 appearance of graves with weapons in the Eastern Carpathian region, having analogies in the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group, and the Burebista's campaign to the East? Before presenting new observations and discoveries, it is worth paying attention to a common feature for all the burials with weapons found to the East of the Carpathians: the absence of curved sica-type daggers (typical for the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group). This is undoubtedly the most visible and suggestive observation, but certain reservations could persist over this argument. First of all, we shall remark a note of the authors of the publication of Mana materials regarding the hypothetical existence of a curved knife5 in the list of discoveries (Zanoci et alii 2015, p. 215, note 6; Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 73, note 5). Secondly, we shall mention three other sica daggers in the Eastern Carpathian region: Trebujeni-Potârca6 (Topal and Bubulici 2016), Poiana (Sîrbu and Borangic 2016, p. 84, fig. 8/3) and Răcătău (Sîrbu and Borangic 2016, p. 85, fig. 8/6). All these finds regarding the penetration of this type of weapon to the Eastern Carpathian region, taken together, shall be treated with caution, since future discoveries may radically change the data on this issue. However, beyond the previous observations, we have to take into consideration the lack of curved knives in the burial complexes of the end of the first millennium BC in the Eastern Carpathian region, which essentially distinguishes them from the traditions of the funerary rite of the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group. Therefore, these differences, and especially the context of the symbolic role of the curved knife (Rustoiu 2018, p. 69-91) lead us to believe that supporting the hypothesis of the influence of groups of warriors from the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group (characterized by sica daggers) on the tradition of burials with weapon in the Eastern regions would require additional arguments. Moreover, some finds relating to this period probably indicate the possibility of influences in the opposite direction. Thus, recent discoveries from Bălăneşti (Marinoiu et alii 2016, p. 211-225; Spânu 2018, p. 239-252; Sîrbu and Dâvîncă 2019, p. 273-304) allow to provide additional perspective on this hypothesis. We mean here two group of objects coming from illegal exavations, which, however, do not allow us to clearly distinguish either the context of discovery or their associations. The first group consists of two curved daggers, a dagger scabbard, a spear, a rectangular buckle, a Kostrzewski type K fibula, two nails and a small bronze ring. The second group consists of a bent knife, two rings, a bracelet with a tubular body and free ends, a small rivet, a blade tip (dagger/knife?), two hemispherical buttons and a middle La Tène fibula (Spânu 2018, p. 239, plates I-III). If the sword, scabbard, curved daggers and spear are relatively common elements for the Panagjurski-Kolonii group (without taking into account the context of discovery, we should keep in mind the area which they were found in), then the Kostrzewski K type fibula and the iron bracelet with a tubular body are completely foreign to this region and may testify distant cultural connections, which deserves particular attention. We will focus on these two objects, the analysis of which has already been performed by by the researcher D. Spânu (Spânu 2018, p. 241-44). Iron bracelet with a tubular body. It should be noted right from the beginning that such items are not typical for burials of Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group, but are found in cemeteries of the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture, where they are found together with Babeș type II.3.a-b and II.4.a-b type fibulae (Spânu 2018, 243, fig. 2). The seriation of these artefacts have shown that the tubular bracelets are more common in graves belonging to the “Y” phase according to M. Babeș chronology (Babeș 1993, 148, fig. 44) or to the third phase according to the chronology proposed by V. Iarmulschi (Iarmulschi 2016, p. 489), and can be 5 This artefact is considered lost. Fortuitous find. The Trebujeni-Potârca site is characterized by archaeological remains that can be attributed to the Getic and Poienești-Lucașeuca cultures (Niculiță et alii 2019; Iarmulschi 2020, p. 136). 6 118 synchronized with the LT D1 period (Iarmulschi 2016, p. 486, 488, fig. 13; 15; Spânu 2018, p. 243). Thus, the bracelet with a tubular body and free ends from the second group from Bălănești, due to the analogies originating from the Eastern Carpathian region, can be interpreted as evidence of contacts between the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture and PadeaPanagjurski Kolonii group. The Kostrzewski K type fibula. Although in the archaeological literature there exist references to similar finds in nearby regions, the fibula from the second group from Bălănești can be considered the first “authentic” Kostrzewski K item in Romania, as described by D. Spânu (Spânu 2018, p. 241 with bibliography). The closest analogy to this type of fibulae was found in one of the northernmost sites of the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture, the settlement from Kruglik (Pachkova 1977, p. 26, fig. 3/ middle; Eremenko 1997, p. 116), while the rest of the finds originate from more distant regions. In general, the Kostrzewski K type fibula is considered one of the common feature of the burials of the Przeworsk, Oksiwie and Jastorf cultures (Völling 1994, p. 162; Meyer 2001, p. 161-162, Abb. 11; Bockius and Łuczkiewicz 2004, p. 32-33, Karte 11; Völling 2005, p. 104-109), but is also found in the Central European oppida (Demetz 1999, p. 194-195). In both regions, these fibulae are dated to LT D1-LT D2 period (Völling 2005, p. 108-109; Brandt 2001, p. 83; Döhlert-Albani 2014, p. 239; Bockius and Łuczkiewicz 2004, p. 40-42; Tab. 1-2), with a possible extension of time in the Southern area (Demetz 1999, p. 194-195). It is highly probable that the Kostrzewski K type fibula first appeared during the LT D1 period in the Jastorf and Przeworsk areas (Spânu 2018, p. 242), from where was spread to Central Europe and continued to be used until the LT D2 period (Spanu 2018, p. 242 with bibliography). As we already mentioned on another occasion, the fibula from Kruglik can be dated to LT D1 period, or in absolute dating, the last quarter of the 2nd century - the first decades of the 1st century BC (Iarmulschi 2018, 34; Iarmulschi and Munteanu 2020, 154). The item from Bălănești was considered to be an import that could have penetrated even after the end of the LT D1 period, closer to the middle of the 1st century BC (Spânu 2018, p. 242). The question arises, how did this fibula appear in this region? Two hypotheses have already been put forward to determine the routes of penetration of the Kostrzewski K type fibula to the Danube region: either due to Central European contacts, through the Middle Danube River basin to the Bohemia and Moravia regions, or due to Eastern Carpathian contacts with the Przeworsk area, mediating by the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture (Spânu 2018, p. 242). Providing arguments that we consider pertinent, D. Spânu chooses the second option (Spânu 2018, p. 242). On the one hand, this statement can be based on relatively well-documented connections of the Poienești-Lucașeuca milieu with the Central and Northern Europe cultures (including those in the late stages of evolution) (Babeș 1993, p. 161-162; Iarmulschi 2014, p. 23-24; Meyer et alii 2017, p. 10; Iarmulschi 2021a, p. 313325; Iarmulschi 2021b, p. 107-112; Iarmulschi and Munteanu 2020, p. 147-160). On the other hand, the connections established between Poienești-Lucașeuca communities and the late La Tène groups from regions further West of the culture area is becoming more perceptible in the light of new discoveries and more susceptibille to the circulation of goods, including from East to West (Spânu 2018, p. 244-245; Iarmulschi and Munteanu 2020, p. 156-158). An exemple of contacts between the North-Central regions of Europe and the PoieneștiLucașeuca communities in the later stages of their evolution can be the Rechteckfibel from Dolineni (Smirnova 1981, p. 193, fig. 4/7; Iarmulschi 2019, p. 367-375 with bibliography), which is an unusual type of brooch not only for the Carpathian-Dniester region, but throughout Eastern Europe. Their spreading area reaches even the Lower Elbe region (Völling 1994, Abb. 10; Völling 2005, Karte 7; Iarmulschi 2021, fig. 4) The nearest similar object was found at a distance of about 900 km from the Dolineni fibula (Iarmulschi 2021, p. 373). Taking into account the late dating of the Dolineni fibula (Babeș 1993, p. 149; Iarmulschi 119 2012, p. 91; Iarmulschi 2016, p. 482; Iarmulschi 2020, p. 371-372), we consider that this object, along with Babeș I type buckles (Babeș 1993, p. 99-100, fig. 26), indicates an influence from the Northern regions (mainly from the Jastorf cultural area) in the the evolution of the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture. Most probably, this influence could be the result of a new wave of population movement from Northern Germany and Southern Denmark (Babeș 1993, p. 153, 161-162; Iarmulschi 2013, p. 29-30; Iarmulschi 2016, p. 472-473, 481482; Iarmulschi 2020, p. 373), involving in this process the communities of the Przeworsk and Oksywie cultures east of the Oder (Babeș 1993, p. 161-162; Iarmulschi 2014, p. 23-24; Meyer et alii 2017, p. 10; Iarmulschi 2020, p. 373). Thus, the Rechteckfibel from Dolineni could be an additional argument in support of the hypothesis about the complexity of the connections of the populations of North-Central Europe with the Eastern Carpathian regions. The deposition of weaponry in the Eastern Carpathian region are similar to the tradition of the cultures of the North of Central Europe and the grave goods are almost identical to those from the burials of the Przeworsk and Oksywie cultures. This fact makes us more and more inclined to admit that the similarity of the traditions of the Eastern Carpathian region with the traditions of North-Central and Central Europe is due, rather, to influences resulting from connections with the North-Western area, and not with the South-Western one. In this regard, it should be mentioned that almost all finds from warrior graves in the Eastern Carpathian region are associated with the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture area (Fig. 2), originated in the traditions of North-Central Europe, maintaining connections with the area of its origin over time. In these burials, the rites and rituals characteristic for the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture are largely observed, obviously except for the presence of weaponry. The phenomenon of weaponry deposition in the Poienești-Lucașeuca graves is sporadic and relatively late, but it is still connected to certain Przeworsk and Oksywie traditions. These connections also include the deposition of bear phalanxes, which is a typical feature of burials in the Elbe River basin (Schönfelder 1994 with bibliography; Bochnac and OpielowskaNowak 2017, p. 173). Moreover, except the iron bracelets, almost all metal objects from the Mana grave are supra-regional items that have good analogies in the Przeworsk culture (Dąbrowska 1988, p. 179; Schönfelder 1994; Dąbrowska 2004, p. 79, 86). Despite the fact that further explanations will be required in future, the existence of these connections allows to be attributed these graves to the Poienești-Lucașeuca communities. Respectively, the custom of deposition of ritual destruction and deformation of weaponry can be considered evidence of the Przeworsk culture influence. At the same time, the hypothesis of some influences of the La Tène culture are obviously remaining valid (Dąbrowska, 1988, p. 177; Bochnac and Opielowska-Nowak 2017, p. 177). Alongside with these observations can be added those about the juvenile burials among the funerary discoveries to the East of the Carpathians, some graves belonging to children (Mana and Poienești). From our point of view, this phenomenon reflects, rather, the ritual of the Poienești-Lucașeuca population, and not the burials of some foreign warriors during campaigns. In our opinion, the appearance of graves with weapons (both in the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture cemeteries and outside them, but within the cultural area), characterized by similar rites and rituals, could reflect the existence of groups of warriors in the Poienești-Lucașeuca milieu. Under the influence of the time trends, they could have been involved in mercenary activity, which became more and more in demand during this period, and the funeral rite testifies a clear delimitation of their social rank, both mature warriors and those in the period of formation. These aspects are in line with written sources about the warlike character of the Bastarnae (including Tacitus' information on the value of weapons as dowry and grave goods) and information about the participation of these peoples in military campaigns in the Balkans (including the campaigns of the Macedonians of Philip II against the Romans, which are quite early compared to the 120 events we have focused on. It is highly probable that these early campaigns could be confirmed by finds of fragments of faceted ceramic vessels found in Morești (Horedt 1954, p. 199-217; Horedt 1955, p. 643-686; Horedt 1965, p. 54-75, Berecki 2008), Șeușa (Ferencz 2006, p. 49-71) in Transylvania, or at Satu Nou in Dobruja (Conovici 1992, p. 3-15). The warlike character of the Bastarnae (at least of some warrior elites) in the advanced phases of culture (LT D1)7, could be reflected precisely by the graves with weapons that we have analyzed, and their contextualization will be discussed further. In this regard, we shall take into account the hypotheses linking the appearance of these graves, as well as similar ones in the Northern Black Sea region, with actions specific to the Mithridatic Wars, in which various communities around Pontus were involved (Treister 1992, p. 40-42; Shchukin 1989a, p. 239; Shchukin 1994, p. 143; Redina and Simonenko 2002, p. 85-86; Simonenko 2014, p. 265; Bochnak 2020, 144-145; Glebov et alii 2020, p. 376). Although the majority of researchers are increasingly inclined to a such interpretation of the phenomenon, we observe other opinions. Among them, the recent observations of D. Spânu regarding the spread of the Mana type situla in the Balkan Peninsula deserve attention. They belong to the Sava-Drava corridor, which in the middle and late La Tène period was dominated by the Mokronog and Belgrade groups. Therefore, the author considers that the elites of the respective groups could have controlled and mediated the spread of Republican products further to the East (Spânu 2022, fig. 6-7). Expanding the analysis of the distribution of bronze buckets and contextualizing them with other finds of Republican bronze objects, the author comes to the conclusion that these discoveries would allow the correlation of the late La Tène periodizations of pre-Roman Dacia with those of Central Europe. From this point of view, the contexts of burial no. 1094 from Poieneşti and burial from Sipoteni are considered to be relevant, which are among the rare Poienești-Lucașeuca finds with silver objects. Therefore, as the author concludes, the bronze situlae found within the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture may reflect a particular phase of this culture, when its bearers could receive Mediterranean imports and, most likely, could significantly contribute to their subsequent redistribution to the North, as, for example, in the case of Zubowice in Poland, or to the Northern Black Sea region (Spânu 2022, fig. 6). Such a scenario would determine the trajectory of the distribution of late Republican bronze objects, including situlae, which, according to the researcher, before reaching the Northeast of the Balkan Peninsula, had to cross the Adriatic regions (Spânu 2022). Considering that this type of situlae is practically missing throughout the entire Romanian space up to the Carpathians, being concentrated in the area of the PoieneștiLucașeuca culture with distribution in the so-called “strange deposits” from Veselaja Dolina and Badragii Noi, we believe that this hypothesis should have a more convincing explanation for such situlae distribution. Accordingly, at this stage of the research we consider that the spread of bronze situlae in burials with weapons, as well as those dating from the same period as the “strange deposits” is more justified in terms of the hypothesis associated with the Mithridatic wars. However, we should not forget about the position expressed by T. Bochnak and Z. Opielowska-Nowak. Assuming that the penetration of this type of situlae occurred during the period of the Mithridatic Wars, the authors wonder whether their spread should be associated with the Roman auxiliary troops or with the possible actions of the Scordisci who invaded Macedonia The earliest grave with weapons known so far in the Poienești-Lucașeuca milieu is grave no. 29 from Borosești. In all likelihood, this burial structure dates back to the LT C2 phase. 7 121 and Greece during the wars between Rome and Mithridates (Bochnak and OpielowskaNowak 2017, p. 176). Obviously, this issue is too broad and too complex to discuss it right. At the moment, in the context of our discussion, we can observethe emergence of a general picture, indicating the continuous relationships of Poienești-Lucașeuca culture with the Latenized population of the North-Central regions of Europe. 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