Summary
Tomasz Bochnak (Pologne) - Les «Herodiens» et les «Zelotes», Deux attitudes face à
l’armement des tombes de la culture de Przeworsk au début de la période préromaine tardive.
Remarques à la marge d’un essai de A. J. Toynbee, Islam, the West, and the Future ....... ....7
Vlad Cărăbiși (Romania) - Early Iron Age graves with fibulae in Basarabi and postBasarabi type cemeteries ...................................................................................................... 23
Alexandra Comșa (Romania) - Cremation and some of its aspects in the Romanian Bronze
Age .......................................................................................................................................... 39
Katarina Dmitrović (Serbia), Barry Molloy (Ireland) - Contribution to of the Early Bronze
Age chronology in the region of West Morava River, Serbia ............................................... 49
Olena Dzneladze, Denis Sikoza (Ukraine) - Cenotaph from Chervony Mayak necropolis.65
Marija Ljuština (Serbia) - Bronze Age funerary practices on the Pešter Plateau and
neighbouring regions of Western Serbia ............................................................................... 71
Dragoș Măndescu (Romania) - A small deposit of iron tools from Furești (Dobrești
Commune, Argeș County) ...................................................................................................... 87
Roxana Munteanu (Romania) - Weapons of choice. A review of the Early/Middle Bronze
Age shaft-hole axes from Eastern Romania ........................................................................... 97
Octavian Munteanu, Mihai Băț, Vasile Iarmulschi, Aurel Zanoci (Rep. of Moldova) Late La Tène Burials with weapons in the Eastern Carpathian Forest-Steppe: cultural
connections with Central Europe ....................................................................................... 111
Liana Oța, Valeriu Sîrbu (Romania) - Sarmatian graves from North-Eastern Wallachia –
a case study .......................................................................................................................... 135
Aurel Rustoiu, Iosif Vasile Ferencz (Romania) - Graves with La Tène weapons and fluid
cultural identities. New discoveries from South-Western Transylvania .............................. 153
Cristian Schuster, Valeriu Sîrbu (Romania) - The tumulus from Baldovineşti (Brăila
County): a reassessment....................................................................................................... 169
5
Cristian Schuster, Done Șerbănescu (Romania) - Burials, necropolises and human bones
in non-funerary context from the Getic Times on the Lower Argeş Basin (Giurgiu and
Călăraşi Countries, Romania) ............................................................................................. 197
Valeriu Sîrbu, Sebastian Matei (Romania) - Dead inside Settlements versus Dead in
Tumuli Necropolises in the Dacian World. Three Cases from East of the Carpathians: Brad,
Răcătău, and Poiana ............................................................................................................ 219
Sergey Skory, Vitalii Okatenko (Ukraine) - Bronze staff-mace from the first Karavan
Barrow of the Early Scythian Period (Ukrainian Left-Bank Forest-Steppe)........................253
6
LATE LA TÈNE BURIALS WITH WEAPONS IN THE EASTERN CARPATHIAN
FOREST-STEPPE: CULTURAL CONNECTIONS WITH CENTRAL EUROPE1
Octavian MUNTEANU, Mihail BĂȚ,
Vasile IARMULSCHI, Aurel ZANOCI
(Chișinău – Rep. of Moldova)
Key-words: Late Iron Age, Poienești-Lucașeuca culture, warriors, burials with weapons, bronze situla,
Kostrzewski K type fibula, cultural connections.
Abstract: The article presents five burials with weapons discovered in the Eastern Carpathian region,
three from cemeteries (Borosești, Poienești and Dolineni) and two isolated finds (Răcatău and Mana). In terms
of geographical distribution, it should be mentioned that these features are associated with the PoieneștiLucașeuca culture area (Fig. 2), originated in the traditions of North-Central Europe. Even the phenomenon of
burials containing weaponry is sporadic in this area and relatively late, based on the grave goods and according
to the analysis of the long-distance contacts and human mobility, the authors assign these features to the
Poienești-Lucașeuca communities. Respectively, the custom of deposition of ritual destruction and deformation
of weaponry is considered as evidence of the Przeworsk culture influence. The correlation of the graves goods
(bronze situla, celtic sword, spearheads, shield umbo, spurs, typical vessels for the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture,
etc.) allow to attribute these burials with weapons to the LT D1 period, or in absolute dating the time-span
between the second half of the 2nd century BC (Borosești) and the first quarter of the 1st century BC (Mana,
Răcătău, Dolineni). In the authors' opinion, the appearance of graves with weapons could reflect the existence of
groups of warriors in the Poienești-Lucașeuca milieu.
Introduction
The subject of the research is determined by a set of funerary discoveries from the EastCarpathian forest-steppe in the Late La Tène period and characterized by presence of
weapons. Before proceeding directly to the topic, it should be noted that the warrior graves
found in the eastern Carpathian forest-steppe correspond to a chronological segment and
space which is defined by complicated and complex cultural, economic and, certainly, ethnic
transformations. These transformations, which began at the end of the 3rd century BC in the
Eastern Carpathian forest-steppe, have determined the expression of a new cultural
phenomenon, known in literature as the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture (Fig. 2). It is important to
note that starting with the second half of the 3rd century BC, similar processes occured on a
territory expanding from the South-Western coast of the North Sea to the middle course of the
Dnieper river and the Carpathian-Dniester forest-steppe. These transformations led to the
appearance of new archaeological cultures: Jastorf (Ripdorf and Seedorf phases), Oksywie,
Przeworsk, Zarubintsy and Poienești-Lucașeuca (Fig. 1). These cultures are similar to each
other in a number of elements of material culture, among which the most expressive are the
fine pottery with faceted rim along with barbotine coarse pottery, Middle and Late La Tène
brooches (Fig. 3), as well as in the manifestation of spiritual traditions: cremation practice and
deposition of burned human remains in flat graves. According to M. Shchukin, all these
cultures constitute the third world of barbarian tribes from Europe (Shchukin 1989b, p. 56-62;
Shchukin 1994, p. 15). At the same time, east of the Carpathians, outside the forest-steppe
region, the further evolution of Getic communities entered in a particular phase of
development, similar to the communities from the southern regions of the Carpathians. The
This research was conducted within the Project 20.80009.1606.14 “The archaeological heritage of the Iron Age
in the Middle Dniester region and the Cogâlnic River basin: interdisciplinary research and scientific
development”.
1
evolution of communities located inside the Carpathian arc is enfolded to the same
phenomenon. All these regions will experience the tendency of cultural uniformity, which
will continue in the following periods. As a distinct element of the the communities from the
Carpathian-Danubian-Pontic region is to be reminded the drastic reduction of the number of
graves (almost to extinction), a phenomenon that would have known, in this time, a quasigeneralization in large regions of Europe: from Black Sea region to Brittany. In the context of
this lack of graves, there are underlined the “traditional” funerary sites of the PoieneștiLucașeuca culture, as well as a concentration of warrior graves in the Danube Gorges region,
characterized by deposition of weaponry, which includes curved knives. With a core in the
Balkans, this tradition will extend to the North of the Danube, first in Oltenia, then in Western
Muntenia and later inside the Carpathian Basin (Łuczkiewicz and Schönfelder 2008, fig. 2;
Borangic 2020, fig. 1) having reminescences in more distant regions. It is worth mentioning
that the presence of curved daggers in the burial complexes from Malaja Kopanja
(Коtigoroshko 2009b, p. 58-133; Коtigoroshko 2015, p. 27-29; Sîrbu and Borangic 2016,
p. 79-80) and at Zemplin (Budinsky-Kricka and Lamiová-Schmiedlová 1990, pl. 1/3), as well
as those from the opposite direction: curved daggers from Histria (Pippidi et alii 1959, p. 309,
fig. 11; Rustoiu 2002, p. 41-46, fig. 27/2) and Poiana (Sîrbu and Borangic 2016, p. 84, no. 41,
figs. 8/3 and 35/6); a Celtic sword with a scabbard at Callatis (Rustoiu 2000, p. 278).
Obviously, they are followed by burials with weapons from the Eastern Carpathian foreststeppe. Our attention shall be focused on the latter, both in terms of constituent elements and,
in particular, in terms of the processes underlying these cultural manifestations.
Burials with weapons in the Eastern Carpathian forest-steppe
So far, only five warrior graves with weapons belonging to this period are known in the
Eastern Carpathian forest-steppe (Fig. 2): grave no. 29 from the Borosești cemetery (Babeş
1993, p. 185, Taf. 5); grave no. 43 from the Dolineni cemetery (Smirnova and Megei 2000,
p. 163, fig. 6); grave no. 5922 from Poienești cemetery (Babeș 1993, p. 213, pl. 38/10); an
isolated grave from Răcatău (Vulpe and Căpitanu 1971, p. 161); an isolated grave from Mana
(Tentiuc et alii 2015, p. 221-248; Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 73-75). In order to analyze them
later and interpret their meaning, we will review these five burials3, according to the number
of artifacts related to weapons.
Borosești, grave no. 29 (Fig. 4). Cremation burial in a cinerary urn with lid. A black pot
with faceted rim was used as a funerary urn. It was covered with a bowl also made from fine
clay. About 1/3 of the urn’s capacity was filled with burned bones and a small quantity of
coals and ashes. The burned bones belonged to an adult male. In the urn were found: a shield
umbo; a spearhead; a fragmentary brooch close to the Kostrzewski B variant, and an iron
knife (type I.1 according to Babeș). A Celtic sword, ritually bent in its scabbard, was placed
near the urn.
Mana, isolated grave (Fig. 5). Cremation burial in a cinerary urn with lid. The urn was a
bronze situla covered with a bowl with faceted rim made from fine clay. The funerary
inventory contains an iron sword in a scabbard (the object was ritually bent), an iron
spearhead; a shield umbo, two iron spurs, two iron parts of a belt, an iron spiral bracelet and
10 bear distal phalanges. According to the anthropological analysis perfomed by A.
Based on the presence of weaponry in this children’s grave (infans I), we can admit that the status of the
individual from grave no. 592 was established by his membership and relation to a group of warriors.
3
To these can be added two fortuitous discoveries of sicae, which would suggest the existence of other warriors’
graves: Poiana (Sîrbu and Borangic 2016, p. 84) and Potârca (Topal and Bubulich 2016, p. 253-260; Niculiță
et alii 2019, p. 48-49). Due to the lack of certainty, we do not include these finds in our analysis.
2
112
Simalcsik, the burned remains found in this grave belonged to a male adolescent (14-16 years
old) (Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 87).
Răcătău, isolated grave (Fig. 6). The fortuitous discovery consisted of a bronze vessel
that most likely served as a funeral urn, a fragment of another bronze cauldron, fragments of
chain mail, a fragment of an iron sword, a fragment of a shield umbo, a fragment of a black
vessel with faceted rim.
Poienești, grave no. 592 (Fig. 7). Cremation burial in a cinerary urn with a lid. A pot
made of fine clay served as an urn. It was covered with a bowl, also made of fine clay, besides
a few calcined bones (infans I), a spearhead was found in the urn.
Dolineni, grave no. 43 (Fig. 8). Cremation burial in a cinerary urn with a lid. The
bottom of a handmade bowl served as an urn. A bowl, preserved fragmentarily, served as the
lid. Grave inventory was composed of a fragment of a bronze ring, two glass beads, an iron
tube and an iron spearhead.
Analogies and chronology
On the following pages, we will briefly discuss each of the types of the objects
mentioned, tracing their analogies and delimiting their chronological framework.
Double-edged swords. Such objects, as we have already mentioned, were found in three
burials: grave no. 29 from Borosești (Fig. 4/9) and isolated graves from Mana (Fig. 5/12) and
Răcătau (Fig. 6/9). According to the typology elaborated by P. Luczkiewicz, such swords
belong to the I/1 type and are usually dated to the end of LT C2 and LT D1 (Łuczkiewicz
2006, p. 23-76) From a territorial point of view, the closest analogies for this type of sword
were attested at the sites of Malaja Kopanja (Kotigoroshko 2008, p. 35-45; Kotigoroshko
2015, p. 26, fig. 27-28) and Callatis (Rustoiu 2000, p. 278). The next finds come from the
Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group (Zirra 1971, p. 235; Wozniak 1974, p. 87-94; Eskenasy
1977, p. 63; Tačeva 1978, p. 325-337; Domaradzki 1986, p. 228-229; Rustoiu et alii 20012002, p. 112-113 with bibliography; Rustoiu 2001, p. 181-182, 184-185, fig. 2) as well as
from the warriors graves from the territory of Ukraine (Mikhaylovskiy 2010, p. 107-110;
Terpilovskiy 2010, p. 146-153; Terpilovskiy and Bilinskaja 2010, p. 46, fig. 2/3; Terpilovskiy
and Zharov 2013, p. 409-419; Łuczkiewicz and Terpilovskij 2013, p. 155-174). However, the
most numerous finds come from Slovenia and Croatia (Knežević-Jovanović 2003, p. 292-296
with bibliography; Knez 1977, pls. 3/8, 7/1, 4; Guštin 1977: grave no. 1 Dobov - T. 4 and
grave no. 2 - T.; Zabó-Petres 1992: kat. 115, pl. 109-112, kat. 140, pl. 126), as well as from
sites in Southern Germany (Sievers 2010, Taf. 2/2-3; Curdy et alii 2012, p. 58). We also
know such swords in the Przeworsk culture, where, as we have mentioned above, they are
dated to end of A1 phase and A2 phase, which corresponds to the period between the end of
LT C2 and LT D1 (Łuczkiewicz 2006, p. 25, 67; Łuczkiewicz 2021, p. 43-54 with
bibliography). In the area of the Jastorf culture are found only a small number of such
weapons (Hachmann 1960, 32, pl. XVIII/x; Eggers, Stary 2001, pl. 100/2; Mangeldorf and
Schönfelder 2001, fig. 3/4b).
Spearheads. Such weapons were found in four graves: Borosești (Fig. 4/4), Mana
(Fig. 5/8), Poienești (Fig. 7) and Dolineni (Fig. 8/5). Although they belong to different types,
we find numerous analogies for these objects in the Celtic environment from the Central
Europe, in Przeworsk and Jastorf cultures (Domański 1975, p. 29-30, 31-32, 79; Łuczkiewicz
and Schönfelder 2008, p. 171, 172; Maciałowicz 2016, p. 89-90; Spânu 2020, p. 109-110), as
well as in the regions of South-Eastern Europe – in the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group and
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Dacian culture (Nicolescu-Plopşor 1945-47, pls. I/4, 5, 7, III/2, V/1, 3-5; Teodosiev and
Torbov 1995, figs. 22, 33; Sîrbu, Rustoiu 1999, p. 80, fig. 3; Sîrbu and Borangic 2015, p. 371372, figs. 1/2 and 2/1;). Usually, such items are dated to phase LT D1 (Łuckiewicz 2006,
p. 105), or in absolute dating, the last quarter of the 2nd century and the first half of the 1st
century BC.
Shield umbos were found in three graves: Borosești (Fig. 4/5), Mana (Fig. 5/6-7) and
Racătău (Fig. 6/10). Such artefacts have been analyzed by S. Sievers. According to the
German researcher, umbos with rectangular wings and the central ovoid part were used by the
Celts in southern Germany in the period LT C2, respectively, between 175 and 125 BC
(Sievers 2010, p. 32, fig. 15). The analogies of the item from Mana and, most likely, of the
one from Răcătău, exist in the Oksywie culture. It should be noted that according to
Luczkiewicz’s typology such items belong to B3 type and date back to A2 phase and the
beginning of A3 phase of the Oksywie culture, or in absolute dating, the second half of the 2nd
century - the third quarter of the 1st century BC (Łuckiewicz 2006, p. 82-83). Such items are
also known in the Celtic world, where they are usually dated to LT D1 (Sievers 1995, p. 136;
Bockius and Łuckiewicz 2004, p. 82). In the Dacian milieu such objects are also dated
between the second half of the 2nd century and the middle or the second half of the 1st
century BC, i.e. burials from Popești, Dubova, Cugir, etc. (Borangic 2017, p. 166-167, with
bibliography).
Spurs were found only in the burial from Mana (Fig. 5/4). According to the typology of
J. Ginalski, such items belong to A type (Ginalski 1991, p. 55), and the typology elaborated
by C. Dima attribute them to II.b type (Dima 2005, p. 179-195). We know analogies to such
itmes in the Przeworsk culture, where they date back to the A2 phase or in absolute dating,
the end of the 2nd century - the first quarter of the 1st century BC (Godlowski 1977, p. 14).
Such objects are also often found in the Dacian milieu, where they were widely distributed
from the second half of the 2nd century BC to the 1st century AD (Dima 2005, p. 182-183).
Fragments of a chain mail were found only in the grave from Răcătău (Fig. 6/6). The
oldest find in the Barbaricum (Hjortspring, in Denmark) can be dated to the middle of the 4th
century BC (Flemming 2003, p. 213-217), and the oldest analogy in the nearby regions comes
from the Celtic burial at Ciumeşti, dated to the middle of the 3rd century BC (Rustoiu 2008,
p. 166; Borangic 2017, p. 151), as well as from the burial at Horný Jatov (Benadik et alii
1957, p. 31-32). We also know analogies to chain mail in later periods, for example, among
the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group (Borangic 2017, p. 151) and in the Dacian sites –
Zemplin, Divici, Poiana, Sarmisegetuza Regia etc. (Borangic 2017, p. 152, with
bibliography). The warrior aristocracy in the North of the Danube had been using this
equipment from the 2nd century BC (Borangic and Paliga 2013, p. 8; Borangic 2017, p. 152153).
Developing the subject of the chronology of the finds of weapons in the Eastern
Carpathian area, our attention is focused on the grave no. 34 from the Dobrzankow cemetery,
where a sword, a scabbard, a shield umbo, a round buckle (all items have very good analogies
with finds from Mana), and a fibula of the Kostrzewski K type were discovered (Dabrowska
1988, tabl. 13). T. Dąbrowska dated this grave to the beginning of the A2 phase of the
Przeworsk culture (Dabrowska 1988, tabl. 13), and according to the latest research in this area
(Mistewicz et alii 2021, p. 100) the A2 phase of the Przeworsk culture corresponds to the
final phase of LT C2 and LT D1, around 150/140-70/60 BC (according to Polenz 1982).
Taking into consideraration the fact that grave no. 34 from Dobrzankow perfectly corresponds
114
to the finds from the Eastern Carpathian area and belongs to the initial phase of A2 stage
(around 140-90/80 BC), we consider that the grave from Mana could be dated within the same
chronological horizon. At the same time, for a better argumentation of the specified date, we
consider to bring into discussion some items that are not included in the category of weapons,
but being associated, can serve as good chronological indicators. Among the finds calling
special attention, a bronze situlae can be observed. The item from Mana (Fig. 5/2) belongs to
a group of vessels without traces of handle mounting system. Vessels of this category were
equipped with a handle mounting system that did not involve welding or riveting. Nearly
identical items have been found in the immediate vicinity, in Bădeni (Sanie 1973, p. 427, pl.
11/3; Sanie 1981, p. 60, fig. 56/3; Chirica and Tanasachi 1985, p. 365) and in the burial in
Sipoteni (Sergeev 1956, p. 135-141, fig. 2-3; Fedorov 1960, p. 25-26), as well as in more
distant regions, as in the case of the find from the grave no. 1094 in Poienesti, which connect
with the same area of Poienești-Lucașeuca type finds (Babeş 1993, p. 32, 87, 88; Teodor
1997, p. 65 (cat. no. 116); Tentiuc et alii 2016, p. 41 (n. 6); Bochnac and Opielowska-Nowak
2017, p. 177 (no. 19); Spânu 2022, fig. 1, 5). Likewise, similar items come from the so-called
“strange deposits” in Marjevka (Raev et alii, p. 483-488), Veselaja Dolina (Redina and
Simonenko 2002, p. 78-96) and Bădragii Noi (Yarovoy and Chirkov 1989, p. 20-22,
fig. 14/1), and the latter item definitely had an iron “necklace” consisting of two semicircular
elements joined together around the neck of the vessel (Tentiuc et alii 2016, p. 42-47, fig. 27). This type of bronze vessels was widespread in the territories from Spain to the Middle
Volga region, but is completely absent in the Balkans, South and East of the Danube
(Bochnak 2020, fig. 5 and bibliography; Spânu 2022, fig. 6 and bibliography). Some
researchers consider that these vessels originate from a Romanized Celtic milieu, imitating
the Roman forms (Wielowiejski 1985, p. 157, fig. 2; Dąbrowska 1988, p. 177, 189-192;
Bochnak and Opielowska-Nowak 2017, p. 176; Bochnak 2020, p. 139). They were probably
made somewhere in Gallia Narbonensis or Hispania and correspond to the characteristics
from the sites of Vieille-Toulouse and Villanueva de Córdoba (Bochnak and OpielowskaNowak 2017, p. 177; Bochnak 2020, p. 139-140; Treyster 2020, p. 59-60, 80; Glebov et alii
2020, p. 375-376). These bronze vessels dated from the second half of the 2nd century BC
until the beginning of the 1st century BC (Bolla et alii 1991, p. 11-13, fig. 1, 5; Bochnak 2020,
p. 139-140). M.B. Shchukin drew attention to the presence of artefacts originated from the
Iberian Peninsula to the Northern part of the Black Sea region, in the context of the
Mithridatic wars (Shchukin 1989, p. 239; Shchukin 1994, p. 143). T. Bochnak and Z.
Opielowska-Nowak wondered whether the penetration of this type of situla, in the context of
the Mithridatic wars, should be associated with the Roman auxiliary troops (whose property
went to the allies of Mithridates, of wich the Bastarnae worth special attention) or with the
possible campaings of the Scordisci who invaded Macedonia and Greece during the wars
between Rome and Mithridates (Bochnak and Opielowska-Nowak 2017, p. 176). Other
researchers consider them products of Italic origin, wich was spread in the aforementioned
regions during the LT D1 period (Spânu 2022).
The earliest finds of this type are discovered in the Apennine Peninsula, being dated to
the end of the 3rd century - the beginning of the 2nd century BC (Bochnak 2020, p. 138 with
bibliography). Items found outside of Italy are dated more recent, corresponding to the LT D1
period (Tentiuc et alii 2015, p. 230-231 and 234 with bibliography; Tentiuc et alii 2016,
p. 48-52 with bibliography; Iarmuschi 2016, p. 481, n. 78-83, Bochnak 2020, p. 142). The
discovery of iron hoops in the oppidum at Manching confirms this dating (Jacobi 1974, p. 135
and 297, fig. 31, pls. 38, 647, 648). In the context of establishing chronological markers, it is
important to note that the Kostrzewski B type fibulae were found in burials with situla from
Sipoteni and Poienești. They are attested in large numbers in the Central-Northern and
115
Eastern regions of Europe and were perceived as the “guiding fossil” of the LT C2 period
(Hellström 2018, p. 33-34 with bibliography and fig. 12; Iarmulschi 2016, p. 483-486). At the
same time, this type of fibulae is specific to the LT C2 and LT D1 periods of the PoieneștiLucașeuca culture (Spânu 2022). Silver finds from the grave inventory of burials from
Poieneşti (no. 1189 and no. 1094) and Sipoteni4 suggest that the unusual use of silver in the
Poienești-Lucașeuca milieu, the distribution of Kostrzewski B type fibulae and the import of
Republican situlae in the Eastern Carpathian regions are relatively synchronous phenomena,
this synchronism being possible only at the stage corresponding to the beginning of the
LT D1 period (Spânu 2022).
At the end of the discussion regarding the chronological position, we shall invoke
another type of artifacts that should be taken into account, the Montefortino-type helmets,
which appeared together with situlae at Veselaja Dolina (Redina and Simonenko 2002, p. 7896) and Marjevka (Raev et alii 1991, p. 483-488). The penetration of these items to the
Northern Black Sea region is interpreted in different ways, but their chronological position is
relatively uniform. Thus, in the early stages it was considered that these helmets could be the
evidence of the Celtic mercenaries presence during their movement to East around the end of
the 2nd century - the beginning of the 1st century BC (Treyster 1987, p. 5; Raev et alii 1990,
p. 22; Treyster 1993, p. 791-798). Later, M. Shchukin hypothesized that the Montefortino
helmets may have reached the Northern Black Sea region after the reorganization and
rearmament of Mithridates' army before the second war with the Romans (Shchukin 1994,
p. 143). Given that this responsibility was attributed to officers from Hispania, where
Sertorius had started a rebellion against Pompey, it was admitted that some of the Hispanic
helmets provided to Mithridates' soldiers had reached their allies (Shchukin 1994, p. 143).
Later, A. Simonenko developed the same idea, and the penetration of these helmets to the
Eastern Carpathian region and the Northern Black Sea regions was associated with the
participation of the Sarmatians as allies of the Mithridates VI Eupator in the wars with Rome,
as well as with the military reform of the Pontic king during the preparations for the second
war in 83-81 BC (Bârcă and Symonenko 2009, p. 81, 82; Symonenko 2015, p. 282). Although
similar opinions were expressed in other works (Kazakevich 2012, p.187, 188; Bârcă 2014,
p. 355; Glebov et alii 2020; Bochnak and Opielowska-Nowak 2017, p. 175-177; Bochnak
2020, p. 133-159), not all researchers accepted these hypotheses. Thus, E. Eremenko dated
the hoards of bronze objects to the LT C2 period (Eremenko 1997, p. 177), and, according to
V. Mordvintseva and E. Redina, the Montefortino helmet from the Veselaia Dolina hoard is a
Celtic import dating from the first half of the 2nd century BC (Mordvinceva and Redina 2013,
p. 397-398). It should be mentioned that among the presumed Hispanic imports there may be
objects dating from the 2nd or even the 3rd century BC (Shchukin 1989b, p. 239; Shchukin
1994, p. 143; Simonenko 2011b, p. 18, 19, 239), but their discussion is beyond the scope of
our subject.
Concluding the data regarding the burials with weapons, we point out that weapons
were present not only in the graves belonging to adults (grave no. 29 from Borosești), but also
in the graves of young men (Mana), and even in children’s graves (grave no. 592 from
Poienești), which is quite rare in the contemporaneous cultures in Central-Northern Europe:
Jastorf, Przeworsk and Oksywie. The correlation of the graves goods (bronze situla, celtic
sword, spearheads, shield umbo, spurs, typical vessels for the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture,
etc.) allow us to attribute these burials with weapons to the LT D1 period, or in absolute
dating the time-span between the second half of the 2nd century BC (Borosești) and the first
4
The silver fibula from Sipoteni has a specific ornament, which indicates the A2 phase of the Przeworsk culture
(Maciałowicz 2015, p. 282-283, fig. 7).
116
quarter of the 1st century BC (Mana, Răcătău, Dolineni). At the same time, it should be
remembered that the new corrections proposed 85-80 BC for the end of LT D1 period
(Rieckhoff 2018, p. 187-190, fig. 4-5; Stöckli 2018, p. 209-233). The synchronization of the
Przeworsk culture with the La Tène chronology have also been revised, therefore the A2
phase of the Przeworsk culture corresponds to the later phase of LT C2 and LT D1 (150/140 70/60 BC by Polenz 1982, respectively, 150 - 85/80 by Kaenel 2014, Rieckhoff 2018 and
Stöckli 2018). Based on the aforementioned observations, we find that many issues regarding
the phenomenon of burials with weapons in the Eastern Carpathian region should be
reconsidered. We will focus on two of them: chronological framework and their origin.
Discussions
According to an idea expressed in the archaeological literature, the appearance of
burials with weapons in the Eastern Carpathian region is associated with the influences of the
Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group (Wozniak 1974, p. 81-82). The same conception, with
certain particularities, was recently resumed by the authors who published the finds from
Mana (Tentiuc et alii 2015, p. 234; Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 84), which led us to return to this
topic. The authors argued that the analogies for some categories of grave goods from Mana
are found in the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group, respectively, the burial should reflect
contacts between these communities and Poienești-Lucașeuca milieu (Tentiuc et alii 2015,
p. 234-235; Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 84). It is surprising that in the text, immediately after this
statement, a quotation from Tacitus can be found, who, describing the life of the ancient
Germans, mentioned that at the wedding a man should present a sword, a spear and a shield as
a dowry, and at his death they had to accompany him (Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 85). In our
opinion, this quotation from Tacitus would rather be an argument in support of a completely
different statement, which the authors eventually had to propose it as a version. It is true that
the assertion appeared in the conclusions section, a few pages from the Tacitus’ quote, and
was put forward with great caution and without being debated: we cannot exclude the
possibility that the influence of some Germanic groups that came from Northwestern Europe,
probably following the Celtic groups / tribes, which infiltrated the Poienești-Lucașeuca milieu
until the end of the 1st century BC (Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 96-97). As a result, the authors
preferred the first assertion, concluding that the presence of weaponry and clothing suggest
the influence of the Panagjurski-Kolonii group and can be explained by the consequences of
the military campaigns of the Bastarnae against the Illyrian-Thracian tribes in the Balkans, as
well as those against the Romans, at the beginning of the 1st century BC (Bubulici et alii
2016, 84, 96). Moreover, despite the fact that the majority of the identified chronological
markers indicate at the LT D1 period, the burial from Mana was linked to the time of
Burebista's campaign on the Black Sea and his conquests in Eastern Dacia (Tentiuc et alii
2015, p. 240; Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 97).
Thus, beyond the exemplary meticulous research undertaken by our colleagues, at least
two aspects of their interpretations remain subject of clarification and discussion: the
chronology of the Mana burial and the issue of possible connections that contributed to the
continuity of the tradition of the deposition of weaponry in burials in the Eastern Carpathian
region. Before we focus on the latter, we should not forget that the dating of the graves with
weapons, as we observed earlier, belongs to the LT D1 period, or absolute dating, the end of
the 2nd century - the first quarter of the 1st century BC. However, such chronology would
mean a discrepancy between the chronological markers of the Mana burial and Burebista's
campaigns to the East. Starting from the established chronology and the phenomenological
divergence, to which a series of observations correlated with discoveries after the publication
of this burial are added, we shall ask ourselves: is there any connection between the
117
appearance of graves with weapons in the Eastern Carpathian region, having analogies in the
Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group, and the Burebista's campaign to the East? Before
presenting new observations and discoveries, it is worth paying attention to a common feature
for all the burials with weapons found to the East of the Carpathians: the absence of curved
sica-type daggers (typical for the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group). This is undoubtedly the
most visible and suggestive observation, but certain reservations could persist over this
argument. First of all, we shall remark a note of the authors of the publication of Mana
materials regarding the hypothetical existence of a curved knife5 in the list of discoveries
(Zanoci et alii 2015, p. 215, note 6; Bubulici et alii 2016, p. 73, note 5). Secondly, we shall
mention three other sica daggers in the Eastern Carpathian region: Trebujeni-Potârca6 (Topal
and Bubulici 2016), Poiana (Sîrbu and Borangic 2016, p. 84, fig. 8/3) and Răcătău (Sîrbu and
Borangic 2016, p. 85, fig. 8/6). All these finds regarding the penetration of this type of
weapon to the Eastern Carpathian region, taken together, shall be treated with caution, since
future discoveries may radically change the data on this issue. However, beyond the previous
observations, we have to take into consideration the lack of curved knives in the burial
complexes of the end of the first millennium BC in the Eastern Carpathian region, which
essentially distinguishes them from the traditions of the funerary rite of the Padea-Panagjurski
Kolonii group. Therefore, these differences, and especially the context of the symbolic role of
the curved knife (Rustoiu 2018, p. 69-91) lead us to believe that supporting the hypothesis of
the influence of groups of warriors from the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group (characterized
by sica daggers) on the tradition of burials with weapon in the Eastern regions would require
additional arguments. Moreover, some finds relating to this period probably indicate the
possibility of influences in the opposite direction.
Thus, recent discoveries from Bălăneşti (Marinoiu et alii 2016, p. 211-225; Spânu 2018,
p. 239-252; Sîrbu and Dâvîncă 2019, p. 273-304) allow to provide additional perspective on
this hypothesis. We mean here two group of objects coming from illegal exavations, which,
however, do not allow us to clearly distinguish either the context of discovery or their
associations. The first group consists of two curved daggers, a dagger scabbard, a spear, a
rectangular buckle, a Kostrzewski type K fibula, two nails and a small bronze ring. The
second group consists of a bent knife, two rings, a bracelet with a tubular body and free ends,
a small rivet, a blade tip (dagger/knife?), two hemispherical buttons and a middle La Tène
fibula (Spânu 2018, p. 239, plates I-III). If the sword, scabbard, curved daggers and spear are
relatively common elements for the Panagjurski-Kolonii group (without taking into account
the context of discovery, we should keep in mind the area which they were found in), then the
Kostrzewski K type fibula and the iron bracelet with a tubular body are completely foreign to
this region and may testify distant cultural connections, which deserves particular attention.
We will focus on these two objects, the analysis of which has already been performed by by
the researcher D. Spânu (Spânu 2018, p. 241-44).
Iron bracelet with a tubular body. It should be noted right from the beginning that such
items are not typical for burials of Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group, but are found in
cemeteries of the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture, where they are found together with Babeș type
II.3.a-b and II.4.a-b type fibulae (Spânu 2018, 243, fig. 2). The seriation of these artefacts
have shown that the tubular bracelets are more common in graves belonging to the “Y” phase
according to M. Babeș chronology (Babeș 1993, 148, fig. 44) or to the third phase according
to the chronology proposed by V. Iarmulschi (Iarmulschi 2016, p. 489), and can be
5
This artefact is considered lost.
Fortuitous find. The Trebujeni-Potârca site is characterized by archaeological remains that can be attributed to
the Getic and Poienești-Lucașeuca cultures (Niculiță et alii 2019; Iarmulschi 2020, p. 136).
6
118
synchronized with the LT D1 period (Iarmulschi 2016, p. 486, 488, fig. 13; 15; Spânu 2018,
p. 243). Thus, the bracelet with a tubular body and free ends from the second group from
Bălănești, due to the analogies originating from the Eastern Carpathian region, can be
interpreted as evidence of contacts between the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture and PadeaPanagjurski Kolonii group.
The Kostrzewski K type fibula. Although in the archaeological literature there exist
references to similar finds in nearby regions, the fibula from the second group from Bălănești
can be considered the first “authentic” Kostrzewski K item in Romania, as described by D.
Spânu (Spânu 2018, p. 241 with bibliography). The closest analogy to this type of fibulae was
found in one of the northernmost sites of the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture, the settlement from
Kruglik (Pachkova 1977, p. 26, fig. 3/ middle; Eremenko 1997, p. 116), while the rest of the
finds originate from more distant regions. In general, the Kostrzewski K type fibula is
considered one of the common feature of the burials of the Przeworsk, Oksiwie and Jastorf
cultures (Völling 1994, p. 162; Meyer 2001, p. 161-162, Abb. 11; Bockius and Łuczkiewicz
2004, p. 32-33, Karte 11; Völling 2005, p. 104-109), but is also found in the Central European
oppida (Demetz 1999, p. 194-195). In both regions, these fibulae are dated to LT D1-LT D2
period (Völling 2005, p. 108-109; Brandt 2001, p. 83; Döhlert-Albani 2014, p. 239; Bockius
and Łuczkiewicz 2004, p. 40-42; Tab. 1-2), with a possible extension of time in the Southern
area (Demetz 1999, p. 194-195). It is highly probable that the Kostrzewski K type fibula first
appeared during the LT D1 period in the Jastorf and Przeworsk areas (Spânu 2018, p. 242),
from where was spread to Central Europe and continued to be used until the LT D2 period
(Spanu 2018, p. 242 with bibliography). As we already mentioned on another occasion, the
fibula from Kruglik can be dated to LT D1 period, or in absolute dating, the last quarter of the
2nd century - the first decades of the 1st century BC (Iarmulschi 2018, 34; Iarmulschi and
Munteanu 2020, 154). The item from Bălănești was considered to be an import that could
have penetrated even after the end of the LT D1 period, closer to the middle of the 1st
century BC (Spânu 2018, p. 242). The question arises, how did this fibula appear in this
region? Two hypotheses have already been put forward to determine the routes of penetration
of the Kostrzewski K type fibula to the Danube region: either due to Central European
contacts, through the Middle Danube River basin to the Bohemia and Moravia regions, or due
to Eastern Carpathian contacts with the Przeworsk area, mediating by the Poienești-Lucașeuca
culture (Spânu 2018, p. 242). Providing arguments that we consider pertinent, D. Spânu
chooses the second option (Spânu 2018, p. 242). On the one hand, this statement can be based
on relatively well-documented connections of the Poienești-Lucașeuca milieu with the Central
and Northern Europe cultures (including those in the late stages of evolution) (Babeș 1993,
p. 161-162; Iarmulschi 2014, p. 23-24; Meyer et alii 2017, p. 10; Iarmulschi 2021a, p. 313325; Iarmulschi 2021b, p. 107-112; Iarmulschi and Munteanu 2020, p. 147-160). On the other
hand, the connections established between Poienești-Lucașeuca communities and the late La
Tène groups from regions further West of the culture area is becoming more perceptible in the
light of new discoveries and more susceptibille to the circulation of goods, including from
East to West (Spânu 2018, p. 244-245; Iarmulschi and Munteanu 2020, p. 156-158). An
exemple of contacts between the North-Central regions of Europe and the PoieneștiLucașeuca communities in the later stages of their evolution can be the Rechteckfibel from
Dolineni (Smirnova 1981, p. 193, fig. 4/7; Iarmulschi 2019, p. 367-375 with bibliography),
which is an unusual type of brooch not only for the Carpathian-Dniester region, but
throughout Eastern Europe. Their spreading area reaches even the Lower Elbe region (Völling
1994, Abb. 10; Völling 2005, Karte 7; Iarmulschi 2021, fig. 4) The nearest similar object was
found at a distance of about 900 km from the Dolineni fibula (Iarmulschi 2021, p. 373).
Taking into account the late dating of the Dolineni fibula (Babeș 1993, p. 149; Iarmulschi
119
2012, p. 91; Iarmulschi 2016, p. 482; Iarmulschi 2020, p. 371-372), we consider that this
object, along with Babeș I type buckles (Babeș 1993, p. 99-100, fig. 26), indicates an
influence from the Northern regions (mainly from the Jastorf cultural area) in the the
evolution of the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture. Most probably, this influence could be the result
of a new wave of population movement from Northern Germany and Southern Denmark
(Babeș 1993, p. 153, 161-162; Iarmulschi 2013, p. 29-30; Iarmulschi 2016, p. 472-473, 481482; Iarmulschi 2020, p. 373), involving in this process the communities of the Przeworsk
and Oksywie cultures east of the Oder (Babeș 1993, p. 161-162; Iarmulschi 2014, p. 23-24;
Meyer et alii 2017, p. 10; Iarmulschi 2020, p. 373). Thus, the Rechteckfibel from Dolineni
could be an additional argument in support of the hypothesis about the complexity of the
connections of the populations of North-Central Europe with the Eastern Carpathian regions.
The deposition of weaponry in the Eastern Carpathian region are similar to the tradition
of the cultures of the North of Central Europe and the grave goods are almost identical to
those from the burials of the Przeworsk and Oksywie cultures. This fact makes us more and
more inclined to admit that the similarity of the traditions of the Eastern Carpathian region
with the traditions of North-Central and Central Europe is due, rather, to influences resulting
from connections with the North-Western area, and not with the South-Western one. In this
regard, it should be mentioned that almost all finds from warrior graves in the Eastern
Carpathian region are associated with the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture area (Fig. 2), originated
in the traditions of North-Central Europe, maintaining connections with the area of its origin
over time. In these burials, the rites and rituals characteristic for the Poienești-Lucașeuca
culture are largely observed, obviously except for the presence of weaponry. The
phenomenon of weaponry deposition in the Poienești-Lucașeuca graves is sporadic and
relatively late, but it is still connected to certain Przeworsk and Oksywie traditions. These
connections also include the deposition of bear phalanxes, which is a typical feature of burials
in the Elbe River basin (Schönfelder 1994 with bibliography; Bochnac and OpielowskaNowak 2017, p. 173). Moreover, except the iron bracelets, almost all metal objects from the
Mana grave are supra-regional items that have good analogies in the Przeworsk culture
(Dąbrowska 1988, p. 179; Schönfelder 1994; Dąbrowska 2004, p. 79, 86). Despite the fact
that further explanations will be required in future, the existence of these connections allows
to be attributed these graves to the Poienești-Lucașeuca communities. Respectively, the
custom of deposition of ritual destruction and deformation of weaponry can be considered
evidence of the Przeworsk culture influence. At the same time, the hypothesis of some
influences of the La Tène culture are obviously remaining valid (Dąbrowska, 1988, p. 177;
Bochnac and Opielowska-Nowak 2017, p. 177). Alongside with these observations can be
added those about the juvenile burials among the funerary discoveries to the East of the
Carpathians, some graves belonging to children (Mana and Poienești). From our point of
view, this phenomenon reflects, rather, the ritual of the Poienești-Lucașeuca population, and
not the burials of some foreign warriors during campaigns. In our opinion, the appearance of
graves with weapons (both in the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture cemeteries and outside them,
but within the cultural area), characterized by similar rites and rituals, could reflect the
existence of groups of warriors in the Poienești-Lucașeuca milieu. Under the influence of the
time trends, they could have been involved in mercenary activity, which became more and
more in demand during this period, and the funeral rite testifies a clear delimitation of their
social rank, both mature warriors and those in the period of formation. These aspects are in
line with written sources about the warlike character of the Bastarnae (including Tacitus'
information on the value of weapons as dowry and grave goods) and information about the
participation of these peoples in military campaigns in the Balkans (including the campaigns
of the Macedonians of Philip II against the Romans, which are quite early compared to the
120
events we have focused on. It is highly probable that these early campaigns could be
confirmed by finds of fragments of faceted ceramic vessels found in Morești (Horedt 1954,
p. 199-217; Horedt 1955, p. 643-686; Horedt 1965, p. 54-75, Berecki 2008), Șeușa (Ferencz
2006, p. 49-71) in Transylvania, or at Satu Nou in Dobruja (Conovici 1992, p. 3-15). The
warlike character of the Bastarnae (at least of some warrior elites) in the advanced phases of
culture (LT D1)7, could be reflected precisely by the graves with weapons that we have
analyzed, and their contextualization will be discussed further.
In this regard, we shall take into account the hypotheses linking the appearance of these
graves, as well as similar ones in the Northern Black Sea region, with actions specific to the
Mithridatic Wars, in which various communities around Pontus were involved (Treister 1992,
p. 40-42; Shchukin 1989a, p. 239; Shchukin 1994, p. 143; Redina and Simonenko 2002,
p. 85-86; Simonenko 2014, p. 265; Bochnak 2020, 144-145; Glebov et alii 2020, p. 376).
Although the majority of researchers are increasingly inclined to a such interpretation of the
phenomenon, we observe other opinions.
Among them, the recent observations of D. Spânu regarding the spread of the Mana
type situla in the Balkan Peninsula deserve attention. They belong to the Sava-Drava corridor,
which in the middle and late La Tène period was dominated by the Mokronog and Belgrade
groups. Therefore, the author considers that the elites of the respective groups could have
controlled and mediated the spread of Republican products further to the East (Spânu 2022,
fig. 6-7). Expanding the analysis of the distribution of bronze buckets and contextualizing
them with other finds of Republican bronze objects, the author comes to the conclusion that
these discoveries would allow the correlation of the late La Tène periodizations of pre-Roman
Dacia with those of Central Europe. From this point of view, the contexts of burial no. 1094
from Poieneşti and burial from Sipoteni are considered to be relevant, which are among the
rare Poienești-Lucașeuca finds with silver objects. Therefore, as the author concludes, the
bronze situlae found within the Poienești-Lucașeuca culture may reflect a particular phase of
this culture, when its bearers could receive Mediterranean imports and, most likely, could
significantly contribute to their subsequent redistribution to the North, as, for example, in the
case of Zubowice in Poland, or to the Northern Black Sea region (Spânu 2022, fig. 6). Such a
scenario would determine the trajectory of the distribution of late Republican bronze objects,
including situlae, which, according to the researcher, before reaching the Northeast of the
Balkan Peninsula, had to cross the Adriatic regions (Spânu 2022).
Considering that this type of situlae is practically missing throughout the entire
Romanian space up to the Carpathians, being concentrated in the area of the PoieneștiLucașeuca culture with distribution in the so-called “strange deposits” from Veselaja Dolina
and Badragii Noi, we believe that this hypothesis should have a more convincing explanation
for such situlae distribution. Accordingly, at this stage of the research we consider that the
spread of bronze situlae in burials with weapons, as well as those dating from the same period
as the “strange deposits” is more justified in terms of the hypothesis associated with the
Mithridatic wars. However, we should not forget about the position expressed by T. Bochnak
and Z. Opielowska-Nowak.
Assuming that the penetration of this type of situlae occurred during the period of the
Mithridatic Wars, the authors wonder whether their spread should be associated with the
Roman auxiliary troops or with the possible actions of the Scordisci who invaded Macedonia
The earliest grave with weapons known so far in the Poienești-Lucașeuca milieu is grave no. 29 from
Borosești. In all likelihood, this burial structure dates back to the LT C2 phase.
7
121
and Greece during the wars between Rome and Mithridates (Bochnak and OpielowskaNowak 2017, p. 176).
Obviously, this issue is too broad and too complex to discuss it right. At the moment, in
the context of our discussion, we can observethe emergence of a general picture, indicating
the continuous relationships of Poienești-Lucașeuca culture with the Latenized population of
the North-Central regions of Europe. At the same time, there exist no contradictions in terms
of the connection between the communities of the Eastern Carpathian forest-steppe and the
communities of the Danube Gorge through movements with an East-West vector; the nature
of these movements from the first half of the 1st century BC will be analyzed in more detailed
in future.
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p. 171-238.
Octavian MUNTEANU
“Ion Creangă” State Pedagogical University of Chișinău
E-mail: ocmunteanu@gmail.com
Mihail BĂȚ
Moldova State University, Chișinău
E-mail: mb_usm@yahoo.com
Vasile IARMULSCHI
Free University of Berlin /
National Museum of History of Moldova, Chișinău
E-mail: vasile.iarmulschi@gmail.com
Aurel ZANOCI
Moldova State University, Chișinău
E-mail: azanoci@gmail.com
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